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A Persian Origin of the Arabic Aristotle? The Debate on the Circumstantial Evidence of the Manteq Revisited 阿拉伯亚里士多德的波斯起源?关于曼特克的间接证据的争论
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341317
E. Hermans
The oldest Arabic translation of any Greek text is an eighth-century paraphrase of the first half of Aristotle’sOrganon, known as theManteq. This text has been ascribed to Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ, the Persian administrator, author, and translator. Although the source text of theManteqhas not survived, the ascription to Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ—who knew neither Greek nor Syriac—implies that it was written in Middle Persian. Modern scholars have often called the ascription to Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ into question. This article reassesses that debate and demonstrates that it has been motivated by scholarly skepticism towards the late antique Persian intellectual tradition as a conduit of Aristotelianism. Furthermore, this article argues that none of the available circumstantial evidence contradicts an Aristotelian tradition in Persian, but rather supports it.
希腊文本中最古老的阿拉伯语翻译是对亚里士多德的《Organon》前半部分的八世纪转述,被称为《Manteq》。这段文字被认为是埃本·莫卡法,波斯行政长官,作家和翻译家。尽管《曼特克文》的原始文本没有保存下来,但对既不懂希腊语也不懂叙利亚语的Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ的归属意味着它是用中古波斯语写成的。现代学者经常对Ebnal-Moqaffaʿ的归属提出质疑。这篇文章重新评估了这场争论,并表明这场争论的动机是学术界对作为亚里士多德主义渠道的晚期古代波斯知识传统的怀疑。此外,本文认为,没有任何可用的间接证据与波斯语中的亚里士多德传统相矛盾,而是支持它。
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引用次数: 3
Armenians, Diplomats, and Commercial Agents of Shah ʿAbbās: The European Journey of Khvāja Safar (c. 1609–14) 亚美尼亚人、外交官和沙伊的商业代理人Abbās: Khvāja萨法尔的欧洲之旅(约1609-14年)
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341320
José Cutillas Ferrer

In the first quarter of the seventeenth century, Safavid–Spanish relations took a substantial leap forward when Shah ʿAbbās I, together with a plan of alliance against the Ottomans, proposed a trade agreement that would reroute the silk market from Ottoman territory. This scheme and other factors highlighted the need to send to Iran, for the first time, a Spanish ambassador who was not linked to a religious order. Recent studies of the circumstances of this embassy have appeared; however, there has been little discussion of the people involved in the events, save for the Spanish ambassador Don García de Silva y Figueroa. This paper reconstructs and analyzes the journey of the Armenian Khvāja Safar through Europe and the problems he faced in his mission as a commercial agent and emissary for Shah ʿAbbās. It tries to explain why there was such an unexpected change in Shah ʿAbbās’ attitude towards Spain.

在17世纪的前25年,沙法维和西班牙的关系有了一个实质性的飞跃,当时沙法维Abbās一世连同一个对抗奥斯曼帝国的联盟计划,提出了一个贸易协议,将丝绸市场从奥斯曼领土转移。这一计划和其他因素突出表明,有必要首次向伊朗派遣一位与宗教团体无关的西班牙大使。最近对大使馆情况的研究已经出现;然而,除了西班牙大使Don García de Silva y Figueroa之外,几乎没有人讨论这些事件的相关人员。本文重建并分析了亚美尼亚人Khvāja萨法尔在欧洲的旅程,以及他作为沙伊Abbās的商业代理人和使者所面临的问题。它试图解释为什么沙伊Abbās对西班牙的态度会发生如此意想不到的变化。
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引用次数: 2
Reading ʿAttār’s Elāhināma as Sufi Practical Ethics: Between Genre, Reception, and Muslim and Christian Audiences 将伊·Attār的Elāhināma解读为苏菲实践伦理学:在流派、接受、穆斯林和基督教受众之间
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341318
Ghazzal Dabiri
This paper seeks to contribute to the field of reception and audience studies by analyzing ʿAttār’sElāhināma. Little studied, theElāhināmaoffers an opportunity to understand better ʿAttār’s attitudes towards socio-religious issues, as well as the types of audiences that the text seeks, how it addresses them, and what possible aims it has. The paper argues that theElāhināmamobilizes the formal characteristics of practical ethics and mirrors while disrupting them at the level of meaning towards its own aims, namely, a just society grounded in the tenets of Sufism, for a broad, non-specialized audience, which also includes Christians and Muslims. The paper analyzes and discusses not only the structure of the overall text, but also the first story, the “Tale of the Virtuous Woman,” which sets the tone. This story is an interesting case since it resembles the way that lives of female Byzantine Christian saints are constructed. It thus offers an opportunity to comment on the itinerant nature of narratives across Eurasia and more specifically the types of tales circulating in medieval eastern Iran.
