Pub Date : 2018-10-19DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341317
E. Hermans
The oldest Arabic translation of any Greek text is an eighth-century paraphrase of the first half of Aristotle’sOrganon, known as theManteq. This text has been ascribed to Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ, the Persian administrator, author, and translator. Although the source text of theManteqhas not survived, the ascription to Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ—who knew neither Greek nor Syriac—implies that it was written in Middle Persian. Modern scholars have often called the ascription to Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ into question. This article reassesses that debate and demonstrates that it has been motivated by scholarly skepticism towards the late antique Persian intellectual tradition as a conduit of Aristotelianism. Furthermore, this article argues that none of the available circumstantial evidence contradicts an Aristotelian tradition in Persian, but rather supports it.
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Pub Date : 2018-10-19DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341320
José Cutillas Ferrer
In the first quarter of the seventeenth century, Safavid–Spanish relations took a substantial leap forward when Shah ʿAbbās I, together with a plan of alliance against the Ottomans, proposed a trade agreement that would reroute the silk market from Ottoman territory. This scheme and other factors highlighted the need to send to Iran, for the first time, a Spanish ambassador who was not linked to a religious order. Recent studies of the circumstances of this embassy have appeared; however, there has been little discussion of the people involved in the events, save for the Spanish ambassador Don García de Silva y Figueroa. This paper reconstructs and analyzes the journey of the Armenian Khvāja Safar through Europe and the problems he faced in his mission as a commercial agent and emissary for Shah ʿAbbās. It tries to explain why there was such an unexpected change in Shah ʿAbbās’ attitude towards Spain.
在17世纪的前25年，沙法维和西班牙的关系有了一个实质性的飞跃，当时沙法维Abbās一世连同一个对抗奥斯曼帝国的联盟计划，提出了一个贸易协议，将丝绸市场从奥斯曼领土转移。这一计划和其他因素突出表明，有必要首次向伊朗派遣一位与宗教团体无关的西班牙大使。最近对大使馆情况的研究已经出现;然而，除了西班牙大使Don García de Silva y Figueroa之外，几乎没有人讨论这些事件的相关人员。本文重建并分析了亚美尼亚人Khvāja萨法尔在欧洲的旅程，以及他作为沙伊Abbās的商业代理人和使者所面临的问题。它试图解释为什么沙伊Abbās对西班牙的态度会发生如此意想不到的变化。
{"title":"Armenians, Diplomats, and Commercial Agents of Shah ʿAbbās: The European Journey of Khvāja Safar (c. 1609–14)","authors":"José Cutillas Ferrer","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341320","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the first quarter of the seventeenth century, Safavid–Spanish relations took a substantial leap forward when Shah ʿAbbās <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">I</span>, together with a plan of alliance against the Ottomans, proposed a trade agreement that would reroute the silk market from Ottoman territory. This scheme and other factors highlighted the need to send to Iran, for the first time, a Spanish ambassador who was not linked to a religious order. Recent studies of the circumstances of this embassy have appeared; however, there has been little discussion of the people involved in the events, save for the Spanish ambassador Don García de Silva y Figueroa. This paper reconstructs and analyzes the journey of the Armenian Kh<sup>v</sup>āja Safar through Europe and the problems he faced in his mission as a commercial agent and emissary for Shah ʿAbbās. It tries to explain why there was such an unexpected change in Shah ʿAbbās’ attitude towards Spain.</p>","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138508522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-19DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341318
Ghazzal Dabiri
This paper seeks to contribute to the field of reception and audience studies by analyzing ʿAttār’sElāhināma. Little studied, theElāhināmaoffers an opportunity to understand better ʿAttār’s attitudes towards socio-religious issues, as well as the types of audiences that the text seeks, how it addresses them, and what possible aims it has. The paper argues that theElāhināmamobilizes the formal characteristics of practical ethics and mirrors while disrupting them at the level of meaning towards its own aims, namely, a just society grounded in the tenets of Sufism, for a broad, non-specialized audience, which also includes Christians and Muslims. The paper analyzes and discusses not only the structure of the overall text, but also the first story, the “Tale of the Virtuous Woman,” which sets the tone. This story is an interesting case since it resembles the way that lives of female Byzantine Christian saints are constructed. It thus offers an opportunity to comment on the itinerant nature of narratives across Eurasia and more specifically the types of tales circulating in medieval eastern Iran.
