Pub Date : 2018-04-30DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.77
Gyubin Choi
The aim of this article is to examine the structural conditions that affect the problem of North Korean refugees in South Korea. It provides a historical review of the changing perception and policy toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), or North Korea, and how these changes and broader inter-Korean relations have affected the identities of North Korean refugees and the way of they have been dealt with. Understanding the evolution of South Korea’s policy toward North Korea and North Korean refugees is important because the policy is the output of the perceptions of political elites of the North Korean regime itself and North Koreans refugees in South Korea, and it involves decisions regarding who they are, why and to what extent should the state offer protection to them, and how to implement such policies. These political conditions constructed by the state and system of states directly and indirectly cause many of the difficulties, confusions, and problems facing North Korean refugees. In this sense, this paper argues that the causes, consequences, and responses to North Korean refugees are a part of much broader political, as well as humanitarian, issues. The paper focuses primarily on these factors affecting South Korea’s policy toward North Korean refugees and resultant changes in the status and treatment of those refugees in the Republic of Korea, or South Korea. This paper then explores the challenges that North Korean refugees face in the process of adjusting to South Korean society.
{"title":"North Korean Refugees in South Korea :Change and Challenge in Settlement Support Policy","authors":"Gyubin Choi","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.77","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to examine the structural conditions that affect the problem of North Korean refugees in South Korea. It provides a historical review of the changing perception and policy toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), or North Korea, and how these changes and broader inter-Korean relations have affected the identities of North Korean refugees and the way of they have been dealt with. Understanding the evolution of South Korea’s policy toward North Korea and North Korean refugees is important because the policy is the output of the perceptions of political elites of the North Korean regime itself and North Koreans refugees in South Korea, and it involves decisions regarding who they are, why and to what extent should the state offer protection to them, and how to implement such policies. These political conditions constructed by the state and system of states directly and indirectly cause many of the difficulties, confusions, and problems facing North Korean refugees. In this sense, this paper argues that the causes, consequences, and responses to North Korean refugees are a part of much broader political, as well as humanitarian, issues. The paper focuses primarily on these factors affecting South Korea’s policy toward North Korean refugees and resultant changes in the status and treatment of those refugees in the Republic of Korea, or South Korea. This paper then explores the challenges that North Korean refugees face in the process of adjusting to South Korean society.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"77-98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46357441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-30DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.121
Kazuya Yamamoto
The meaning of international relations (IR) theory has been recently contested. Advocates for various ideas can be categorized into three groups: normative, pragmatic, and science-oriented. This paper traces this division by considering the development of IR studies in Japan, and arguing: (1) that the normative approach in Japanese IR studies is based on the pacifism/pacificism formed after WWII—the widespread diffusion of this idea throughout Japanese society influ enced realists as well as liberals; (2) that the field of Asian studies in Japan has developed a pragmatic approach, producing abundant research that has not been sufficiently disseminated outside Japan; and (3) that, although the scientific meth od was stagnant in Japan in the late twentieth century, it is making a resurgence. By recognizing these facts, Japanese IR studies are expected to play a larger role in developing this field worldwide. IR studies in Japan have seldom employed “quantitative [and mathematical]” approaches. … We do not consider that “quantitative [and mathematical] methods only lead us to the truth. However, “quantitative [and mathematical]” approaches are exceedingly powerful tools for analysis. … We would be grateful if this book helps, if any, Japan’s studies on war and the international system develop further. (Yamamoto and Tanaka 1992, 263)
{"title":"A Triad of Normative, Pragmatic, and Science-Oriented Approaches: The Development of International Relations Theory in Japan Revisited","authors":"Kazuya Yamamoto","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.121","url":null,"abstract":"The meaning of international relations (IR) theory has been recently contested. Advocates for various ideas can be categorized into three groups: normative, pragmatic, and science-oriented. This paper traces this division by considering the development of IR studies in Japan, and arguing: (1) that the normative approach in Japanese IR studies is based on the pacifism/pacificism formed after WWII—the widespread diffusion of this idea throughout Japanese society influ enced realists as well as liberals; (2) that the field of Asian studies in Japan has developed a pragmatic approach, producing abundant research that has not been sufficiently disseminated outside Japan; and (3) that, although the scientific meth od was stagnant in Japan in the late twentieth century, it is making a resurgence. By recognizing these facts, Japanese IR studies are expected to play a larger role in developing this field worldwide. IR studies in Japan have seldom employed “quantitative [and mathematical]” approaches. … We do not consider that “quantitative [and mathematical] methods only lead us to the truth. However, “quantitative [and mathematical]” approaches are exceedingly powerful tools for analysis. … We would be grateful if this book helps, if any, Japan’s studies on war and the international system develop further. (Yamamoto and Tanaka 1992, 263)","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"121-142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45346160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.29