本文试图通过分析Attār的Elāhināma,为接受和受众研究领域做出贡献。很少有人研究,Elāhināmao提供了一个机会来更好地理解Attār对社会宗教问题的态度,以及文本所寻求的受众类型、如何解决这些问题,以及它可能的目标。该论文认为,Elāhināmamobilized了实践伦理和镜子的形式特征,同时在意义层面上破坏了它们,以实现其自身的目标,即为包括基督徒和穆斯林在内的广大非专业受众建立一个以苏菲主义原则为基础的公正社会。本文不仅对全文的结构进行了分析和讨论,而且对第一个故事《贞女物语》进行了分析与讨论。这个故事是一个有趣的案例,因为它类似于拜占庭基督教女圣徒的生活方式。因此,它提供了一个机会来评论欧亚大陆叙事的流动性,更具体地说,是中世纪伊朗东部流传的故事类型。
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引用次数: 0
Ferdynand Goetel’s Iranian Experience: A Non-Colonial European Account of Mashhad Ferdynand Goetel的伊朗经验:非殖民地欧洲人对马什哈德的描述
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341319
M. Rodziewicz
Ferdynand Goetel was a prisoner-of-war and a Polish refugee from Soviet Russia who, in 1920, spent a few months in Mashhad. The current study is an attempt to present Goetel’s unique view of the city and its inhabitants. Khorasan, at the beginning of the twentieth century, was frequently visited by foreigners who left numerous accounts of both the province and its capital Mashhad. Most of them were written by British and Russian citizens; representitive of the great powers striving to dominate the region through an extensive infrastructure of consulates, military posts, and commercial networks across the country. Goetel made his way to Iran after escaping six years of exile in Russian Turkestan, and he perceived his time in Iran as a liberation from captivity. During the few months he was forced to spend in Mashhad, waiting for evacuation, he explored the city and became acquainted with its inhabitants. His memoirs are not only a testimony of life in Iran at the beginning of the century, written from neither a colonial nor semi-colonial perspective, but also a source of information on the turbulent times of the late-Qajar decline.
Ferdynand Goetel是一名战俘,也是一名来自苏俄的波兰难民,1920年,他在马什哈德度过了几个月。目前的研究试图呈现戈特尔对城市及其居民的独特看法。二十世纪初,呼罗珊省经常有外国人到访,他们留下了该省及其首府马什哈德的许多账户。其中大部分是由英国和俄罗斯公民撰写的;代表大国通过遍布全国的领事馆、军事哨所和商业网络等广泛基础设施,努力统治该地区。戈特尔在逃离俄罗斯突厥斯坦流亡六年后前往伊朗,他认为自己在伊朗的时光是从囚禁中解放出来的。在他被迫在马什哈德等待撤离的几个月里,他探索了这座城市,并结识了那里的居民。他的回忆录不仅是本世纪初伊朗生活的见证,既不是从殖民地的角度写的,也不是从半殖民地的视角写的,而且是关于贾尔衰落后期动荡时期的信息来源。
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引用次数: 0
The Black Death in Iran, according to Iranian Historical Accounts from the Fourteenth through Fifteenth Centuries 根据14至15世纪的伊朗历史记载,黑死病在伊朗肆虐
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2018-10-19 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341321
Ahmad Fazlinejad, F. Ahmadi
The Black Death, as a unique historical event, has long attracted the attention of medieval and medical historians both in terms of the length of the pandemic and its geographical scope. Nevertheless, historical studies on the Black Death have often neglected the role it played in Iran. The present paper examines Iranian historical accounts of events pertaining to the pandemic in the late Middle Ages and its consequent outbreak in Iran. Its findings can open new frontiers for understanding the broad geographical area impacted by plague and, specifically, its spread in Iran. This paper attempts also to highlight the value of Iranian historical sources from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries for understanding better the outbreak of the plague.
