Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.12.16.3.367
Yukyung Yeo
The rise of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) under Chinese leadership has fueled debate on how it will affect existing regional and global economic governance. Yet, little attention has been paid to the internal impetus that actually motivates China to design a new regional development bank that focuses on infrastructure. Aiming to fill this gap, this study focuses on domestic ideas and political-economic interests China is seeking to achieve. I argue that the AIIB has been part of China’s consistent policy of “going out (zouchuqu)” since the early 2000s. This study suggests that China has strong interests in sharing not only its financial and political burdens with member countries, but also its development experiences centered on infrastructure investments with developing countries. Moreover, the AIIB’s high standards of governance help the Chinese leadership gain legitimacy for mobilizing substantial reform of domestic economic governance.
{"title":"China’s Policy of “Going Out” 2.0 : Ideas, Interests, and the Rise of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)","authors":"Yukyung Yeo","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.12.16.3.367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.12.16.3.367","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) under Chinese leadership has fueled debate on how it will affect existing regional and global economic governance. Yet, little attention has been paid to the internal impetus that actually motivates China to design a new regional development bank that focuses on infrastructure. Aiming to fill this gap, this study focuses on domestic ideas and political-economic interests China is seeking to achieve. I argue that the AIIB has been part of China’s consistent policy of “going out (zouchuqu)” since the early 2000s. This study suggests that China has strong interests in sharing not only its financial and political burdens with member countries, but also its development experiences centered on infrastructure investments with developing countries. Moreover, the AIIB’s high standards of governance help the Chinese leadership gain legitimacy for mobilizing substantial reform of domestic economic governance.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49492464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.389
Alina Nomerovchenko, Jaechun Kim, William Kang
Since the Soviet dissolution in 1991, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan have pro- moted the most active foreign policies in the region. From a wide perspective, they both have much in common. They both were under Russian domination along with being ruled by their respective irremovable leaders. Despite all those commonalities, they both have taken different foreign policy paths. This article explores and discusses the interconnection between national identity and foreign policy construction in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan by examining comparatively at the driving forces through which the regimes adopted identities based upon historical narratives of their demographics that have led to the formation of divergent foreign policies (Uzbekistan’s unilateralism and Kazakhstan’s multilateralism). This article adopts the constructivist approach to answer the puzzle, where the theory delineates the connection and pertinence of national identity to foreign policy because the process of identifying the contrast of “self” and the “other” is socially constructed.
{"title":"Foreign Policy Orientation of Independent Central Asian States : Looking Through the Prism of Ideas and Identities","authors":"Alina Nomerovchenko, Jaechun Kim, William Kang","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.389","url":null,"abstract":"Since the Soviet dissolution in 1991, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan have pro- moted the most active foreign policies in the region. From a wide perspective, they both have much in common. They both were under Russian domination along with being ruled by their respective irremovable leaders. Despite all those commonalities, they both have taken different foreign policy paths. This article explores and discusses the interconnection between national identity and foreign policy construction in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan by examining comparatively at the driving forces through which the regimes adopted identities based upon historical narratives of their demographics that have led to the formation of divergent foreign policies (Uzbekistan’s unilateralism and Kazakhstan’s multilateralism). This article adopts the constructivist approach to answer the puzzle, where the theory delineates the connection and pertinence of national identity to foreign policy because the process of identifying the contrast of “self” and the “other” is socially constructed.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44130937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.12.16.3.335
S. Bae
The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) ensures formal equality among participating member states. However, previous literature emphasizes the interference of state interest and politics in undermining the universal peer evaluation mechanism. In this article, I argue that while the UPR shows certain bias in state behavior for providing recommendations, the UPR otherwise functions according to its purpose of condemning human rights violations. I find that member states’ human rights index scores and the level of democracy correlate with the number of recommendations received and the betweenness centrality measures. First, I apply social network analysis (SNA) on state interaction in the UPR literature enabling inter-network comparisons with international trade relations, military dispute, and alliance relationships. The QAP analyses depict that the UPR network has a low association with the military dispute network and the alliance network. Second, individual level analyses demonstrate that states with higher national capabilities and a greater amount of trade exports are more likely to provide recommendations. Nonetheless, higher human rights index levels lead to more recommendation providing activity while smaller in magnitude. However, the amount of recommendations received by a state suggests that states with low human rights records and low levels of democracy receive more recommendations. Furthermore, the betweenness centrality measures highly correlate with the human rights index and the level of democracy implying that the general standard of human rights influences the degree of state centrality in the UPR network. This study acknowledges the presence of politicization among states in providing recommendations, but also ensures that the UPR is shaming states according to its main purpose in criticizing the human rights violations of non-compliers.