Hieyeon Keum and Joel R. Campbell
Taiwan and South Korea are two of the clearest cases of recent democratization in East Asia. The elections of Moon Jae-in in Korea and Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan seemed to herald new political alignments in both countries, but there has not been a major change in either state. Many observers have stated that the two countries’ experiences are quite similar, and that they followed nearly identical paths. We suggest that major differences mark the two cases, in terms of political history and type of authoritarian regimes, timing of transitions, political cultures, nature of ruling parties and nature of political cleavages within the two countries. We profile two leaders who illustrate those differences, Chen Shui-bian of Taiwan and Park Geun Hye of Korea. We also note that democratization literature applied to the two countries needs to be upgraded, and this can have important implica-tions for general democratic theory. Finally, we sketch out possible futures and the agenda for democratization in the two countries.
{"title":"Perils of Transition: Korea and Taiwan Democratization Compared","authors":"Hieyeon Keum and Joel R. Campbell","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.29","url":null,"abstract":"Taiwan and South Korea are two of the clearest cases of recent democratization in East Asia. The elections of Moon Jae-in in Korea and Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan seemed to herald new political alignments in both countries, but there has not been a major change in either state. Many observers have stated that the two countries’ experiences are quite similar, and that they followed nearly identical paths. We suggest that major differences mark the two cases, in terms of political history and type of authoritarian regimes, timing of transitions, political cultures, nature of ruling parties and nature of political cleavages within the two countries. We profile two leaders who illustrate those differences, Chen Shui-bian of Taiwan and Park Geun Hye of Korea. We also note that democratization literature applied to the two countries needs to be upgraded, and this can have important implica-tions for general democratic theory. Finally, we sketch out possible futures and the agenda for democratization in the two countries.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"29-55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48385234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.99
K. Shimizu
The Kyoto School of philosophy has recently come to be seen as one of the sources that gave rise to non-Western international relations (IR). Despite the high regard with which this philosophy is held, there is a dark side to the School’s history; this is especially important in terms of critically engaging in IR as an academic discipline because it supposedly provides a cautionary tale to the contemporary literature of alternative IR theories, and non-Western IRT in particular. This paper strives to clarify Nishida Kitaro’s involvement in the wartime regime with a particular focus on the inherent and contradictory relationship between being and language. I will do so by critically investigating Nishida’s experience of involvement in the wartime regime by utilising his very concept of the eternal present. In other words, I will criticise Nishida’s politics by employing his philosophy.
{"title":"Do Time and Language Matter in IR?: Nishida Kitaro’s non-Western discourse of philosophy and politics","authors":"K. Shimizu","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.99","url":null,"abstract":"The Kyoto School of philosophy has recently come to be seen as one of the sources that gave rise to non-Western international relations (IR). Despite the high regard with which this philosophy is held, there is a dark side to the School’s history; this is especially important in terms of critically engaging in IR as an academic discipline because it supposedly provides a cautionary tale to the contemporary literature of alternative IR theories, and non-Western IRT in particular. This paper strives to clarify Nishida Kitaro’s involvement in the wartime regime with a particular focus on the inherent and contradictory relationship between being and language. I will do so by critically investigating Nishida’s experience of involvement in the wartime regime by utilising his very concept of the eternal present. In other words, I will criticise Nishida’s politics by employing his philosophy.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"99-119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47995337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-30DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.57
Minji Jeong, Youseop Shin
During this period, his ideas were deeply engraved in Korean society. Even in the present day, his conservative ideas are a source of continuing controver-sy. To understand conservative ideas and ideological disputes between conservatism and progressivism in Korea, it is important to objectively understand Park’s ideas. To this end, we analyze his ideas in relation to Japanese statism. We do not intend to resolve the long-standing controversies over whether Park was pro-Japan during the colonial period or whether his ideas and policies benefited Korea. Nor do we intend to evaluate his ideas in a wholly negative light by arguing that they were influenced by Japanese statism. Various legitimate stances can be taken toward statism, in general, and Park’s ideas, in particular, and it is not our purpose to evaluate these stances. In this article, we show that there is a resemblance between conservative characteristics of Japanese statism—a mixture of militarism, elitism, and physiocracy—and Park’s ideas and his policies. More than sixty percent of Koreans are farmers. Rural areas can become a huge market that will contribute to industrial development. Thus, we cannot overemphasize the importance of increasing rural house-hold income (Park 2005, 470-471).