黑死病作为一个独特的历史事件,长期以来一直在大流行的持续时间和地理范围方面吸引着中世纪和医学史学家的注意。然而,关于黑死病的历史研究往往忽视了它在伊朗所起的作用。本论文审查了伊朗历史上关于中世纪晚期大流行及其随后在伊朗爆发的事件的记载。它的发现可以为了解受鼠疫影响的广大地理区域,特别是其在伊朗的传播开辟新的领域。本文还试图强调从14世纪到16世纪的伊朗历史资料的价值,以便更好地了解鼠疫的爆发。
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引用次数: 5
Ghazā and Ghazā Terminology in Chronicles from the Sixteenth-Century Safavid Courtly Sphere 十六世纪萨非王朝宫廷领域编年史中的加兹和加兹术语
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341313
Tilmann Trausch
In the later decades of the fifteenth century, adherents of the Safavid order started raiding the regions of the northern Caucasus and eastern Anatolia. As most of these raids involved Christian principalities, they have earned the Safavid shaikhs Joneyd and Haydar the reputation as ghāzi s, as fighters for faith against the infidels. This paper explores how scribes from the sixteenth-century Safavid courtly sphere integrated the order’s early military activities into their narratives of the Safavid past. Further, it examines what sound information may be derived from the narratives on these poorly documented events. The paper concludes with the suggestions that a) those doing in history in Safavid times were much less concerned with Islamic “holy war” than modern historians are, and b) their narratives indicate that attempts to establish territorial rule may have outweighed the fight-for-faith motif.
在15世纪的后几十年,萨非王朝的信徒开始袭击高加索北部和安纳托利亚东部地区。由于这些袭击大多涉及基督教公国,他们为萨非王朝的谢赫Joneyd和Haydar赢得了ghāzi的声誉,他们是反对异教徒的信仰斗士。本文探讨了16世纪萨非王朝宫廷领域的抄写员如何将骑士团早期的军事活动融入他们对萨非王朝过去的叙述中。此外,它还考察了从这些记录不足的事件的叙述中可以得出哪些合理的信息。论文的结论是,a)萨非王朝时期的历史学者比现代历史学家更不关心伊斯兰“圣战”,b)他们的叙述表明,建立领土统治的努力可能超过了对信仰主题的斗争。
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引用次数: 1
The Accidentality of Existence in Avicenna and its Critique by Averroes 《阿维森纳》中存在的偶然性及其阿威罗伊的批判
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341315
Yegane Shayegan
The accidentality of existence in Avicenna (Ebn Sinā, d. 1037) is related to his distinction between “existence ( vojud )” and “quiddity ( māhiyya ).” Both these theories have been greatly criticized by Averroes (Ebn Roshd, d. 1198). The latter’s misunderstanding of Avicenna has been the cause of confusion for the comprehension of Aristotle (d. 322 BCE ) in Western Christian scholasticism. This misunderstanding has also extended to Western contemporary Aristotelian scholarship.This paper will try to clarify how this phenomenon perpetuated a global confusion and misunderstanding between the East and the West and also created a disastrous situation for the comprehension of the Peripatetic School. This state of affairs has continued up to the present day among both medievalists and scholars of Aristotelian philosophy. However, it is not my intention in this paper to give a complete review of Western and Eastern scholarship on this subject. Rather, I shall limit myself (with some exceptions) to the works of Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias ( fl . c. 205) and other Greek commentators, Avicenna, and Averroes, which together constitute the primary sources for the ongoing discussion around the nature of “essence” and “existence” in Avicenna’s works.
阿维森纳(Ebn Sinā,d.1037)中存在的偶然性与他对“存在(vojud)”和“魁地亚(māhiyya)”的区分有关。这两种理论都受到了Averroes(Ebn-Roshd,d.1198)的极大批评。后者对阿维森纳的误解一直是西方基督教经院哲学中亚里士多德(公元前322年)理解混乱的原因。这种误解也延伸到了西方当代亚里士多德的学术领域。本文试图阐明这一现象是如何在全球范围内造成东西方的困惑和误解,并为理解“流散派”造成灾难性局面的。这种状况一直延续到今天,在中世纪主义者和亚里士多德哲学学者中都是如此。然而,我无意在本文中对西方和东方关于这一主题的学术进行全面的回顾。相反,我将把自己(除了一些例外)局限于亚里士多德、阿佛洛狄西亚的亚历山大(fl.c.205)和其他希腊评论家阿维森纳和埃弗罗斯的作品,它们共同构成了围绕阿维森纳作品中“本质”和“存在”的本质进行讨论的主要来源。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Poetics in Early Qajar Iran: Writing Royal-Commissioned Tazkeras at Fath-ʿAli Shāh’s Court 伊朗早期贾尔的诗学政治:在法特-阿里·什āh的宫廷创作受皇家委托的Tazkeras
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341311
Naofumi Abe
The middle of the eighteenth century reportedly witnessed the emergence of the new literary movement in Persian poetry, called the “ bāzgasht-e adabi ,” or literary return, which rejected the seventeenth-century mainstream Indian or tāza-guʾi style. This literary movement recently merits increased attention from many scholars who are interested in wider Persianate cultures. This article explores the reception of this movement in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Iran and the role played by the Qajar royal court in it, mainly by the analysis of a specific sub-genre of tazkera s, called “royal-commissioned tazkera s,” which were produced from the reign of the second Qajar monarch Fath-ʿAli Shāh onward. A main focus will be on the reciprocal relationship between the court poets/literati and the shah, which presumably somehow affected our understanding of Persian literature today.
