Pub Date : 2019-08-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.159
Alec Chung
This article aims to investigate the effects of trade on individuals’ views of China. Specifically, winners and losers of trade with China – in Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand –are expected to have different views of China. Using the Pew Research Center 2014 survey, the results of empirical analyses show that, regardless of whether they are expected to be the winners or not, educated individuals were more likely to view China as a threat to their country than the less educated. Meanwhile, although support for trade ties with other countries was positively associated with favorable opinions of China, in the upper-middleand high-income countries, it did not particularly reduce the likelihood of viewing China as a threat. In short, although trade can foster favorable views of China among individuals in East and Southeast Asia, China can still be regarded as a threat to their country.
本文旨在探讨贸易对个人对中国看法的影响。具体来说，与中国贸易的赢家和输家——印度尼西亚、日本、马来西亚、菲律宾、韩国和泰国——预计会对中国有不同的看法。根据皮尤研究中心(Pew Research Center) 2014年的调查，实证分析的结果显示，与受教育程度较低的人相比，无论他们是否有望成为赢家，受过教育的人更有可能将中国视为对他们国家的威胁。与此同时，尽管支持与其他国家建立贸易关系与对中国的好感呈正相关，但在中高收入国家中，这并没有特别降低将中国视为威胁的可能性。简而言之，尽管贸易可以在东亚和东南亚的个人中培养对中国的好感，但中国仍然可以被视为对他们国家的威胁。
{"title":"Effects of International Trade on East and Southeast Asians’ Views of China","authors":"Alec Chung","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.159","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to investigate the effects of trade on individuals’ views of China. Specifically, winners and losers of trade with China – in Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand –are expected to have different views of China. Using the Pew Research Center 2014 survey, the results of empirical analyses show that, regardless of whether they are expected to be the winners or not, educated individuals were more likely to view China as a threat to their country than the less educated. Meanwhile, although support for trade ties with other countries was positively associated with favorable opinions of China, in the upper-middleand high-income countries, it did not particularly reduce the likelihood of viewing China as a threat. In short, although trade can foster favorable views of China among individuals in East and Southeast Asia, China can still be regarded as a threat to their country.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47837730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.103
Richard J. Cook, Zhaoying Han, Maximilian Ohle, S. Jovanović
The practice international relations is routinely characterized as binary, which derive from two domains, either a scientific domain, which aims to seek factual knowledge, or a political/practical domain that seeks political action. Each operates on its own praxis and eidos and forms the fundamental differentiation between the domains that has governed the working ethics of international relations professionals for the better part of 70 years. Although these norms are still in place, the specialization of IR has begun to shift this traditional practice as a growing demand for more mid-level and level-specific research, gravitating around a world with increasing uncertainties is fuelling policy research demand. The extra demand has begun to pull scholars into the field of politics and political action. How does this affect identity and our interactions? What impact does this have on bridging the theorist-practitioner gap? And where does this leave IR pedagogy? This paper shall address these questions claiming that the gap should be bridged, but with the caveat of caution.
{"title":"Bridging the Theorist-Practitioner Gap in IR: What are the Risks and Benefits?","authors":"Richard J. Cook, Zhaoying Han, Maximilian Ohle, S. Jovanović","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.103","url":null,"abstract":"The practice international relations is routinely characterized as binary, which derive from two domains, either a scientific domain, which aims to seek factual knowledge, or a political/practical domain that seeks political action. Each operates on its own praxis and eidos and forms the fundamental differentiation between the domains that has governed the working ethics of international relations professionals for the better part of 70 years. Although these norms are still in place, the specialization of IR has begun to shift this traditional practice as a growing demand for more mid-level and level-specific research, gravitating around a world with increasing uncertainties is fuelling policy research demand. The extra demand has begun to pull scholars into the field of politics and political action. How does this affect identity and our interactions? What impact does this have on bridging the theorist-practitioner gap? And where does this leave IR pedagogy? This paper shall address these questions claiming that the gap should be bridged, but with the caveat of caution.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44678311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.133
Y. Shin
This is a theoretical survey research on the viability of norms theories for studying foreign aid. The rationalist approach of international relations (IR) theory regards foreign aid as one of the mere policy tools for enhancing strategic and economic influences over recipient countries. The dominant IR paradigm, however, is lacking in accounting for such aspects of foreign aid as processes and conditions as well as rationales. Authors contend that the literature that delves into international norms, which is in line with a constructive approach, will be suggestive to enable us to fully understand the mechanism of foreign aid. This research addresses four strands of the norms literature to demonstrate how the theories that scrupulously scrutinize actors, processes and conditions of a variety of norms dynamics will be instrumental to the studies of foreign aid. The theoretical discussion is followed by the case study of global response to HIV/AIDS as an example of the potential contributions of norms theories for studying foreign aid policy. This research ends with the implications of the norms literature in a larger context of IR discipline.
