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Alexandr Serebrovskiĭ and the Modernization of the Soviet Oil Industry—1924 to 1929 亚历山大·谢列布罗夫斯基与苏联石油工业的现代化——1924年至1929年
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-BJA10032
Jonathan Sicotte
Baku, the center of the Russian and then Soviet oil industry, represented the raw economic potential of early Soviet industry. At the head of the industry was Alexandr Serebrovskiĭ, head of Azneft, the largest Soviet oil trust, and a pivotal figure in reviving Soviet oil production across the 1920s. His trip to the United States in 1924 and his subsequent plan to restore Baku’s productive capacity via American technology and methodology would not only improve the industry’s output but allow Azneft to directly compete with American oil companies on the international stage, thus demonstrating the latent potential of the Soviet Union for exportation. However, while this project seemed initially successful, it created a difficult fiscal legacy as Azneft became increasingly financially insolvent across the 1920s.
巴库是俄罗斯和当时苏联石油工业的中心,代表了早期苏联工业的原始经济潜力。该行业的领导者是苏联最大的石油信托公司Azneft的负责人Alexandr Serebrovskiĭ,他是20世纪20年代恢复苏联石油生产的关键人物。1924年,他访问了美国,随后计划通过美国的技术和方法恢复巴库的生产能力,这不仅提高了该行业的产量,而且使Azneft能够在国际舞台上与美国石油公司直接竞争,从而展示了苏联出口的潜在潜力。然而,尽管这个项目最初看起来很成功,但随着20世纪20年代Azneft在财务上越来越无力偿债,它留下了艰难的财政遗产。
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引用次数: 0
Eurasian Environments: Nature and Ecology in Imperial Russia and Soviet History, edited by Nicholas B. Breyfogle 《欧亚环境:俄罗斯帝国和苏联历史中的自然与生态》,尼古拉斯·布雷福格主编
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-BJA10031
J. Seitz
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引用次数: 0
Learning to Become Turkmen: Literacy, Language, and Power, 1914-2014, written by Victoria Clement 《成为土库曼人的学习:识字、语言和权力,1914-2014》,维多利亚·克莱门特著
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-14 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-BJA10030
V. Artman
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引用次数: 6
What Does It Mean to Be Post-Soviet? Decolonial Art from the Ruins of the Soviet Empire, written by Madina Tlostanova 后苏联时代意味着什么?《苏联帝国废墟中的非殖民艺术》,作者:麦地那·洛斯塔诺娃
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-BJA10029
T. Klepikova
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引用次数: 0
The House of Government: A Saga of the Russian Revolution, writted byYuri Slezkine 《政府大厦:俄国革命的传奇》,尤里·斯莱兹金著
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-20201379
Deirdre Ruscitti Harshman
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引用次数: 0
Migration and Mobility in the Modern Age: Refugees, Travelers, and Traffickers in Europe and Eurasia, edited by Anika Walke, Jan Musekamp, and Nicole Svobodny 《现代的移民和流动:欧洲和欧亚大陆的难民、旅行者和人口贩子》,由安妮卡·沃克、扬·穆斯坎普和妮可·斯沃博迪尼主编
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-20201378
R. Turaeva
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引用次数: 0
How the War Began: Conceptualizing Conflict Escalation in Ukraine’s Donbas 战争是如何开始的:乌克兰顿巴斯冲突升级的概念
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-01-25 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-20201380
Jakob Hauter
This article proposes a new theoretical framework based on conflict escalation theory and the concept of critical junctures to facilitate a more transparent analysis of the war in Ukraine’s Donbas. It argues that researchers have proposed a variety of causes of the outbreak of violence in the region. However, in the absence of an overarching theoretical framework, it remains difficult to analyse the interplay of these causes and compare their explanatory power. In response, this article develops a theory-guided escalation sequence model. According to this model, the conflict’s formative phase consisted of an escalation sequence that lasted from April until August 2014 and comprised six critical junctures. This article argues that attempts to explain the conflict should be evaluated and compared in terms of their ability to explain these critical junctures. It concludes that similar escalation sequence models could improve research on armed conflict beyond the case of the Donbas.
本文提出了一个基于冲突升级理论和关键节点概念的新的理论框架,以促进对乌克兰顿巴斯战争的更透明的分析。它认为,研究人员提出了该地区爆发暴力的各种原因。然而,在缺乏总体理论框架的情况下,分析这些原因的相互作用并比较它们的解释力仍然很困难。为此,本文建立了一个以理论为指导的升级序列模型。根据该模型,冲突的形成阶段包括从2014年4月到8月的升级序列,包括六个关键节点。本文认为,解释冲突的尝试应该根据它们解释这些关键时刻的能力进行评估和比较。它的结论是,类似的升级序列模型可以改进对顿巴斯以外武装冲突的研究。
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引用次数: 3
Is Democracy Possible in Russia? 俄罗斯的民主可能吗?
