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Korean Journal of International Studies最新文献

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The ruling strategy of Kim Jong-Un and North Korea’s last 10 years: The Rational Action-Reaction about The Expected Effect of The Sanctions 金正恩和朝鲜过去10年的执政策略:对制裁预期效果的理性反应
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2023.04.21.1.113
Jeong-ho Kim, Y. Cho
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引用次数: 0
[Special Contribution] The Future of Political Science? 【特稿】政治学的未来?
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.12.20.3.437
J. Ishiyama
In this essay I outline what I see as the major challenges facing the discipline of political science, current trends in the field, and what might be done to meet these challenges. I conclude with what I believe can be done in this post COVID era to reinvigorate the discipline. In particular, I argue that we need to refocus on teaching now more than ever because there is a great need to re-engage citizens in the democratic process.
在这篇文章中,我概述了我认为政治科学学科面临的主要挑战,该领域的当前趋势,以及可能采取的措施来应对这些挑战。最后,我提出了我认为在COVID后时代可以做些什么来重振这一学科。特别是,我认为我们现在比以往任何时候都更需要重新关注教育,因为我们非常需要让公民重新参与民主进程。
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引用次数: 0
Beijing’s cultural diplomacy efforts in Pakistan: Building soft image through internet sources 北京在巴基斯坦的文化外交努力:通过网络建立软形象
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.12.20.3.407
Abdul Razaque Larik, Shahnawaz Mangi, Syed Majid Ali Shah Bukhari
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Maintenance of Rivalries and Causes of Wars in the Middle East 了解中东地区竞争的维持和战争的原因
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.12.20.3.359
Akbar Khan, Amjad Ali
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引用次数: 1
An Empirical Analysis of the Determinants of Resource Distribution by the African Development Bank Group 非洲开发银行集团资源分配决定因素的实证分析
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.12.20.3.385
Heon-Joo Jung, Eun Mi Kim
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引用次数: 0
Climate Hypocrisy? A Case of Korea’s Involvement in Coal Capacity Expansion in Southeast Asia 气候虚伪?以韩国参与东南亚煤炭产能扩张为例
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.08.20.2.275
Heejin Han
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引用次数: 1
Factors Weakening the Strength and Solidarity of ROK-US Alliance Necessary to Deter DPRK’s Provocations 削弱遏制朝鲜挑衅所必需的韩美同盟力量和团结的因素
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.08.20.2.301
Alec Chung
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引用次数: 0
Public Diplomacy and Air Pollution Problem: How the U.S. Used “Beijing Air” to Advance Its Soft Power in China 公共外交与空气污染问题:美国如何利用“北京空气”提升其在中国的软实力
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.08.20.2.335
Suehyun Jung
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引用次数: 0
Great Power Politics in World History: Balance of Power and Central Wars Since Antiquity 世界历史上的大国政治:自古以来的权力平衡与中央战争
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.08.20.2.175
D. Motin
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引用次数: 0
Economic MAD as Middle Powers’ Strategic Tool in the Great Power Rivalry 经济MAD:大国竞争中中等大国的战略工具
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.14731/kjis.2022.08.20.2.213
Ewan Smith, Shin‐wha Lee
The Cold War theory of mutually assured destruction (MAD), which described the reciprocal damage resulting from the use of nuclear weapons, can be expanded in the 21st century to include more dimensions including climate and the economy. The economic dimension of MAD (dubbed as EMAD) is a situation where one country is incapable of disrupting trade with a target country without also causing itself significant economic d[amage. This can occur given the presence of a specific economic advantage on which the coercing power relies. How can the presence of EMAD help afford middle powers more leeway in their alignment decisions within this strategic dilemma? What economic advantages create a stronger situation of EMAD? In line with these inquiries, this article investigates three cases, each with differing degrees of economic MAD: the 2016 Korea-China dispute over THAAD deployment;the 2020 Australia-China dispute over Covid-19;and the 2022 case of Korea's participation in IPEF. After all, middle powers need to develop a 'collective security-type arrangement' where China's wielding of economic muscle against any middle power state is considered an aggression against all other middle powers, which act together or collectively assist the target state to make the most of EMAD vis-a-vis China. For this, it is reasonable and realistic to promote the democratic liberal international order (LIO) by aligning with U.S.-led minilateral and multilateral initiatives or mechanisms. Yet, it is also important to identify areas and ways to engage with China rather than alienating or excluding it on the international stage.
冷战时期的相互保证毁灭理论描述了使用核武器造成的相互损害,在21世纪可以扩展到包括气候和经济在内的更多层面。MAD(被称为EMAD)的经济层面是指一个国家无法在不给自己造成重大经济损失的情况下扰乱与目标国家的贸易[混乱。考虑到胁迫力量所依赖的特定经济优势的存在,这种情况可能会发生。EMAD的存在如何帮助中等强国在这一战略困境中的结盟决策提供更多的回旋余地?什么样的经济优势会使EMAD的处境更为有利?根据这些调查,本文调查了三个案例,每个案例都有不同程度的经济MAD:2016年韩中萨德部署争端;2020年澳大利亚-中国新冠肺炎争端;以及2022年韩国参与IPEF的案例。毕竟,中间大国需要制定一种“集体安全型安排”,在这种安排中,中国对任何中间大国动用经济力量都被视为对所有其他中间大国的侵略,这些中间大国共同或集体协助目标国家充分利用对中国的EMAD。为此,通过与美国领导的双边和多边倡议或机制保持一致,促进民主自由的国际秩序是合理和现实的。然而,确定与中国接触的领域和方式也很重要,而不是在国际舞台上疏远或排斥中国。
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引用次数: 0
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Korean Journal of International Studies
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