{"title":"Do Norms Theories Matter?: Viability of Constructivist Approach for the Studies of Foreign Aid","authors":"Y. Shin","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.133","url":null,"abstract":"This is a theoretical survey research on the viability of norms theories for studying foreign aid. The rationalist approach of international relations (IR) theory regards foreign aid as one of the mere policy tools for enhancing strategic and economic influences over recipient countries. The dominant IR paradigm, however, is lacking in accounting for such aspects of foreign aid as processes and conditions as well as rationales. Authors contend that the literature that delves into international norms, which is in line with a constructive approach, will be suggestive to enable us to fully understand the mechanism of foreign aid. This research addresses four strands of the norms literature to demonstrate how the theories that scrupulously scrutinize actors, processes and conditions of a variety of norms dynamics will be instrumental to the studies of foreign aid. The theoretical discussion is followed by the case study of global response to HIV/AIDS as an example of the potential contributions of norms theories for studying foreign aid policy. This research ends with the implications of the norms literature in a larger context of IR discipline.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49342647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.217
So Youn Kim
Cuba has the highest average life expectancy and lowest ratios of physicians to patients per capita, as well as the lowest infant and child mortality rates among 33 Latin American and Caribbean countries. This paper will answer the research questions, “what lessons can be learned from the Cuban health care system”, and “can its success be attributed to its unique economic and social context, or can it be transferred to other countries?” With the strong commitment to public health care and faced with limited resources and economic isolation, Cuba has maximized its capability with systemic efficiency and the education of its given population. This paper will begin with an overview of Cuba’s Political, Social and Economic Context. Then, it will discuss key emerging themes and assessments of Cuban Health Care System; financing, medical products, human resources, health service delivery and health information system. This paper will then provide policy responses and outcomes and offer analysis and policy implications. Then, policy recommendations will be provided. Lastly, the paper will discuss the prospect of Cuba’s health care system given the situation that the US has recently lifted its embargo on Cuba that Cuba is not in economic isolation anymore with the recognition of Cuba’s increasing geopolitical influence in the world through medical services.
{"title":"The Intact Public Health Care System in Cuba: An Exploration of its Motivations and Transferability","authors":"So Youn Kim","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2019.8.17.2.217","url":null,"abstract":"Cuba has the highest average life expectancy and lowest ratios of physicians to patients per capita, as well as the lowest infant and child mortality rates among 33 Latin American and Caribbean countries. This paper will answer the research questions, “what lessons can be learned from the Cuban health care system”, and “can its success be attributed to its unique economic and social context, or can it be transferred to other countries?” With the strong commitment to public health care and faced with limited resources and economic isolation, Cuba has maximized its capability with systemic efficiency and the education of its given population. This paper will begin with an overview of Cuba’s Political, Social and Economic Context. Then, it will discuss key emerging themes and assessments of Cuban Health Care System; financing, medical products, human resources, health service delivery and health information system. This paper will then provide policy responses and outcomes and offer analysis and policy implications. Then, policy recommendations will be provided. Lastly, the paper will discuss the prospect of Cuba’s health care system given the situation that the US has recently lifted its embargo on Cuba that Cuba is not in economic isolation anymore with the recognition of Cuba’s increasing geopolitical influence in the world through medical services.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48060747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.31
K. Choi
This study discusses the importance of bureaucracy in a state’s initial period of democratization. By examining the case of the Weimar Republic, this study argues that democratic constitutions and judicial independence can create a paradoxical situation wherein democracy itself permits the development of anti-democratic sentiment and action within state institutions. The democratic constitution of the Weimar Republic restrained the regime’s efforts to reform the undemocratic institutions of the state and eventually had a detrimental effect on the stability of the democratic regime and the consolidation of democracy. In the case of uneven democratization across the electoral, admin- istrative and legal systems of the state—a situation quite common in newly democratic countries—democratic constitutions can actually function against democracy by guaranteeing the legal and political rights of anti-democratic forces within the state. This can further perpetuate the uneven democratiza- tion of state institutions and may eventually threaten the stability and viability of the newly established democratic regime itself. The German case provides current newly democratic states with the lesson that a democratic regime must protect itself against internal threats seeking to use the safeguards of the constitution to destroy the system itself.
