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Невыносимость подполья. Коллективное самоубийство староверов-странников в межвоенной Вятке 难以忍受的地下。在两次世界大战期间,老旅行者集体自杀
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-28 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10057
Igor Kuziner
In the first half of the 1930s in the Vyatka region about 60 Old Believers-Wanderers, mostly women, committed suicide, no longer wanting to live in a world overrun by the Antichrist. The initiator of the wave of voluntary deaths was the local preacher, Khristofor Ivanovich. It is easy to write off these episodes as an actualization of traditional Old Believers’ religiously-motivated suicides or as a reaction to the excesses of Stalinist religious policies. However, as will be shown in the article, the Vyatka Wanderers were neither persistent escapist radicals nor uncompromising dissidents in their dealings with the Soviet authorities. My hypothesis is that this grim practice became possible not because the Wanderers were consistent underground millenarians, but because, squeezed into the catacombs by Stalin’s social and religious policies, they found themselves unable to maintain this unprecedented (for them) regime of existence.
20世纪30年代上半叶,在维亚特卡地区,大约有60名老信徒流浪者自杀,其中大多数是女性,他们不想再生活在一个被反基督者占领的世界里。自愿死亡浪潮的发起者是当地的传教士赫里斯托弗·伊万诺维奇。人们很容易将这些事件视为传统老信徒出于宗教动机自杀的实现,或是对斯大林主义宗教政策过度的反应。然而,正如文章所示,维亚特卡流浪者在与苏联当局打交道时,既不是顽固的逃避现实的激进分子,也不是毫不妥协的持不同政见者。我的假设是,这种残酷的做法之所以成为可能,并不是因为流浪者是始终如一的地下千禧一代,而是因为被斯大林的社会和宗教政策挤压到地下墓穴中,他们发现自己无法维持这种前所未有的(对他们来说)存在制度。
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引用次数: 0
Performing Inventiveness: Industrial and Technical Creativity in the USSR, 1950s–1980s 表演创造力:1950 - 1980年代苏联的工业和技术创造力
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10052
E. Kochetkova
This article examines the phenomenon of Soviet industrial and technical creativity (promyshlennoe i tekhnicheskoe tvorchestvo) from the late 1950s to the 1980s. It particularly focuses on the invention and rationalization movement at industrial enterprises through the lens of Soviet industrial policy. It emphasizes creativity as a labor resource and incentive developed into the oversized system and shows its structural elements and encouragements. The paper argues that from the 1950s onwards, the Soviet state placed labor creativity at the center of industrial development and homegrown vision of progress seeing it as a resource for technological competitiveness from Khrushchev’s aim to reach communism to perestroika. The Soviet leadership, however, overemphasized creativity as workers’ ability to come up with new ideas and find rapid technical solutions to industrial problems in addition to their main duties to show the creative nature of socialist labor. As a result, it developed a formalized branched system constituted by numerous institutions and nominal awards which made creativity not only an industrial necessity but to a large extent a performative product.
本文考察了20世纪50年代末至80年代苏联工业和技术创新的现象。它特别侧重于通过苏联工业政策的镜头在工业企业的发明和合理化运动。它强调创造力作为一种劳动资源和激励发展成为超大系统,并显示其结构要素和激励。论文认为,从20世纪50年代开始,苏联政府将劳动创造力置于工业发展和本土进步愿景的中心,将其视为从赫鲁晓夫实现共产主义到改革的技术竞争力的资源。然而,苏联领导层过分强调了工人的创造力,认为除了他们展示社会主义劳动创造性的主要职责外,工人还具有提出新想法和迅速找到工业问题技术解决方案的能力。因此,它发展了一个由众多机构和名义奖项组成的正式分支体系,这使得创造力不仅是工业必需品,而且在很大程度上是一种表演产品。
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引用次数: 0
Поход Алексея Сидорцева против советского суда: свидетельства, аргументы и поиск материальной истины 阿列克谢·西多采夫反对苏联法庭的运动:证据、论据和追求物质真理
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10055
Maria Starun
This article explores a repertoire of interactions between Alexei Sidortsev, a tenacious Soviet worker defending his rights, and the Soviet legal bureaucracy up to the Supreme Court. Using the Sidortsev case as an example, I plan to demonstrate the judicial logic of interpreting the parties’ various arguments and evidence. This case allows us to describe and analyze the range of rights and legal opportunities available to the Soviet worker under interwar law. I also focus on the rhetorical transformations of Sidortsev’s arguments, changing from ideological to pragmatically bureaucratic. Although Sidortsev was skilled in ideologized Soviet language, it was the material argument that was decisive in courts interpretations of the facts of the case. On this basis, I argue that material truth in the socialist legal consciousness is not determined by the discursive political language of denunciation that we have come to regard as defining in the Soviet system.