{"title":"Power, Politicization, and Network Positions : Explaining State Participation in the UPR","authors":"S. Bae","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.12.16.3.335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.12.16.3.335","url":null,"abstract":"The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) ensures formal equality among participating member states. However, previous literature emphasizes the interference of state interest and politics in undermining the universal peer evaluation mechanism. In this article, I argue that while the UPR shows certain bias in state behavior for providing recommendations, the UPR otherwise functions according to its purpose of condemning human rights violations. I find that member states’ human rights index scores and the level of democracy correlate with the number of recommendations received and the betweenness centrality measures. First, I apply social network analysis (SNA) on state interaction in the UPR literature enabling inter-network comparisons with international trade relations, military dispute, and alliance relationships. The QAP analyses depict that the UPR network has a low association with the military dispute network and the alliance network. Second, individual level analyses demonstrate that states with higher national capabilities and a greater amount of trade exports are more likely to provide recommendations. Nonetheless, higher human rights index levels lead to more recommendation providing activity while smaller in magnitude. However, the amount of recommendations received by a state suggests that states with low human rights records and low levels of democracy receive more recommendations. Furthermore, the betweenness centrality measures highly correlate with the human rights index and the level of democracy implying that the general standard of human rights influences the degree of state centrality in the UPR network. This study acknowledges the presence of politicization among states in providing recommendations, but also ensures that the UPR is shaming states according to its main purpose in criticizing the human rights violations of non-compliers.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46487171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.411
Yaechan Lee
Most scholarship on the Korean-Japanese relationship has been focused on explaining what separates the Koreans from the Japanese rather than what had brought them together. Nevertheless, this article seeks to focus its analy- sis on what brought the two Koreas and Japan together. This article compares the South Korea-Japan normalization negotiations with the North Korea-Ja- pan negotiations and purports that the controversial issues that recurrently surfaced in the process of the negotiations ultimately did not serve as a big hindrance to furthering the normalization progress in the latter and conclud-ing negotiations in the former. Moreover, it suggests two possible scenarios under which normalization between North Korea and Japan could occur and concludes that Kim Jong-un’s personality will play the most critical role in de- termining the direction of normalization talks.
{"title":"What Brought Them Together? Comparative Analysis of the Normalization Processes of North Korea-Japan and South Korea-Japan","authors":"Yaechan Lee","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.411","url":null,"abstract":"Most scholarship on the Korean-Japanese relationship has been focused on explaining what separates the Koreans from the Japanese rather than what had brought them together. Nevertheless, this article seeks to focus its analy- sis on what brought the two Koreas and Japan together. This article compares the South Korea-Japan normalization negotiations with the North Korea-Ja- pan negotiations and purports that the controversial issues that recurrently surfaced in the process of the negotiations ultimately did not serve as a big hindrance to furthering the normalization progress in the latter and conclud-ing negotiations in the former. Moreover, it suggests two possible scenarios under which normalization between North Korea and Japan could occur and concludes that Kim Jong-un’s personality will play the most critical role in de- termining the direction of normalization talks.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43746126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.143
Edmund Frettingham, Yih-Jye Hwang
This paper explores the conclusions of recent research on the ethics of war in Chinese traditional political thought, asking how they have been shaped by understandings of the nature, meaning and significance of global ethical diversity. After outlining the major contours of Chinese traditional ethics of war, we propose that the significance of this material has been understood within the terms of both liberal and communitarian meta-ethical assumptions. These assumptions have shaped how the relationship between Chinese and Western traditions has been understood, limiting this research in unhelpful ways. While liberal assumptions lead to authors discounting the distinctiveness of Chinese traditions, communitarian approaches seek to find common ground between traditions to mitigate the danger of intercultural conflict. The common ground solution is ultimately undermined by the communitarian assumptions that made it seem urgent. In response to these problems, we propose that a more radically communitarian mode of engagement should guide the comparative dimension of research into non-Western ethics of war.
