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Intermediality in the Metamorphoses 变态的中间性
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2019-0006
Martin T. Dinter
Abstract This article provides an intermedial re-reading of Ovid’s Metamorphoses, treating a wide range of passages from Echo and Narcissus in Book 2 to the final sphragis which rounds off Book 15. As its title indicates, the Metamorphoses is at heart a poem about transformations. It is therefore imbued with a sense of dynamism and volatility, which in turn renders it a fertile source of represented intermedial transposition. This chapter explores three processes relating to this wider concept: ‘creation’, where a medial product is woven, painted, or sculpted, ‘human-to-media transformations’, which provide a subversive take on intermediality due to their negative connotations, and ‘meta-intermediality’, through which Ovid comments on media and their narratological potential within the wider poem. By thus problematising medial communication, Ovid identifies and advocates a hierarchy of art forms based on their effectiveness as monumentalising devices: within this system, engravings – owing to their permanence – take precedence over woven or written products. This tendency comes to the fore in the final book of the Metamorphoses, in which Ovid links his poetry to the Fates’ records on ‘brass and solid iron’ (Ov. Met. 15.808–815). In so doing, he does not only assert the authority which his work possesses as a prophecy for Rome’s greatness, but also appoints himself as a renowned bard for the ages.
摘要这篇文章对奥维德的《变形记》进行了中间重读,处理了从第2本书中的《回声》和《水仙》到第15本书最后的《sphragis》的一系列段落。正如其标题所示,《变形记》本质上是一首关于转变的诗。因此,它充满了活力和波动感,这反过来又使它成为代表性中介换位的肥沃来源。本章探讨了与这一更广泛概念相关的三个过程:“创作”,即编织、绘画或雕刻媒介产品;“人与媒介的转变”,由于其负面含义,对媒介性进行了颠覆性的研究;“元媒介性”,奥维德通过它评论媒介及其在更广泛诗歌中的叙事潜力。因此,通过将媒体传播问题化,奥维德确定并倡导了一种基于其作为纪念装置的有效性的艺术形式层次:在这个体系中,版画——由于其永久性——优先于编织或书写的产品。这种倾向在《变形记》的最后一本书中凸显出来,在书中,奥维德将他的诗歌与命运女神关于“黄铜和实心铁”的记录联系起来(Ov.Met.15.808-815)。在这样做的过程中,他不仅宣称自己的作品具有预言罗马伟大的权威,而且还将自己任命为历代著名的吟游诗人。
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引用次数: 0
Quotations in Roman Prose as Intermedial Phenomena 作为中介现象的罗马散文语录
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2019-0003
Ute Tischer
Abstract This article takes as its starting point the observation that quotations in Latin prose are largely characterised by features of oral communication. It analyses four passages from Cicero, Suetonius, Gellius, and Servius so as to outline how these quotations bridge the verbal and the written, and can therefore be classified as covert intermedial representations. Specific formulae which shape text passages as quotations include both explicit markers such as ferunt (‘they say’) and dixit (‘he said’), as well as implicit hints ranging from demonstrative pronouns (illud, haec) to conjunctions (ut, sicut). These linguistic tags are read within the frameworks of ‘intermedial reference’ and ‘remediation’, thereby yielding insights on how oral and written features meld into the literary quotations of Roman prose. What is more, this chapter demonstrates the merits of its approach to Classical literature by showing that an awareness of media and medialities is conducive to original interpretations of well-studied ancient texts.
摘要本文从观察拉丁散文中的引语在很大程度上具有口头交际的特点入手。它分析了西塞罗、苏托尼乌斯、盖里乌斯和塞尔维乌斯的四段话,以概述这些引文是如何将口头和书面联系起来的,因此可以将它们归类为隐蔽的中间表述。将文本段落塑造为引语的特定公式既包括明确的标记,如ferunt(“他们说”)和dixit(“他说”),也包括隐含的暗示,从指示代词(illud, haec)到连词(ut, sicut)。这些语言标签是在“中间参考”和“补救”的框架内阅读的,从而产生了口头和书面特征如何融入罗马散文的文学引文的见解。更重要的是,本章展示了其古典文学研究方法的优点,表明对媒介和媒介的认识有助于对经过充分研究的古代文本进行原创解释。
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引用次数: 0
‘Decoding’ a literary text. The commentary of Derveni “解码”文学文本。德维尼的评论
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0025
A. Bernabé
Abstract The author of Derveni Papyrus consider that the poem he commentates is like a riddle used by Orpheus to make it understandable to only a few. In our terms, he considers the poem an encoded text that he needs to decode in order to recover its true meaning. So he had to imagine a code in the text that once ‘decoded’ would yield the ‘true’ meaning that he wants to attribute to it. In the paper the way in which the commentator constructs the hypothetical process undertaken by Orpheus to express philosophical (presocratic) contents through a poetic mask is analyzed.