{"title":"Post-War Korean Conservatism, Japanese Statism, and the Legacy of President Park Chung-hee in South Korea","authors":"Minji Jeong, Youseop Shin","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2018.04.16.1.57","url":null,"abstract":"During this period, his ideas were deeply engraved in Korean society. Even in the present day, his conservative ideas are a source of continuing controver-sy. To understand conservative ideas and ideological disputes between conservatism and progressivism in Korea, it is important to objectively understand Park’s ideas. To this end, we analyze his ideas in relation to Japanese statism. We do not intend to resolve the long-standing controversies over whether Park was pro-Japan during the colonial period or whether his ideas and policies benefited Korea. Nor do we intend to evaluate his ideas in a wholly negative light by arguing that they were influenced by Japanese statism. Various legitimate stances can be taken toward statism, in general, and Park’s ideas, in particular, and it is not our purpose to evaluate these stances. In this article, we show that there is a resemblance between conservative characteristics of Japanese statism—a mixture of militarism, elitism, and physiocracy—and Park’s ideas and his policies. More than sixty percent of Koreans are farmers. Rural areas can become a huge market that will contribute to industrial development. Thus, we cannot overemphasize the importance of increasing rural house-hold income (Park 2005, 470-471).","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"57-76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45746583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-30DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.1
Mark Weatherall, Min-hua Huang, Taehee Whang
This paper examines how inequality produced by globalization undermines the confidence of citizens that the government can resolve their problems, incubating growing anti-establishment sentiment. Applying the latest data from Asian Barom eter Survey (ABS), the authors found that anti-establishment attitudes can be best explained by citizens’ perceptions of a lack of state capacity and the state’s per sistently weak political performance. Analysis using multilevel modeling suggests that income inequality and weak economic growth further aggravate anti-estab lishment tendencies. This phenomenon, however, is most apparent in the coun tries of East Asia. Countries in Southeast Asia are generally less affected because they continue to enjoy rapid economic growth due to latecomer advantage in the global economy. a moderate correlation. For the latter regression analysis, the correlations between attitudinal independent variables and anti-establishment attitude range between -0.011 and 0.393, suggesting that they are related but distinct.
{"title":"The Malaise of Globalization in East Asia: Income Inequality, Perceived State Capacity, and Anti-Establishment Attitudes","authors":"Mark Weatherall, Min-hua Huang, Taehee Whang","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2018.04.16.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how inequality produced by globalization undermines the confidence of citizens that the government can resolve their problems, incubating growing anti-establishment sentiment. Applying the latest data from Asian Barom eter Survey (ABS), the authors found that anti-establishment attitudes can be best explained by citizens’ perceptions of a lack of state capacity and the state’s per sistently weak political performance. Analysis using multilevel modeling suggests that income inequality and weak economic growth further aggravate anti-estab lishment tendencies. This phenomenon, however, is most apparent in the coun tries of East Asia. Countries in Southeast Asia are generally less affected because they continue to enjoy rapid economic growth due to latecomer advantage in the global economy. a moderate correlation. For the latter regression analysis, the correlations between attitudinal independent variables and anti-establishment attitude range between -0.011 and 0.393, suggesting that they are related but distinct.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"1-27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67142346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-31DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2017.12.15.3.421
Hyodong Sohn, Taedong Lee
Europe is the region that has pursued regional cooperation and integration most enthusiastically. The integration of energy systems is what Europe seeks to have synergistic effects. This study examines European energy cooperation by focusing on the driving factors of electricity network interconnections measured as electricity exchange flows. Considering the socioeconomic conditions and the benefits and costs of electricity system integration, it is puzzling why some countries’ electricity systems have been connected and have significant electricity flows, while others do not. Furthermore, this study asks what political, institutional, and economic drivers influence the different levels of electricity exchange flows between European countries. While extant studies have looked at the dynamics of energy cooperation, studies to understand electricity network cooperation and integration have been rare. To fill this gap, this study explains the variation of exchange flows by analyzing the dyadic data of 41 European countries in 2013. The statistical analysis suggests that the degree of current policy coordination of regional transmission system operator networks is positively associated with the level of current exchange flows. However, not all institutions are effective in increasing electricity flows. This finding implies that the experience of energy cooperation through effective institutions, along with geographic proximity and the economic benefits of trade, increases electricity network interconnections.