{"title":"The Tianxia System and the Search for a Common Ground in the Comparative Ethics of War","authors":"Edmund Frettingham, Yih-Jye Hwang","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.143","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the conclusions of recent research on the ethics of war in Chinese traditional political thought, asking how they have been shaped by understandings of the nature, meaning and significance of global ethical diversity. After outlining the major contours of Chinese traditional ethics of war, we propose that the significance of this material has been understood within the terms of both liberal and communitarian meta-ethical assumptions. These assumptions have shaped how the relationship between Chinese and Western traditions has been understood, limiting this research in unhelpful ways. While liberal assumptions lead to authors discounting the distinctiveness of Chinese traditions, communitarian approaches seek to find common ground between traditions to mitigate the danger of intercultural conflict. The common ground solution is ultimately undermined by the communitarian assumptions that made it seem urgent. In response to these problems, we propose that a more radically communitarian mode of engagement should guide the comparative dimension of research into non-Western ethics of war.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"45 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41285996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.08.16.2.283
Wooyeal Paik
Suburban China’s state-society relations have been in flux throughout the rapid urbanization, industrialization, and modernization during a three-decades-long market reform. One of the key consequences of different grassroots state-society relations in the suburbs is whether or not villages achieve sustainable profit-sharing development of collectively-owned land. This paper sheds lights on the relations between village leaders and villagers that determine the outcomes of collective land development. This paper argues that once the patron-client relationship between village leaders and upper-level state officials is cooperative, an important condition for many land developments in rural China, the nature of the relationship between village leaders and villagers—whether it is corporatist, patron-clientelist, or neither corporatist nor clientelist—determines the extent to which land-generated revenue is shared among villagers, a consequence of the suburban land business. Through such a conceptual approach and empirical findings based upon three sets of in-depth case studies with multiple comparative references from coastal regions in China, this paper shows that state-society relations in the suburbs and beyond is not fixed as a constantly contentious one, but rather is largely in flux and evolving.
{"title":"Chinese Suburban Villages’ State-Society Relations in Flux","authors":"Wooyeal Paik","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.08.16.2.283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.08.16.2.283","url":null,"abstract":"Suburban China’s state-society relations have been in flux throughout the rapid urbanization, industrialization, and modernization during a three-decades-long market reform. One of the key consequences of different grassroots state-society relations in the suburbs is whether or not villages achieve sustainable profit-sharing development of collectively-owned land. This paper sheds lights on the relations between village leaders and villagers that determine the outcomes of collective land development. This paper argues that once the patron-client relationship between village leaders and upper-level state officials is cooperative, an important condition for many land developments in rural China, the nature of the relationship between village leaders and villagers—whether it is corporatist, patron-clientelist, or neither corporatist nor clientelist—determines the extent to which land-generated revenue is shared among villagers, a consequence of the suburban land business. Through such a conceptual approach and empirical findings based upon three sets of in-depth case studies with multiple comparative references from coastal regions in China, this paper shows that state-society relations in the suburbs and beyond is not fixed as a constantly contentious one, but rather is largely in flux and evolving.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42326150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.203
Jae Jeok Park
This article first investigates China’s ‘delegitimizing rhetoric’ aimed at undermining a US-led regional order as a means of its balancing behavior against the United States at a low level. Second, as a case study the article looks into the US strategy of strengthening its alliances and security partnerships, which has been an essential component of retaining a US-led hegemonic order in the region, and China’s response to it. Third, the article examines how regional states have been attempting to carve out their space in the rhetorical confrontation between the United States and China.