{"title":"Democratic Constitutions Against Democratization : Law and Administrative Reforms in Weimar Germany and Implications for New Democracies","authors":"K. Choi","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.31","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the importance of bureaucracy in a state’s initial period of democratization. By examining the case of the Weimar Republic, this study argues that democratic constitutions and judicial independence can create a paradoxical situation wherein democracy itself permits the development of anti-democratic sentiment and action within state institutions. The democratic constitution of the Weimar Republic restrained the regime’s efforts to reform the undemocratic institutions of the state and eventually had a detrimental effect on the stability of the democratic regime and the consolidation of democracy. In the case of uneven democratization across the electoral, admin- istrative and legal systems of the state—a situation quite common in newly democratic countries—democratic constitutions can actually function against democracy by guaranteeing the legal and political rights of anti-democratic forces within the state. This can further perpetuate the uneven democratiza- tion of state institutions and may eventually threaten the stability and viability of the newly established democratic regime itself. The German case provides current newly democratic states with the lesson that a democratic regime must protect itself against internal threats seeking to use the safeguards of the constitution to destroy the system itself.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43735882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.55
Injoo Sohn
Under what conditions do unemployed youth engage in hostile collective action? To address this question, this study focuses on the youth unemployment of South Korea and Taiwan in comparative perspective. A high youth unemployment rate by itself is not necessarily a determinant of hostile collective outbursts, as in the case of South Korea. Instead, outbursts can occur in the context of other contributing factors. This article identifies three important ingredients of hostile outbursts of collective action: dysfunctional political institutions, generalized beliefs, and precipitating forces. These factors can explain different levels of political mobilization across South Korea and Taiwan, despite their similar structural constraints. The findings of this study will provide useful insights into how to manage the potential for hostile collective action, and the implications for populist movements and regional stability in East Asia.
{"title":"The Contentious Politics of Youth Unemployment : Comparing Korea and Taiwan","authors":"Injoo Sohn","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.55","url":null,"abstract":"Under what conditions do unemployed youth engage in hostile collective action? To address this question, this study focuses on the youth unemployment of South Korea and Taiwan in comparative perspective. A high youth unemployment rate by itself is not necessarily a determinant of hostile collective outbursts, as in the case of South Korea. Instead, outbursts can occur in the context of other contributing factors. This article identifies three important ingredients of hostile outbursts of collective action: dysfunctional political institutions, generalized beliefs, and precipitating forces. These factors can explain different levels of political mobilization across South Korea and Taiwan, despite their similar structural constraints. The findings of this study will provide useful insights into how to manage the potential for hostile collective action, and the implications for populist movements and regional stability in East Asia.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43567204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.79
Youngjune Kim
In this paper, I argue that Stalin maintained a maximum gain/minimum risk security strategy during the Korean War. For the first time, I challenge a common misconception that the Korean People’s Army of North Korea copied and followed the Soviet Army’s operational strategy during the war. I question why the KPA did not follow the Soviet Army’s operational concept in guranteeing a quick victory, and why the Kremlin and Soviet military advisors kept silent during the initial stage of the war. Because the KPA did not follow the Soviet Army’s operational strategy initially, the United Nations forces were able to arrive in Pusan, extending the war. Why didn’t Stalin want a quick victory? Did Stalin want bigger benefits than a quick victory on the Korean Peninsula by delaying the war and distracting the enemy? By examining the KPA’s performance according to the Soviet Army’s operational concept, I argue that Stalin wanted to use the Korean War as a useful card in his global struggle against the United States. He wanted to lower the risk of war in the European theater because Europe was more strategically significant than Northeast Asia. The memory of Nazi Germany’s invasion was still fresh in Stalin’s mind at the outbreak of the Korean War. Throughout the war, Stalin’s top priority was the national interests of the Soviet Union, and he did not take into account the costs to allies China and North Korea.
