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The Art of Mythical History and the Temporality of the Athenian Epitaphioi Logoi 神话历史的艺术与雅典碑铭的时代性
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0019
Avi Kapach
Abstract This essay examines the use of myth and history in the Athenian public funeral speeches (epitaphioi logoi), concentrating specifically on temporality implied by the impulse to “mythologize” recent memories through speech, logos (Dem. 60.9; cf. Pl. Menex. 239b7-c7). While Loraux and other scholars are correct that the epitaphioi endowed Athens with a certain eternity by construing the present through the timeless lens of myth, the prevailing tendency to suspend the Athens of the epitaphioi outside of time leads to difficulties. As I argue, the chronological organization of the epitaphioi grants these speeches an important temporal element and situates them in the same continuum as the present – a move further reinforced by the tendency of the orators to rationalize the Athenian myths much as historians might; accordingly, I propose an adjusted taxonomy with which to approach the temporal status of Athenian epitaphic encomium: the epitaphioi are “mythical” less because of their eternalizing perspective than because of the malleable and pluralistic way in which they conceived of the past and molded it to their ideological purpose. Borrowing from anthropological and cognitive psychological frameworks, I further suggest that by routinely reconsolidating the past in the collective memory of the polis the epitaphioi positioned themselves in opposition to historiography.
摘要本文考察了神话和历史在雅典公共葬礼演讲(epitaphioi logoi)中的运用,特别关注通过演讲、logos (Dem. 60.9;参见Pl. Menex. 239b7-c7)。虽然Loraux和其他学者认为墓志铭通过神话的永恒镜头解释现在赋予雅典一定的永恒是正确的,但将墓志铭中的雅典置于时间之外的普遍倾向导致了困难。正如我所说,墓志铭的时间顺序组织赋予了这些演讲一个重要的时间元素,并将它们置于与现在相同的连续体中——这一趋势进一步得到了强化,演说家倾向于将雅典神话合理化,就像历史学家可能的那样;因此,我提出了一种调整后的分类法,用以接近雅典墓志铭颂扬的时间地位:墓志铭之所以“神话”,与其说是因为他们永恒的视角,不如说是因为他们构想过去并将其塑造成他们意识形态目的的可塑和多元化的方式。借用人类学和认知心理学框架,我进一步提出,通过在城邦的集体记忆中常规地重新巩固过去,墓志铭将自己定位于与史学相对立的位置。
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引用次数: 0
Prometheus Bound and Sophocles’ Inachos: New Perspectives 普罗米修斯的束缚和索福克勒斯的伊纳科斯:新视角
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0017
K. Tsantsanoglou
Abstract The paper consists of three chapters. In the first, Soph. Inachos fr. 269c.16–24 is presented as the earliest testimony to the authenticity of Prometheus Bound (PV). The verses declare that the one of the elders who named here Hermes trókhis was wise. The word describing mockingly Hermes was employed only in PV 941. And it is very unlikely that Sophocles would name ‘wise predecessor here’, i. e. in the theater, any other tragedian than Aeschylus. In the second chapter, the numerous divergences from Aeschylean practice are explained by reference to the fourth-place drama, which was usually covered by the satyr-play, but frequently with other plays aimed at the uneducated and unrefined spectators. Thus, PV is dated in 472 BC, contemporary with the Persae, in whose didascalia Προμηθεύς is named as the fourth drama of the production. It is unanimously identified with the satyr-play Προμηθεὺς Πυρκαεύς, but the author identifies it with PV, which as a fourth-place drama presents many stylistic peculiarities. Προμηθεὺς Πυρκαεύς is then the satyr-play of the Prometheus tetralogy that was staged not long after 472. It is possible that Aeschylus restaged PV in Syracuse at the same time as Persae. A relationship with Pindar’s Pyth. 1 and with Epicharmus reinforces the dating in 472. The third chapter deals with the problem of the third speaking actor in the prologue of PV. The problem is approached through the technical contrivance of ὀκρίβας, which also answers the question of frontality in the staging of the prologue.