这篇文章探讨了阿列克谢·西多尔采夫(Alexei Sidortsev)——一个捍卫自己权利的顽强的苏联工人——与苏联最高法院的法律官僚之间的一系列互动。以Sidortsev案为例,我打算展示解释当事人各种论点和证据的司法逻辑。这个案例使我们能够描述和分析在两次世界大战之间的法律下,苏联工人享有的权利和法律机会的范围。我还关注了西多尔采夫论点的修辞转变,从意识形态转变为实用主义的官僚主义。尽管西多尔采夫精通意识形态化的苏联语言,但在法庭对案件事实的解释中起决定性作用的是物质论点。在此基础上,我认为社会主义法律意识中的物质真理不是由我们在苏联制度中所定义的话语性谴责的政治语言所决定的。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction. New Studies on the Record and Remembrance of the OUN(b) during World War II 介绍。二战期间联合国的记录和纪念的新研究(b)
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.24216/997723645330050701_01
Yulia Yurchuk, Andreas Umland
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引用次数: 0
A Full-Value Ruble: The Promise of Prosperity in the Postwar Soviet Union, written by Kristy Ironside 《全面价值评估:战后苏联繁荣的承诺》,克里斯蒂·艾恩赛德著
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10056
Julie Hessler
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引用次数: 1
Under the Weight of the Soviet Legacy and Political Repressions: The Radical Left in Late Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia 在苏联遗产和政治压迫的重压下:苏联后期和后苏联时期的激进左翼
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10054
S. Sergeev, A. Kuznetsova
Mass protest movements of the early 2010s, particularly the Occupy movement, stimulated the rise of radical left organizations globally. In Southern Europe, radical left parties celebrated their first electoral successes. In Russia, radical left organizations were also influenced by this upsurge of social protest movements and participated in the Bolotnaya protests in 2011–2012 but were marginalized and disintegrated shortly after, resuming their activities only by 2019. This article explores the radical left movements and groups in Russia and offers projections for their future. The Russian radical left is divided into three sub-groups: fundamentalist communists who identify with Stalin and the Soviet Union, libertarian socialists and communists (subdivided into neo-anarchists, autonomists, and neo-Trotskyists), and hybrid organizations (e.g., the Left Front). These organizations face two major constraints unknown to their Western counterparts. First, Russia’s authoritarian regime blocks opportunities for independent, particularly electoral, politics. This reveals itself in targeted repressions against left radicals and anarchists. Second, the dominance of the CPRF blocks any potential of strong left opposition. Unless these restrictions are lifted, radical left organizations in Russia will not be able to overcome their current crisis.