{"title":"Why Did Stalin Not Support a Quick Victory for the Korean People’s Army? Stalin’s Unspoken Global Security Strategy for the Korean War","authors":"Youngjune Kim","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.79","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.79","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I argue that Stalin maintained a maximum gain/minimum risk security strategy during the Korean War. For the first time, I challenge a common misconception that the Korean People’s Army of North Korea copied and followed the Soviet Army’s operational strategy during the war. I question why the KPA did not follow the Soviet Army’s operational concept in guranteeing a quick victory, and why the Kremlin and Soviet military advisors kept silent during the initial stage of the war. Because the KPA did not follow the Soviet Army’s operational strategy initially, the United Nations forces were able to arrive in Pusan, extending the war. Why didn’t Stalin want a quick victory? Did Stalin want bigger benefits than a quick victory on the Korean Peninsula by delaying the war and distracting the enemy? By examining the KPA’s performance according to the Soviet Army’s operational concept, I argue that Stalin wanted to use the Korean War as a useful card in his global struggle against the United States. He wanted to lower the risk of war in the European theater because Europe was more strategically significant than Northeast Asia. The memory of Nazi Germany’s invasion was still fresh in Stalin’s mind at the outbreak of the Korean War. Throughout the war, Stalin’s top priority was the national interests of the Soviet Union, and he did not take into account the costs to allies China and North Korea.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43069496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.1
Wooyeal Paik, Rajiv Kumar
This piece provides a preliminary comparison of the three countries—Chi- na, Japan, and South Korea—in the India’s foreign policy to understand the Modi government’s overall strategic positions and policies toward Northeast Asia. Symbolized with ‘Look East’ and its successor ‘Act East’ policies, the Indian foreign policy turned to its East—Southeast Asia, Northeast Asia, and Oceania—beyond the Subcontinent in Asia. This transformation of India’s foreign policy from both economic and security perspectives stems from a series of changes in its domestic and international environments. This piece also aims to link these changes to the primary questions on the India’s strategic approaches toward China, Japan, and South Korea as well as these three countries’ interactions with India from economic and security perspectives in the Modi era. In a globalized world, there are many belts and many roads, and no one nation should put itself into a position of dictating ‘One Belt, One Road’… The One Belt, One Road also goes through disputed territory (i.e., Jammu-Kashmir between India and Pakistan), and I think, that in itself shows the vulnerability of trying to establish that sort of a dictate. The Act East Forum aims to provide a platform for India-Japan collaboration under the rubric of India’s “Act East Policy” and Japan’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy”. The Forum will identify specific projects for economic modernization of India’s North-East region including those pertaining to connectivity, developmental infrastructure, industrial linkages as well as people-to-people contacts through tourism, culture and sports-related activities. (Ministry of External Affairs of India 2017)
{"title":"India´s Extended “Act East” Outreach to Northeast Asia : Its Economic and Security Interactions with China, Japan, and South Korea","authors":"Wooyeal Paik, Rajiv Kumar","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2019.4.17.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"This piece provides a preliminary comparison of the three countries—Chi- na, Japan, and South Korea—in the India’s foreign policy to understand the Modi government’s overall strategic positions and policies toward Northeast Asia. Symbolized with ‘Look East’ and its successor ‘Act East’ policies, the Indian foreign policy turned to its East—Southeast Asia, Northeast Asia, and Oceania—beyond the Subcontinent in Asia. This transformation of India’s foreign policy from both economic and security perspectives stems from a series of changes in its domestic and international environments. This piece also aims to link these changes to the primary questions on the India’s strategic approaches toward China, Japan, and South Korea as well as these three countries’ interactions with India from economic and security perspectives in the Modi era. In a globalized world, there are many belts and many roads, and no one nation should put itself into a position of dictating ‘One Belt, One Road’… The One Belt, One Road also goes through disputed territory (i.e., Jammu-Kashmir between India and Pakistan), and I think, that in itself shows the vulnerability of trying to establish that sort of a dictate. The Act East Forum aims to provide a platform for India-Japan collaboration under the rubric of India’s “Act East Policy” and Japan’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy”. The Forum will identify specific projects for economic modernization of India’s North-East region including those pertaining to connectivity, developmental infrastructure, industrial linkages as well as people-to-people contacts through tourism, culture and sports-related activities. (Ministry of External Affairs of India 2017)","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42442572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.435
Ethan Yorgason
The term “inherent territory” is commonly used to claim disputed lands within the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese languages. It is not common in English. This paper explores the phrase for the first time as a multi-lingual phenom- enon, focusing especially on its implications for English. The term became internationally prominent after 1950 because of Japan’s territorial dispute with the Soviet Union over the Northern Territories/Southern Kuril Islands. Japan gradually applied the term to its territorial conflicts with Korea and China. Over time, it became more prominent in both Korean and Chinese, as well. In addition to the Japan-Russia dispute, it now is used in official language in the Dokdo-Takeshima, Diaoyu-Senkaku, and South China Sea territorial disputes. With its increased usage across Northeast Asia, including in English translation easily available on the Internet, the term has strong potential to become common usage in English with respect to territorial conflicts outside of Northeast Asia. Yet, that potential has not been realized. This paper explores possible reasons why English speakers are reluctant to use “inherent terri- tory” through a close political-discursive-linguistic analysis. This paper also discusses the term’s potential power if it becomes more popular in English. The article addresses “inherent territory’s” lack of status within international law, translation issues, the multiple meanings of inherent, connections be- tween “inherent” and “inherit,” the metaphysics of inherent, and the issue of standards through which to evaluate claims to “inherent territory.” The paper explains why the English “inherent territory” is simultaneously vague, potentially powerful, and deeply problematic. No entity – be it a global corporation, international union, or political party – can take away the inherent rights of human beings. Our American birthright is built on that fundamental assurance (“What’s the problem?” n.d.; emphasis added).