全文共分三章。在第一个,索菲。269c的玉米脆饼。16-24被认为是普罗米修斯绑定(PV)真实性的最早证据。经文宣称,在这里命名为赫尔墨斯trókhis的长老中有一位是有智慧的。这个描述爱马仕的词只在公元941年才被使用。索福克勒斯也不大可能在这里提到"明智的前辈",即。在戏剧中,除了埃斯库罗斯,没有别的悲剧演员。在第二章中,埃斯库罗斯的许多不同之处是通过参考第四等级的戏剧来解释的,这种戏剧通常由萨特剧所涵盖,但也经常与其他戏剧一起针对未受过教育和未受过教育的观众。因此,PV可以追溯到公元前472年,与波斯同时代,其中didascalia Προμηθεύς被命名为该作品的第四部戏剧。它被一致认为是萨特剧Προμηθε ς Πυρκαεύς,但作者认为它是PV,作为第四名的戏剧,它表现出许多风格上的特点。Προμηθε ς Πυρκαεύς是公元472年之后不久上演的普罗米修斯四联剧中的森林之神。有可能埃斯库罗斯和珀尔塞同时在锡拉库萨重新安置了波伏。与品达的《Pyth. 1》和《Epicharmus》的关系强化了472年的日期。第三章论述了《PV》序言中第三人言者的问题。这个问题是通过ο κρ末梢βας的技术发明来解决的,这也回答了前言的舞台上的正面性问题。
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引用次数: 0
Narratives of amor, arma and armenta in Ovid’s Metamorphoses 奥维德《变形记》中关于爱、武装和武装的叙述
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0010
M. Paschalis
Abstract Ovid frequently organizes individual “narratives” on the basis of semantic relations (including etymology) that link together basic concepts and themes. This web of semantic relations creates a second level of text or subtext that deepens our understanding of the composition of the poem and adds meaning(s) to each particular narrative. One such subtext concerns the semantics of erotic violence or of “love” (amor) and “arms” (arma), the study of which can enrich our understanding of Ovid’s narrative skills. The pair amor and arma is sometimes expanded to include armenta in the sense of “cattle,” “oxen,” or any animal less commonly or uniquely assigned to this species. The addition of armenta to the semantic cluster is due to the fact that they are often included in Ovid’s mythological narratives, either as real animals or as transformed human beings or as disguised divinities.
摘要奥维德经常根据将基本概念和主题联系在一起的语义关系(包括词源)来组织个人的“叙事”。这种语义关系网创造了第二层次的文本或潜台词,加深了我们对诗歌构成的理解,并为每个特定的叙事增加了意义。其中一个潜台词涉及色情暴力或“爱”(amor)和“武器”(arma)的语义,对其的研究可以丰富我们对奥维德叙事技巧的理解。amor和arma这一对有时被扩展为包括“牛”、“牛”或任何不太常见或唯一属于该物种的动物意义上的armenta。将armenta添加到语义聚类中是因为它们经常被包括在奥维德的神话叙事中,要么是真实的动物,要么是变形的人类,要么是伪装的神。
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引用次数: 0
Homer and Traditional Poetics 荷马与传统诗学
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0002
M. Finkelberg
Abstract Although Homer refers to the art of poetry in terms closely similar to those used by oral traditional poets interviewed by Parry and Lord, his own poems do not follow the poetics of a point-by-point narrative succession that they themselves proclaim. This is not yet to say that in ancient Greece there were no epic poems for which such traditional poetics would effectively account. The poems of the Epic Cycle, whose incompatibility with the narrative strategies of the Homeric epics was highlighted as early as Aristotle, are one such example. The fact that, although he repeatedly refers to the practice of traditional poetry, Homer is silent on the matter of his own poetic practice which differs markedly from it, raises the question of whether the Iliad and the Odyssey can be considered traditional poems in the proper sense of the word.