{"title":"China’s Rhetorical Challenge to the US-led Order in the Asia-Pacific and the Response of Regional States","authors":"Jae Jeok Park","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.203","url":null,"abstract":"This article first investigates China’s ‘delegitimizing rhetoric’ aimed at undermining a US-led regional order as a means of its balancing behavior against the United States at a low level. Second, as a case study the article looks into the US strategy of strengthening its alliances and security partnerships, which has been an essential component of retaining a US-led hegemonic order in the region, and China’s response to it. Third, the article examines how regional states have been attempting to carve out their space in the rhetorical confrontation between the United States and China.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45594362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.08.16.2.253
S. Lee
In this study, it is argued that Internet-enabled opportunities for mobilization of elite-challenging politics are constrained by media systems in East and Southeast Asia. Particularly, Asian media systems are assumed to produce institutional constraints on digitally-mediated contexts of protest in that the wide reach of traditional news outlets increases the cost of access to alternative information sources. Multi-level modeling is thus used to test whether the impact of Internet use on unconventional political participation at the individual level is moderated by the presence of a mass-circulation print media at the countrywide level. The data came from the World Press Trends for media-system variables and the Asian Barometer Survey for the individual-level variables. It was found that, because Asian countries have a larger circulation of newspapers, unconventional political participation is predicted by Internet use to a lesser extent, but the impact of political interest was shown to increase. The findings suggest that, when media systems are structured by the development of a mass-circulation press, the mobilization capacity of digital networks is constrained by high information costs imposed by institutions on civil-society voices. Even if Internet use reduces the costs of grassroots organizing, its capacity to generate such organizing is contingent on users’ political interest to overcome the barriers to alternative information sources. Discussion is undertaken to address the political implications of Asian media systems.
{"title":"Why Does the Press Still Matter? Explaining the Conditional Effects of Online Mobilization of Protest on Newspaper Market Structures in Asia","authors":"S. Lee","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.08.16.2.253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.08.16.2.253","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, it is argued that Internet-enabled opportunities for mobilization of elite-challenging politics are constrained by media systems in East and Southeast Asia. Particularly, Asian media systems are assumed to produce institutional constraints on digitally-mediated contexts of protest in that the wide reach of traditional news outlets increases the cost of access to alternative information sources. Multi-level modeling is thus used to test whether the impact of Internet use on unconventional political participation at the individual level is moderated by the presence of a mass-circulation print media at the countrywide level. The data came from the World Press Trends for media-system variables and the Asian Barometer Survey for the individual-level variables. It was found that, because Asian countries have a larger circulation of newspapers, unconventional political participation is predicted by Internet use to a lesser extent, but the impact of political interest was shown to increase. The findings suggest that, when media systems are structured by the development of a mass-circulation press, the mobilization capacity of digital networks is constrained by high information costs imposed by institutions on civil-society voices. Even if Internet use reduces the costs of grassroots organizing, its capacity to generate such organizing is contingent on users’ political interest to overcome the barriers to alternative information sources. Discussion is undertaken to address the political implications of Asian media systems.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43930178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.169
Jinwon Lee
The Nuclear Suppliers Group was established to implement and enforce the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Compared to research on the NPT, there are few studies illustrating the origins or effectiveness of the NSG. This paper is designed to meet the need for more substantive analysis focusing on the NSG. To analyze the effectiveness of the NSG, three areas were examined: legal liability, reduced transaction costs, and clear and transparent information systems. As a result of analyzing these three issues, substantial evidence ex- ists that the NSG will be maintained and continue to work effectively to reduce the transaction and information costs; furthermore, high issue density of the NSG and its role in providing forums and meetings for negotiations also effectively reduces transaction costs. In addition, the NSG’s various information sharing systems, its regular meetings of technical experts, and the active participation of information-strong states has become a stepping stone to reducing the uncertainty and strengthening the NPT’s effectiveness. However, there are important limitations to the NSG’s effectiveness. There are several excep- tional cases, such as China and Russia’s export cases, that have harmed the integrity of the NSG regime. In addition, the membership extension issue has become a dilemma for the NSG. It is deemed necessary to initiate talks with non-membership states to achieve the long-term goal of non-proliferation, but this hinders optimization in terms of membership. Those limitations mitigate the effectiveness of the regime. Thus, it is necessary for the NSG to provide clear standards for full membership of the group and to clearly interpret the particular clauses of NSG guidelines.