{"title":"International Political Implications of Language : The Linguistic Puzzle of “Inherent Territory”","authors":"Ethan Yorgason","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.435","url":null,"abstract":"The term “inherent territory” is commonly used to claim disputed lands within the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese languages. It is not common in English. This paper explores the phrase for the first time as a multi-lingual phenom- enon, focusing especially on its implications for English. The term became internationally prominent after 1950 because of Japan’s territorial dispute with the Soviet Union over the Northern Territories/Southern Kuril Islands. Japan gradually applied the term to its territorial conflicts with Korea and China. Over time, it became more prominent in both Korean and Chinese, as well. In addition to the Japan-Russia dispute, it now is used in official language in the Dokdo-Takeshima, Diaoyu-Senkaku, and South China Sea territorial disputes. With its increased usage across Northeast Asia, including in English translation easily available on the Internet, the term has strong potential to become common usage in English with respect to territorial conflicts outside of Northeast Asia. Yet, that potential has not been realized. This paper explores possible reasons why English speakers are reluctant to use “inherent terri- tory” through a close political-discursive-linguistic analysis. This paper also discusses the term’s potential power if it becomes more popular in English. The article addresses “inherent territory’s” lack of status within international law, translation issues, the multiple meanings of inherent, connections be- tween “inherent” and “inherit,” the metaphysics of inherent, and the issue of standards through which to evaluate claims to “inherent territory.” The paper explains why the English “inherent territory” is simultaneously vague, potentially powerful, and deeply problematic. No entity – be it a global corporation, international union, or political party – can take away the inherent rights of human beings. Our American birthright is built on that fundamental assurance (“What’s the problem?” n.d.; emphasis added).","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46845821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.311
Jaehwan Jung
Since the global financial crisis of 2008, some have referred to the macroprudential turn in global financial governance as a paradigm shift. However, this article argues that macroprudential ideas cannot be seen as a paradigm shift since macroprudential regulation supplements, rather than replaces, existing microprudential regulation. In this respect, it is more precise to conceptualize the macroprudential turn as “auxiliary change,” which means an incremental change brought about by adding auxiliary hypotheses while maintaining the hard-core assumptions of the existing policy paradigm. The hardcore assumptions of the financial governance paradigm are its ontology and epistemology, which stipulate what entities constitute financial markets and how actors understand the financial world surrounding them. Macroprudential ideas have not changed the core ontological and epistemological assumptions of microprudential ideas, that is, individualistic ontology and rationalistic epistemology. Rather, they have introduced auxiliary hypotheses, such as a fallacy of composition and bounded rationality, into the financial governance paradigm to explain a newly identified anomaly, namely, systemic risk. Diametrically opposed to the orthodox paradigm in terms of ontology and epistemology is what can be called “social constructivist ideas,” which are founded on sociological ontology and epistemology.
{"title":"Macroprudential Ideas and Auxiliary Change in Financial Governance Paradigm","authors":"Jaehwan Jung","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.12.16.3.311","url":null,"abstract":"Since the global financial crisis of 2008, some have referred to the macroprudential turn in global financial governance as a paradigm shift. However, this article argues that macroprudential ideas cannot be seen as a paradigm shift since macroprudential regulation supplements, rather than replaces, existing microprudential regulation. In this respect, it is more precise to conceptualize the macroprudential turn as “auxiliary change,” which means an incremental change brought about by adding auxiliary hypotheses while maintaining the hard-core assumptions of the existing policy paradigm. The hardcore assumptions of the financial governance paradigm are its ontology and epistemology, which stipulate what entities constitute financial markets and how actors understand the financial world surrounding them. Macroprudential ideas have not changed the core ontological and epistemological assumptions of microprudential ideas, that is, individualistic ontology and rationalistic epistemology. Rather, they have introduced auxiliary hypotheses, such as a fallacy of composition and bounded rationality, into the financial governance paradigm to explain a newly identified anomaly, namely, systemic risk. Diametrically opposed to the orthodox paradigm in terms of ontology and epistemology is what can be called “social constructivist ideas,” which are founded on sociological ontology and epistemology.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46765312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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