据报道,18世纪中期,波斯诗歌出现了新的文学运动,称为“bāzgasht-e adabi”或文学回归,拒绝了17世纪主流的印度或tāza guʾi风格。这场文学运动最近引起了许多对更广泛的波斯人文化感兴趣的学者的更多关注。本文探讨了这场运动在18世纪末和19世纪初的伊朗受到的欢迎,以及卡塔尔皇家宫廷在其中所扮演的角色,主要是通过分析一种特定的tazkera s亚流派,称为“皇家委托的tazkera s”,它产生于卡塔尔第二任君主Fath-ʿAli Shāh统治时期。主要关注的焦点将是宫廷诗人/文人与国王之间的互惠关系,这可能在某种程度上影响了我们今天对波斯文学的理解。
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引用次数: 3
Thou Shalt Not Enter the Bazaar on Rainy Days! Zemmi Merchants in Safavid Isfahan: Shiʿite Feqh Meeting Social Reality 下雨天你不应该进入集市!萨非王朝伊斯法罕的泽米商人:Shiʿite Feqh与社会现实的相遇
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341314
Sarah Kiyanrad
Many Muslim and non-Muslim merchants from East and West were attracted to Safavid Isfahan, the new “center of the world,” a city that also played host to its own mercantile communities, among them many zemmi traders—Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. As representatives of the newly-established Twelver Shiʿite theology, Safavid religious scholars felt the need to offer commentary on evolving issues on a theoretical level, sometimes writing not in Arabic but in New Persian. How did they regard the activities of zemmi merchants? Were zemmi traders subject to religiously-motivated restrictions? Or did they, on the other hand, enjoy exclusive rights? While my paper focusses on these questions, it will also compare the legal opinions of selected Safavid foqahāʾ on the social reality as reflected in travelogues and through historiography.
许多来自东方和西方的穆斯林和非穆斯林商人被新的“世界中心”萨非王朝伊斯法罕吸引,这座城市也接待了自己的商业社区,其中包括许多zemmi商人——基督徒、犹太人和琐罗亚斯德教教徒。作为新成立的二十世纪什叶派神学的代表,萨非宗教学者认为有必要在理论层面上对不断演变的问题进行评论,有时不是用阿拉伯语而是用新波斯语写作。他们如何看待泽米商人的活动?zemmi交易员是否受到宗教动机的限制?另一方面,他们是否享有排他性权利?在我的论文关注这些问题的同时,它还将比较选定的萨非王朝的佛卡对游记和史学中反映的社会现实的法律意见。
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引用次数: 0
Constituting Love in Persianate Cinemas Persiante电影院中的爱情构成
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341312
P. Partovi
Critics have long regarded the popular cinemas of India, Iran, and Turkey as nothing more than cheap Hollywood knock-offs. While scholars have recognized the geographic and economic ties between these film industries, few have noted their engagement with themes and images particularly associated with earlier Persianate courtly entertainments. Persianate cinemas have challenged modernist ideas of love, marriage, and family life exemplified in Hollywood features and instead taken up older aristocratic conceptions of the family in order to apply them to contemporary society.
长期以来,评论家们一直认为印度、伊朗和土耳其的热门影院只不过是好莱坞的廉价仿制品。虽然学者们已经认识到这些电影产业之间的地理和经济联系,但很少有人注意到它们对主题和图像的参与,尤其是与早期的波斯人宫廷娱乐有关的主题和图像。Persiante电影院挑战了好莱坞特色中的现代主义爱情、婚姻和家庭生活观念,转而采用了古老的贵族家庭观念,以将其应用于当代社会。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Persianate Studies
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