{"title":"Evaluating the Effectiveness of the Nuclear Suppliers Group : A Functionalist Perspective on the Regime","authors":"Jinwon Lee","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.169","url":null,"abstract":"The Nuclear Suppliers Group was established to implement and enforce the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Compared to research on the NPT, there are few studies illustrating the origins or effectiveness of the NSG. This paper is designed to meet the need for more substantive analysis focusing on the NSG. To analyze the effectiveness of the NSG, three areas were examined: legal liability, reduced transaction costs, and clear and transparent information systems. As a result of analyzing these three issues, substantial evidence ex- ists that the NSG will be maintained and continue to work effectively to reduce the transaction and information costs; furthermore, high issue density of the NSG and its role in providing forums and meetings for negotiations also effectively reduces transaction costs. In addition, the NSG’s various information sharing systems, its regular meetings of technical experts, and the active participation of information-strong states has become a stepping stone to reducing the uncertainty and strengthening the NPT’s effectiveness. However, there are important limitations to the NSG’s effectiveness. There are several excep- tional cases, such as China and Russia’s export cases, that have harmed the integrity of the NSG regime. In addition, the membership extension issue has become a dilemma for the NSG. It is deemed necessary to initiate talks with non-membership states to achieve the long-term goal of non-proliferation, but this hinders optimization in terms of membership. Those limitations mitigate the effectiveness of the regime. Thus, it is necessary for the NSG to provide clear standards for full membership of the group and to clearly interpret the particular clauses of NSG guidelines.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46007078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-08-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.223
H. Seol
This research attempts to find answers to the questions of why Sub-Saharan African countries vary greatly in their levels of democratic institutionalization even though their democratic transitions happened almost simultaneously. Do multi-party systems permitting competitive elections pave the way for democracy or is democratic institutionalization better explained by other structural attributes or variables? To this end, this research explores various factors to explain democratic processes in the Sub-Saharan region of Africa. The five major approaches to explaining democratization, which include modernization, elites, civil society, political culture, and international relations, are tested by analyzing empirically the data having to do with political development throughout the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. From our analysis, we found that the two social variables of freedom of the press and corruption have more explanatory power for differing levels of democratization in the region.
{"title":"Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa : An Empirical Analysis","authors":"H. Seol","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.08.16.2.223","url":null,"abstract":"This research attempts to find answers to the questions of why Sub-Saharan African countries vary greatly in their levels of democratic institutionalization even though their democratic transitions happened almost simultaneously. Do multi-party systems permitting competitive elections pave the way for democracy or is democratic institutionalization better explained by other structural attributes or variables? To this end, this research explores various factors to explain democratic processes in the Sub-Saharan region of Africa. The five major approaches to explaining democratization, which include modernization, elites, civil society, political culture, and international relations, are tested by analyzing empirically the data having to do with political development throughout the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa. From our analysis, we found that the two social variables of freedom of the press and corruption have more explanatory power for differing levels of democratization in the region.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45517858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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