摘要《Derveni Papyrus》的作者认为,他所评论的这首诗就像俄耳甫斯用来让少数人理解的谜语。用我们的话来说,他认为这首诗是一个编码的文本,他需要对其进行解码才能恢复其真正的意义。因此,他不得不想象文本中的一个代码,一旦被“解码”,就会产生他想要赋予它的“真正”含义。本文分析了评论家如何构建俄耳甫斯通过诗歌面具表达哲学(前政治)内容的假设过程。
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引用次数: 2
Removing the Nationality Paradigm from Herodotus’ Histories 从希罗多德历史中去除民族范式
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0023
Salvatore Tufano
Abstract The present paper suggests that the recurring appeal to kinship diplomacy undermines a fixed idea of ‘nation’ in Archaic Greece, especially in the first two decades of the fifth century BC. It aims to present a series of test cases in Herodotus that explain why contemporary patterns and theories on ancient ethnicity can hardly explain the totality of the historical spectrum. Blood ties could sometimes fortify ethnic relationships, as in the case of Aristagoras’ mission to Sparta (Hdt. 5.49.3), since the common Greekness could elicit the Spartan to help to the Ionians. In other times, the same blood ties were applied to divine genealogies, and they could also be used to show the feeble devotion of cities like Argos to the Greek cause (7.150.2: Xerxes expects the Argives to join the Persian cause, since they descend from Perses). Habits and traditions, often taken as indicia of national feeling, could be thought of as clues of ancient migrations (so the Trojans became Maxyes in Lybia: 4.191). Even language might not help in justifying ethnic relationships: for instance, the Greeks living in the Scythian Gelonus spoke a mixed language (4.108). These few case studies may shed a different light on the classical definition of Greekness (to hellenikon) in terms of blood, language, cults, and habits, all given by Herodotus (8.144). Far from being a valid label for all the Greeks of the fifth century, this statement owes much to a specific variety of the language of kinship diplomacy. The final section argues for the opportunity to avoid the later and misleading idea of nation when studying Herodotus and the age of the Persian Wars, which are instead characterized by various and contrasting strategies. Greek groups and ethne can be better described as networks of lightly defined communities.
摘要本文认为,对亲属外交的反复呼吁破坏了古希腊固定的“国家”观念,尤其是在公元前五世纪的前二十年。它旨在展示希罗多德的一系列测试案例,解释为什么当代关于古代种族的模式和理论很难解释整个历史光谱。血缘关系有时可以加强种族关系,比如阿里斯塔戈拉斯的斯巴达使命(Hdt.549.3),因为共同的贪婪可以促使斯巴达人帮助爱奥尼亚人。在其他时代,同样的血缘关系也适用于神圣的家谱,它们也可以用来显示像阿尔戈斯这样的城市对希腊事业的微弱奉献(7.150.2:薛西斯希望阿尔戈斯人加入波斯事业,因为他们是珀尔西人的后裔)。习惯和传统,通常被视为民族感情的标志,可以被认为是古代移民的线索(因此特洛伊人在利比亚成为了Maxyes:4.191)。即使是语言也可能无助于证明种族关系的合理性:例如,生活在斯基泰人盖隆斯的希腊人说一种混合语言(4.108)。这些为数不多的案例研究可能会对希罗多德(8.144)给出的关于贪婪(对海伦尼孔)的血液、语言、邪教和习惯的经典定义有不同的解释。这远不是五世纪所有希腊人的有效标签,这种说法在很大程度上要归功于亲属外交语言的多样性。最后一节论述了在研究希罗多德和波斯战争时代时,有机会避免后来的误导性国家观念,因为这两个时代的特点是各种不同的、对比鲜明的策略。希腊团体和ethne可以更好地描述为定义不明确的社区网络。
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引用次数: 0
Who was Onymacles the Athenian? (Alcaeus 130b V. = 130.16–39 LP) 雅典人奥尼马克利斯是谁?(Alcaeus 130b V.=130.16–39 LP)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0021
K. Tsantsanoglou
Abstract The author’s aim is to shed light upon the first three stanzas of Alcaeus’ fr. 130b, which describe the conditions faced by the poet while living in exile. Some parallel texts (POxy. 3711, Alc. fr. 401B) are helpful, but they, as well as POxy. 2165, the sole testimony of fr. 130b, must be read or interpreted in places differently than before. Among the new observations is the suggestion that the place of Alcaeus’ first exile is the city of Aenos in Thrace. Also, Ὀνυμακλέης ὠθάναιος, like whom Alcaeus declares that he lives in exile, is but a name made up by the poet as his personal alias with wordplays, firstly on his familial and personal eminence, and secondly on the incident of his thrown away armour in the battle over Sigeion and its hanging in front of the Athena temple by the Athenians.