2010年代初的大规模抗议运动,特别是占领运动,刺激了全球激进左翼组织的崛起。在南欧,激进左翼政党庆祝他们的首次选举成功。在俄罗斯,激进左翼组织也受到了这场社会抗议运动热潮的影响,并参与了2011-2012年的Bolotnaya抗议活动,但不久后被边缘化并解体,直到2019年才恢复活动。本文探讨了俄罗斯的激进左翼运动和团体,并对其未来进行了预测。俄罗斯激进左翼分为三个子群体:认同斯大林和苏联的原教旨主义共产主义者、自由主义社会主义者和共产主义者(细分为新无政府主义者、自治主义者和新托洛茨基主义者),以及混合组织(如左翼阵线)。这些组织面临着西方同行所不知道的两大制约因素。首先,俄罗斯的独裁政权阻碍了独立政治,特别是选举政治的机会。这体现在对左翼激进分子和无政府主义者的有针对性的镇压中。其次,CPRF的主导地位阻碍了任何强大的左翼反对派的潜力。除非取消这些限制,否则俄罗斯的激进左翼组织将无法克服当前的危机。
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引用次数: 0
Soviet Entrance to the Middle East and Manoeuvring between Superpowers—the Case of Israel and Egypt 苏联进入中东与大国之间的博弈——以以色列和埃及为例
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10053
Yacov Livne
This article focuses on the strategies that Moscow chose during the first decade after World War II to overcome the obstacles created by the West to its entrance into the Middle East. The cases of Israel in 1948 and Egypt in 1955 show two different entry strategies used by Moscow and reflect significant changes in Soviet foreign policy that occurred between Stalin and Khrushchev toward developing countries. In 1948 Stalin chose an indirect and often tacit support of Israel, while in 1955 Khrushchev opted for a more direct approach with Egypt. Khrushchev’s confident tactics presented Moscow with new opportunities in the Middle East and the developing nations but also created long term challenges for the Soviet regime.At the same time, Israel and Egypt successfully maneuvered between Moscow and the West to gain maximum benefits for their national security needs by using both camps of the Cold War.
本文重点介绍了莫斯科在二战后的第一个十年里为克服西方对其进入中东造成的障碍而选择的战略。1948年的以色列和1955年的埃及的案例表明了莫斯科使用的两种不同的进入策略,并反映了斯大林和赫鲁晓夫之间苏联对发展中国家外交政策的重大变化。1948年,斯大林选择了对以色列的间接且往往是默许的支持,而1955年,赫鲁晓夫选择了对埃及采取更直接的方式。赫鲁晓夫自信的策略为莫斯科在中东和发展中国家提供了新的机会,但也给苏联政权带来了长期挑战。与此同时,以色列和埃及成功地在莫斯科和西方之间周旋,通过利用冷战的两个阵营,为其国家安全需求获得最大利益。
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引用次数: 0
Seasoned Socialism: Gender and Food in Late Soviet Everyday Life, edited by Anastasia Lakhtikova, Angela Brintlinger and Irina Glushchenko 《经验丰富的社会主义:苏联后期日常生活中的性别与食物》,作者是阿纳斯塔西娅·拉赫蒂科娃、安吉拉·布林林格和伊琳娜·格卢什琴科
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10049
Maria Fedorova
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引用次数: 0
Strangers: First Encounter with the Soviets through the Eyes of the Population of the Polesie Voivodeship 陌生人:通过波列西省人民的眼睛与苏联的第一次相遇
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-bja10048
Stanisław Boridczenko
The present paper addresses the manner in which local population of the Polesie voivodeship perceived the Soviet invasion of Poland through the prism of encounter with “others”. In particular, this paper focuses on the local understanding of “others” and how this changed due to the invasion. Also, as an important part of its contextualization, I explore the image of the Soviets held by local communities before the war.
本文论述了波兰省当地居民通过与“其他人”的接触来看待苏联入侵波兰的方式。特别是,本文关注的是当地对“他人”的理解,以及这种理解是如何因入侵而改变的。此外,作为其语境化的重要组成部分,我探讨了战前当地社区对苏联的形象。
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引用次数: 1
Lithuania's cultural elite, born from 1970 to 1980 立陶宛的文化精英,生于1970年至1980年
IF 0.6 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-12 DOI: 10.4324/9781003023050-8
Vilius Ivanauskas, Monika Kareniauskait
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Soviet and Post Soviet Review
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