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-18 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-20201375
A. V. Grinëv
This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.
这篇文章讨论了为什么西方式的民主制度没有在俄罗斯形成的问题。民主政体形成的先决条件是支配中小型私人财产和中产阶级。由于许多客观原因,俄罗斯历史上大部分时间的中产阶级都很小,这个国家几乎不知道完全的民主,目前的政治制度只是模仿它。俄罗斯在20世纪初和20世纪90年代初试图进入民主发展轨道的努力都失败了,放弃民主基本原则的趋势在过去二十年中盛行。这不仅要归咎于俄罗斯现任领导层,也要归咎于西方的政治领导层,西方出于短期私利或政治野心,对俄罗斯现政权的形成做出了很大贡献。
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引用次数: 2
A Soviet Ethnic Cleansing? The Polish-Soviet Population Exchange and the Making of Modern Ukraine, 1944–1947 苏联的种族清洗?波苏人口交换与现代乌克兰的形成,1944-1947
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-18 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-20201376
Dmitry Halavach
The article examines the population exchange between Poland and the Soviet Union in 1944–1947, its role in the shaping of modern Ukraine, and its place in the evolution of the Soviet nationality policy. It investigates the factors involved in the decision-making of individuals and state officials and then assesses how people on the ground made sense of the Soviet population politics. While the earlier scholarship saw the transfer as punitive national deportation, the article argues that it was neither punitive nor purely national nor was it a deportation. The article shows that the party-state was ambivalent about the Polish minority and was not committed to total national homogenization of Western Ukraine. Instead, the people themselves were often eager to leave the USSR because of the poor living conditions, fear of Sovietization, and ethnic conflict. Paradoxically, one of the largest Soviet nation-building projects was not the product of coherent nationality policy.
本文考察了1944-1947年波兰和苏联之间的人口交换,它在现代乌克兰形成中的作用,以及它在苏联民族政策演变中的地位。它调查了涉及个人和国家官员决策的因素,然后评估了人们是如何理解苏联人口政治的。虽然早先的学者认为这种转移是惩罚性的国家驱逐,但文章认为它既不是惩罚性的,也不是纯粹的国家驱逐,也不是驱逐。这篇文章表明,党国对波兰少数民族的态度是矛盾的,并且不致力于乌克兰西部的完全民族同质化。相反,由于恶劣的生活条件、对苏维埃化的恐惧和种族冲突,人们自己往往渴望离开苏联。矛盾的是,苏联最大的国家建设项目之一并不是连贯的民族政策的产物。
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引用次数: 0
A Fly in the Soup: Gibberish in Russia as Aesthetic Defiance 汤里的一只苍蝇:俄罗斯的胡言乱语是对审美的蔑视
IF 0.6 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.30965/18763324-20201374
Irina Dzero
Unintelligible sequences of letters or words in today’s Russian culture are omnipresent: in slogans, such as “Hair is the best remedy,” “Stop grandma’s merciless feeding!”; on social media, for example #ifnotputinthencat and “LSDUZ and IFIAU9”; in satirical songs and poems; in films by Zvyagintsev, novels by Sorokin, Tolstaya, and Pelevin, etc. The appeal of gibberish and its repression by the Soviet and post-Soviet officialdom is rooted in the belief that art and word have the power to influence people and events. Avant-garde artists who pioneered this belief in the transformative power of art cheered the Bolshevik’s promise to create a new society, but were soon crushed by the Soviet state as dangerous saboteurs. Today, gibberish is again a strategy of aesthetic defiance. Erudite and inventive, gibberish eludes the grasp of state censorship. It builds communities of resistance, and spoils the authoritative discourse like a fly in the soup.
在今天的俄罗斯文化中,难以理解的字母或单词序列无处不在:在标语中,比如“头发是最好的补救方法”、“停止奶奶无情的喂养!”;在社交媒体上,例如#ifnotputinthencat和“LSDUZ和IFIAU9”;在讽刺歌曲和诗歌中;Zvyagintsev的电影,Sorokin、Tolstaya和Pelevin的小说等。胡言乱语的吸引力及其在苏联和后苏联官场的镇压植根于这样一种信念,即艺术和文字有力量影响人和事件。先锋派艺术家率先相信艺术的变革力量,他们为布尔什维克创造新社会的承诺欢呼,但很快就被苏联国家视为危险的破坏者。今天,胡言乱语再次成为一种美学反抗策略。博采众长、富有创意的胡言乱语是国家审查制度无法掌握的。它建立了抵抗社区,像汤里的苍蝇一样破坏了权威话语。
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引用次数: 0
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