作者的目的是揭示阿尔凯乌斯的前三节,这是描述诗人在流亡生活中所面临的条件。一些平行文本(POxy)。3711年,酒精度。对于。401B)是有帮助的,但它们,以及POxy。第2165条,第130b条的唯一证言,必须在与以前不同的地方阅读或解释。在新的观察中,有一种观点认为阿尔凯乌斯第一次被流放的地点是色雷斯的埃诺斯城。此外,Ὀνυμακλέηςὠθάναιος,像阿尔凯奥斯宣称他流亡生活,只是一个名称由诗人与双关语作为他个人的别名,首先在他的家族和个人隆起,其次他扔掉盔甲的事件在争夺Sigeion及其挂在雅典娜神庙,雅典人的前面。
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引用次数: 0
Xenophanes in Plato’s Sophist and the first philosophical genealogy 柏拉图诡辩论中的色诺芬尼与第一个哲学谱系
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0024
Sylvana Chrysakopoulou
Abstract In this article I intend to show that Plato in the Sophist provides us with the earliest doxographic material on pre-Platonic thinkers. In his account on his predecessors, Xenophanes emerges as the founder of the Eleatic tribe as opposed to the pluralists, while Heraclitus and Empedocles are presented as the Ioanian and the Italian Muses respectively. This prima facie genealogical approach, where Plato’s predecessors become the representatives of schools of different origines paves the way for Plato’s project in the Sophist. In other words the monistic account Xenophanes introduces, prepares for the synthesis between the one and the many set forth by Heraclitus and Empedocles, which is thus presented as a further step towards the ‘interweaving of forms’ (συμπλοκήν εἰδῶν) Plato proposes in the Sophist.
在这篇文章中,我打算表明柏拉图在《诡辩家》中为我们提供了关于柏拉图之前的思想家的最早的文献资料。在他对前人的描述中,色诺芬尼以埃利亚部落的创始人的身份出现,而不是多元主义者,而赫拉克利特和恩培多克勒则分别以伊奥尼亚缪斯和意大利缪斯的身份出现。这种初步的宗谱方法,即柏拉图的前辈成为不同起源学派的代表,为柏拉图在《诡辩家》中的计划铺平了道路。换句话说,色诺芬尼引入的一元论的叙述,为赫拉克利特和恩培多克勒提出的一与多之间的综合做了准备,这被呈现为柏拉图在《诡辩家》中提出的“形式交织”(σ ν μπλοκ记载ν ε ι δ ω ν)的进一步步骤。
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引用次数: 0
Narrator and poetic divinities in Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica 罗地亚《阿尔戈诺提卡》中的叙述者与诗神
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0026
P. Kyriakou
Abstract The role of poetic divinities in the proem of Apollonius’ Argonautica (1.1–22) has been discussed extensively in scholarly literature, often in conjunction with subsequent references to them. As several discussions are based on tendentious hypotheses or contain inaccuracies, I revisit the relationship of narrator and divinities in the proem and the rest of the poem. Apollonius’ proem is innovatively ambiguous but does not mark a radical break with tradition. The invocations of the Muses in fragments of Simonides (fr. 11.20–24 W2) and Empedocles (DK 31 B 131) are important precedents. Apollonius’ subsequent references to poetic divinities clarify the ambiguity in the proem and form a consistent picture, which does not portray a reversal of the relationship between poet and divinities sketched in the proem.