{"title":"Institutions for European Energy Cooperation : Dyadic Data Analysis of Electricity Network Interconnections","authors":"Hyodong Sohn, Taedong Lee","doi":"10.14731/kjis.2017.12.15.3.421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2017.12.15.3.421","url":null,"abstract":"Europe is the region that has pursued regional cooperation and integration most enthusiastically. The integration of energy systems is what Europe seeks to have synergistic effects. This study examines European energy cooperation by focusing on the driving factors of electricity network interconnections measured as electricity exchange flows. Considering the socioeconomic conditions and the benefits and costs of electricity system integration, it is puzzling why some countries’ electricity systems have been connected and have significant electricity flows, while others do not. Furthermore, this study asks what political, institutional, and economic drivers influence the different levels of electricity exchange flows between European countries. While extant studies have looked at the dynamics of energy cooperation, studies to understand electricity network cooperation and integration have been rare. To fill this gap, this study explains the variation of exchange flows by analyzing the dyadic data of 41 European countries in 2013. The statistical analysis suggests that the degree of current policy coordination of regional transmission system operator networks is positively associated with the level of current exchange flows. However, not all institutions are effective in increasing electricity flows. This finding implies that the experience of energy cooperation through effective institutions, along with geographic proximity and the economic benefits of trade, increases electricity network interconnections.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"421-447"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43197059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.483
Cha-seuk Cha
The New Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, ‘One Belt, One Road ( 一帶一路 , OBOR) initiative, were proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. OBOR are plans to draw down $50 billion from the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), use a $40 billion New Silk Road Fund, and borrow from the New Development Bank established by the BRICS states. The geographical linkage envisaged by the OBOR is based on building on the existing and planned global linkages between various regions and local points on the Eurasian continent. The OBOR is an overt expression of China’s power ambition in the 21st century, aiming to refashion the global geopolitical landscape, although it is true that the OBOR was initially motivated by domestic economic development goals. The OBOR bears a close resemblance to US foreign policy before and after the US rose to being a superpower after WWII. China’s recent efforts at amending its foreign policy ( 周邊外交 ) are very much related to this point. It is embodied in con-ceptualization of ‘a community of common destiny,’ and the four basic principles of the foreign policy as friendship ( 親 ), faithfulness ( 誠 ), benefits ( 惠 ), and tolerance ( 容 ). The approach reminds us of an imperial way of state’s strategy. North Korea would be an obstacle if South Korea were engaged in the OBOR initiative, which would work against its own Eurasia Initiative. During the time it is worth questioning the extent to which South Korea has managed to frame its participation in the OBOR under the shadow of the US-South Korea alliance.