摘要尽管荷马提到诗歌艺术的术语与帕里和洛德采访的口头传统诗人所使用的术语非常相似,但他自己的诗歌并没有遵循他们自己所宣称的逐点叙事的诗学。这并不是说在古希腊没有史诗可以被这种传统诗学有效地解释。早在亚里士多德时期,史诗周期的诗歌就与荷马史诗的叙事策略不相容,这就是一个例子。尽管荷马一再提到传统诗歌的实践,但他对自己的诗歌实践却保持沉默,这一事实与之有着明显的不同,这就提出了一个问题,即《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》是否可以被视为真正意义上的传统诗歌。
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引用次数: 2
From Choral to Monodic Hymns: Some Evidence from the Homeric Hymns 从合唱赞美诗到单唱赞美诗:来自荷马赞美诗的一些证据
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0003
Polyxeni Strolonga
Abstract This paper investigates internal evidence from the Homeric Hymns in order to trace the development from choral to monodic hymns. A study of the words humneo and humnos and the analysis of the embedded choral theogonic songs in the corpus of the Homeric Hymns show that women’s choral songs about gods are always identified as hymns, while the monodic theogonies, which are described in this corpus, are not identified as such. This division between choral and monodic hymns, reflected to some extent in the diction, is reconciled in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, in which the poet, representing a different genre, addresses and praises the Delian Maidens – the choral singers par excellence. As the Homeric Hymns evolve from cultic, choral hymns, they turn the local praise of gods into panhellenic encomia. Such transition is also alluded to in other sources, in which hymns are disseminated and adapted by male performers, as a result of a female chorus’ instruction.
摘要本文考察了荷马赞美诗的内在证据,以追溯从合唱赞美诗到单体赞美诗的发展历程。对humneo和humnos这两个词的研究以及对荷马赞美诗语料库中嵌入的合唱神歌的分析表明,女性关于神的合唱歌曲总是被认定为赞美诗,而该语料库中描述的单元神歌却没有被认定为神歌。合唱赞美诗和单体赞美诗之间的这种划分,在一定程度上反映在措辞上,在给阿波罗的荷马赞美诗中得到了调和,在这首赞美诗中,诗人代表了一种不同的流派,向迪丽安少女致辞并赞扬她们——她们是出色的合唱歌手。随着荷马赞美诗从邪教、合唱赞美诗演变而来,他们将当地对神的赞美变成了泛地狱的赞美。这种转变也在其他来源中得到了暗示,在这些来源中,赞美诗由男性表演者传播和改编,这是女性合唱团指导的结果。
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引用次数: 0
From Wrath to Punishment: Indirect Communication Between Poseidon and Zeus in Homer’s Odyssey 13.125–158 从愤怒到惩罚:荷马史诗《奥德赛》中波塞冬与宙斯的间接交流(13.125-158)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0005
Christodoulos Zekas
Abstract This paper discusses the modes of communication between the two speakers in Poseidon’s protest before Zeus in Odyssey 13.125–158, which results from the Phaeacians facilitating Odysseus’ arrival in Ithaca. As it appears, both interlocutors employ sophisticated techniques that revolve around the mega-theme of Poseidon’s menis against Odysseus. Even though the Sea-god conceals his anger, I maintain that it lurks in the background, and defines the discourse of both speakers in making their claims. On the one hand, Poseidon lets his rage emerge indirectly through his desire for vengeance at the Phaeacians; on the other hand, Zeus manages to negotiate the wrath theme while suppressing the divine decision that defied the Sea-god in the first place. Concealment of aspects of the story and allusions to otherwise suppressed objectives appear extensively in the present passage, which therefore constitutes an excellent case study in the tactics of the Odyssean gods from the angle of indirect communication.