在Apollonius ' s Argonautica(1.1-22)的论证中,诗歌神的作用在学术文献中得到了广泛的讨论,通常与随后的参考文献相结合。由于一些讨论是基于有倾向性的假设或包含不准确,我重新审视叙述者和神的关系在问题和诗歌的其余部分。阿波罗尼乌斯的论证创新性地模棱两可,但并不标志着与传统的彻底决裂。西蒙尼德斯(西元11.20-24 W2)和恩培多克勒斯(dk31b131)的片段中对缪斯的召唤是重要的先例。阿波罗尼乌斯随后提到的诗歌神澄清了问题中的模糊性,并形成了一个一致的画面,这并没有描绘出问题中概述的诗人和神之间关系的逆转。
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引用次数: 1
(Im)politeness in the Iliad: The Pragmatics of the Homeric Expression ἀγαθός περ ἐών 《伊利亚特》中的礼貌:荷马式表达的语用学:ν γαθ ο ς περ ν ών
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0020
Giuseppe Lentini
Abstract Every communication has a relationship aspect in addition to a content aspect: this axiom of Watzlawick’s Pragmatics of Human Communication proves useful also when studying the dialogues contained in literary works. The ἀγαθός περ ἐών formula occurring five times in Homer’s Iliad has appeared difficult to interpret precisely because scholars have failed to take into account the relationship aspect of the verbal interactions described. Employed as a conventional politeness formula manifesting respect for the hearer, the ἀγαθός περ ἐών expression could also be used in contexts that clash with a ‘polite’ interpretation, thus generating mock-politeness and, ultimately, ‘impoliteness’.
摘要每一次交流都有一个内容方面之外的关系方面:瓦茨拉维克的《人类交流语用学》的这一公理在研究文学作品中的对话时也很有用。这个ἀγαθςπερἐ荷马的《伊利亚特》中出现了五次的ώΓ公式似乎很难准确解释,因为学者们没有考虑到所描述的言语互动的关系方面。作为一种表达对听话人尊重的传统礼貌公式ἀγαθςπερἐ在与“礼貌”解释相冲突的情况下,也可以使用ώς表达,从而产生模仿礼貌,最终产生“不礼貌”。
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引用次数: 1
Voices of the dead: Underworld narratives in Bacchylides’ Ode 5 and Odyssey 11 死者的声音:巴基里得斯的《颂歌》第5章和《奥德赛》第11章中的黑社会叙事
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-12-06 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0022
G. Gazis
Abstract This article identifies the influence of the Homeric ‘Poetics of Hades’ in Greek Lyric and argues for an aetiological relationship between the persistent presentation of the lyric poet’s subjective voice and the freedom of speech introduced in Homer’s Underworld. The article demonstrates this relationship through an examination of Bacchylides’ Ode 5 and argues that the lyric poet consciously innovates upon Homer’s underworld narratives by allowing his Meleager to occupy the stage and takes the audience through his agonising last minutes by describing what dying feels like in his own voice. In doing so, Bacchylides presents his audeience with a Meleager who glosses over his heroic actions and moments of glory in favour for a more emotional and subjective view of his past, filled with regret and self-pity. In this respect the hero is no different from the ghost of Achilles who dismisses honour after death for the simple privilege of seeing the light of the sun, or Agamemnon who is consumed by the memory of his wife’s treachery while having nothing to say about his glorious exploits at Troy. This powerful retelling of the story of a great epic hero of the past looks, I argue, simultaneously backwards and forwards, since on the one hand it is inherited from Homer’s ‘Poetics of Hades’, while on the other, it anticipates the emotional and unmediated voices of the heroes and heroines of the tragic stage.
摘要本文论述了荷马《冥王诗学》在希腊抒情诗中的影响,并论证了抒情诗人主观声音的持续呈现与荷马《黑社会》中引入的言论自由之间的内在联系。这篇文章通过对Bacchylides的《奥德5》的考察来证明这种关系,并认为抒情诗人有意识地对荷马的黑社会叙事进行了创新,让他的梅尔阿奇占据了舞台,并通过用自己的声音描述死亡的感觉,带领观众度过了他痛苦的最后几分钟。在这样做的过程中,Bacchylides以一个梅尔拉奇的形象展现了自己的荣耀,梅尔拉奇掩饰了自己的英雄行为和荣耀时刻,对自己的过去有着更感性和主观的看法,充满了遗憾和自怜。在这方面,英雄与阿喀琉斯的鬼魂没有什么不同,他死后因为看到太阳光的简单特权而放弃荣誉,或者阿伽门农,他被妻子的背叛所吞噬,却对自己在特洛伊的辉煌事迹无话可说。我认为,这种对过去一位伟大史诗英雄故事的有力复述看起来既向前又向后,因为一方面它继承了荷马的《哈迪斯诗学》,而另一方面,它预示着悲剧舞台上男女主人公的情感和未经调解的声音。
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引用次数: 0
List of Contributors 贡献者名单
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2018-09-06 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2018-0012
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Trends in Classics
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