{"title":"China’s Westward March : Strategic Views of One Belt, One Road","authors":"Cha-seuk Cha","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.483","url":null,"abstract":"The New Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, ‘One Belt, One Road ( 一帶一路 , OBOR) initiative, were proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. OBOR are plans to draw down $50 billion from the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), use a $40 billion New Silk Road Fund, and borrow from the New Development Bank established by the BRICS states. The geographical linkage envisaged by the OBOR is based on building on the existing and planned global linkages between various regions and local points on the Eurasian continent. The OBOR is an overt expression of China’s power ambition in the 21st century, aiming to refashion the global geopolitical landscape, although it is true that the OBOR was initially motivated by domestic economic development goals. The OBOR bears a close resemblance to US foreign policy before and after the US rose to being a superpower after WWII. China’s recent efforts at amending its foreign policy ( 周邊外交 ) are very much related to this point. It is embodied in con-ceptualization of ‘a community of common destiny,’ and the four basic principles of the foreign policy as friendship ( 親 ), faithfulness ( 誠 ), benefits ( 惠 ), and tolerance ( 容 ). The approach reminds us of an imperial way of state’s strategy. North Korea would be an obstacle if South Korea were engaged in the OBOR initiative, which would work against its own Eurasia Initiative. During the time it is worth questioning the extent to which South Korea has managed to frame its participation in the OBOR under the shadow of the US-South Korea alliance.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"483-500"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43906968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.327
H. Choi
Why do some leaders pursue ethnic exclusion even though it increases the risk of ethnic conflict? This article develops and tests a theory that explains how a leader’s ethnic policy and the size of the minimum winning coalition interact to influence leader survival. An event history analysis of leadership duration between 1946 and 2012 shows that in non-democratic countries with small winning coalitions: (1) leaders who promote ethnic exclusion are more likely to survive longer in office than those who do not promote such policy; (2) leaders are more likely to be removed from office in a violent manner (e.g. coup d’état) when they fail to employ ethnic exclusion; and (3) political benefits from ethnic exclusion are large enough to offset the risk of being involved in civil war. These findings suggest that ethnic exclusion can be a rational strategy for autocratic leaders even if it might increase the risk of civil war. Political reforms without considering this grim reality are likely to introduce another source of violence and instability in autocratic regimes. He shows that Chewa-Tumbuka cleavage is highly salient in Malawi but not in a neighboring Zambia because Chewas and Tumbukas are large enough to serve as viable coalitions in Malawi but are too small to constitute such coalitions in Zambia.
{"title":"Ethnic Exclusion, Armed Conflict, and Leader Survival","authors":"H. Choi","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.327","url":null,"abstract":"Why do some leaders pursue ethnic exclusion even though it increases the risk of ethnic conflict? This article develops and tests a theory that explains how a leader’s ethnic policy and the size of the minimum winning coalition interact to influence leader survival. An event history analysis of leadership duration between 1946 and 2012 shows that in non-democratic countries with small winning coalitions: (1) leaders who promote ethnic exclusion are more likely to survive longer in office than those who do not promote such policy; (2) leaders are more likely to be removed from office in a violent manner (e.g. coup d’état) when they fail to employ ethnic exclusion; and (3) political benefits from ethnic exclusion are large enough to offset the risk of being involved in civil war. These findings suggest that ethnic exclusion can be a rational strategy for autocratic leaders even if it might increase the risk of civil war. Political reforms without considering this grim reality are likely to introduce another source of violence and instability in autocratic regimes. He shows that Chewa-Tumbuka cleavage is highly salient in Malawi but not in a neighboring Zambia because Chewas and Tumbukas are large enough to serve as viable coalitions in Malawi but are too small to constitute such coalitions in Zambia.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"327-357"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45660944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-31DOI: 10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.391
C. Wu
Scholars of international relations have consistently applied a single indicator to represent state interests. However, the concept of national interest will be elusive if we consider using only a single variable. The author proposes and estimates a hierarchically organized state interest structure in which specific interests are de rived from abstract values. These objectives in turn are assumed to be constrained by core values about a state’s vital interests in international society. Applying confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) by LISREL, the empirical results suggest that spe cific interests can be structured based on three major objectives that describe the general direction the government should take in international affairs: security, economic development, and community interest. These measures provide better theoretical and empirical representations for what we understand about state interests in world politics.
{"title":"Understanding the Structures and Contents of National Interests: An Analysis of Structural Equation Modeling","authors":"C. Wu","doi":"10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14731/KJIS.2017.12.15.3.391","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars of international relations have consistently applied a single indicator to represent state interests. However, the concept of national interest will be elusive if we consider using only a single variable. The author proposes and estimates a hierarchically organized state interest structure in which specific interests are de rived from abstract values. These objectives in turn are assumed to be constrained by core values about a state’s vital interests in international society. Applying confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) by LISREL, the empirical results suggest that spe cific interests can be structured based on three major objectives that describe the general direction the government should take in international affairs: security, economic development, and community interest. These measures provide better theoretical and empirical representations for what we understand about state interests in world politics.","PeriodicalId":41543,"journal":{"name":"Korean Journal of International Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"391-420"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46568783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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