摘要本文讨论了在《奥德赛》13.125-158中波塞冬在宙斯面前的抗议活动中,两位发言人之间的沟通方式,这是由于法阿西亚人为奥德赛抵达伊萨卡提供了便利。看起来,两位对话者都采用了复杂的技巧,围绕着波塞冬的梅尼斯与奥德修斯的巨大主题。尽管海神隐藏了他的愤怒,但我坚持认为,它潜伏在背景中,并在提出自己的主张时定义了两位发言人的话语。一方面,波塞冬让他的愤怒通过他对法阿西亚人复仇的欲望间接地显现出来;另一方面,宙斯成功地谈判了愤怒的主题,同时压制了最初违抗海神的神圣决定。本篇文章中广泛出现了对故事各方面的隐藏和对其他被压制目标的暗示,因此从间接交流的角度对奥德赛众神的策略进行了极好的案例研究。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction 介绍
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0001
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引用次数: 0
The Meta–Narrative Moment: Rhesus’ Horses Revisited 元叙事时刻:恒河之马再访
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0006
Christos C. Tsagalis
Abstract This study offers a thorough re-examination of the claim that the Doloneia is a major interpolation in the Iliad, since the horses of Rhesus stolen by the two Achaean spies in Iliad 10 are not used by Diomedes to win the chariot race in the Funeral Games in honor of Patroclus in Iliad 23. It is argued that this claim is wrong. Diomedes wins with the semi-divine Trojan horses he has stolen from Aeneas in Iliad 5, i. e. with the best horses after Achilles’ divine horses which are not used in the chariot race. Aeneas’ horses are the only ones that can defeat Eumelus’ excellent mares, which have been called the second-best Achaean horses in Il. 2.763–764.
摘要本研究对多洛涅亚是《伊利亚特》中的一个主要插值的说法进行了彻底的重新审视,因为在《伊利亚特10》中被两名阿契亚间谍偷走的Rhesus的马并没有被Diomedes用来赢得《伊利亚特23》中为纪念Patroclus举行的葬礼上的战车比赛。有人认为这种说法是错误的。狄俄墨德斯在《伊利亚特》第五章中用他从埃涅阿斯那里偷来的半神特洛伊木马获胜。 e.最好的马在阿喀琉斯的神马之后,这些神马不用于战车比赛。埃涅阿斯的马是唯一能够击败尤梅卢斯的优秀母马的马,这些母马在《公元2.763–764年》中被称为第二好的阿契亚马。
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引用次数: 0
Space and Text Worlds in Apollonius 《阿波罗尼乌斯》中的空间和文本世界
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0007
G. Hutchinson
Abstract The paper looks not so much at geographical space or at the standard antithesis of “space” and “place,” but at the fluctuating relationships of space and mind. Various contrasts of inside and outside are considered (bodies, ships, houses), in connection with characters’ experience of space and its meaning. Werth’s idea of text worlds is then considered: the shifting worlds presented in a text, often as perceived or constructed by characters. This approach is given more substance by thinking about space; spatial approaches are given more finesse by thinking about text worlds. The marriage of approaches works happily for similes, for characters’ imaginings, for the physical spaces they structure and manage. It suits the ever-shifting Argonautica well.
摘要本文关注的不是地理空间,也不是“空间”和“地点”的标准对立面,而是空间和心灵的波动关系。根据人物对空间的体验及其意义,考虑了内部和外部的各种对比(身体、船只、房屋)。然后考虑了沃斯的文本世界观:文本中呈现的不断变化的世界,通常是由人物感知或构建的。通过对空间的思考,这种方法得到了更多的实质性内容;通过思考文本世界,空间方法被赋予了更多的技巧。方法的结合对明喻、人物的想象、他们构建和管理的物理空间都很有效。它非常适合不断变化的Argonautica。
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引用次数: 0
Index of Sources 来源索引
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.1515/tc-2020-0012
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Trends in Classics
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