{"title":"Reading ʿAttār’s Elāhināma as Sufi Practical Ethics: Between Genre, Reception, and Muslim and Christian Audiences","authors":"Ghazzal Dabiri","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341318","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to contribute to the field of reception and audience studies by analyzing ʿAttār’sElāhināma. Little studied, theElāhināmaoffers an opportunity to understand better ʿAttār’s attitudes towards socio-religious issues, as well as the types of audiences that the text seeks, how it addresses them, and what possible aims it has. The paper argues that theElāhināmamobilizes the formal characteristics of practical ethics and mirrors while disrupting them at the level of meaning towards its own aims, namely, a just society grounded in the tenets of Sufism, for a broad, non-specialized audience, which also includes Christians and Muslims. The paper analyzes and discusses not only the structure of the overall text, but also the first story, the “Tale of the Virtuous Woman,” which sets the tone. This story is an interesting case since it resembles the way that lives of female Byzantine Christian saints are constructed. It thus offers an opportunity to comment on the itinerant nature of narratives across Eurasia and more specifically the types of tales circulating in medieval eastern Iran.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341318","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43015939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-19DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341319
M. Rodziewicz
Ferdynand Goetel was a prisoner-of-war and a Polish refugee from Soviet Russia who, in 1920, spent a few months in Mashhad. The current study is an attempt to present Goetel’s unique view of the city and its inhabitants. Khorasan, at the beginning of the twentieth century, was frequently visited by foreigners who left numerous accounts of both the province and its capital Mashhad. Most of them were written by British and Russian citizens; representitive of the great powers striving to dominate the region through an extensive infrastructure of consulates, military posts, and commercial networks across the country. Goetel made his way to Iran after escaping six years of exile in Russian Turkestan, and he perceived his time in Iran as a liberation from captivity. During the few months he was forced to spend in Mashhad, waiting for evacuation, he explored the city and became acquainted with its inhabitants. His memoirs are not only a testimony of life in Iran at the beginning of the century, written from neither a colonial nor semi-colonial perspective, but also a source of information on the turbulent times of the late-Qajar decline.
{"title":"Ferdynand Goetel’s Iranian Experience: A Non-Colonial European Account of Mashhad","authors":"M. Rodziewicz","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341319","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Ferdynand Goetel was a prisoner-of-war and a Polish refugee from Soviet Russia who, in 1920, spent a few months in Mashhad. The current study is an attempt to present Goetel’s unique view of the city and its inhabitants. Khorasan, at the beginning of the twentieth century, was frequently visited by foreigners who left numerous accounts of both the province and its capital Mashhad. Most of them were written by British and Russian citizens; representitive of the great powers striving to dominate the region through an extensive infrastructure of consulates, military posts, and commercial networks across the country. Goetel made his way to Iran after escaping six years of exile in Russian Turkestan, and he perceived his time in Iran as a liberation from captivity. During the few months he was forced to spend in Mashhad, waiting for evacuation, he explored the city and became acquainted with its inhabitants. His memoirs are not only a testimony of life in Iran at the beginning of the century, written from neither a colonial nor semi-colonial perspective, but also a source of information on the turbulent times of the late-Qajar decline.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341319","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49425514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-19DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341321
Ahmad Fazlinejad, F. Ahmadi
The Black Death, as a unique historical event, has long attracted the attention of medieval and medical historians both in terms of the length of the pandemic and its geographical scope. Nevertheless, historical studies on the Black Death have often neglected the role it played in Iran. The present paper examines Iranian historical accounts of events pertaining to the pandemic in the late Middle Ages and its consequent outbreak in Iran. Its findings can open new frontiers for understanding the broad geographical area impacted by plague and, specifically, its spread in Iran. This paper attempts also to highlight the value of Iranian historical sources from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries for understanding better the outbreak of the plague.
{"title":"The Black Death in Iran, according to Iranian Historical Accounts from the Fourteenth through Fifteenth Centuries","authors":"Ahmad Fazlinejad, F. Ahmadi","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341321","url":null,"abstract":"The Black Death, as a unique historical event, has long attracted the attention of medieval and medical historians both in terms of the length of the pandemic and its geographical scope. Nevertheless, historical studies on the Black Death have often neglected the role it played in Iran. The present paper examines Iranian historical accounts of events pertaining to the pandemic in the late Middle Ages and its consequent outbreak in Iran. Its findings can open new frontiers for understanding the broad geographical area impacted by plague and, specifically, its spread in Iran. This paper attempts also to highlight the value of Iranian historical sources from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries for understanding better the outbreak of the plague.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341321","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48374325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341313
Tilmann Trausch
In the later decades of the fifteenth century, adherents of the Safavid order started raiding the regions of the northern Caucasus and eastern Anatolia. As most of these raids involved Christian principalities, they have earned the Safavid shaikhs Joneyd and Haydar the reputation as ghāzi s, as fighters for faith against the infidels. This paper explores how scribes from the sixteenth-century Safavid courtly sphere integrated the order’s early military activities into their narratives of the Safavid past. Further, it examines what sound information may be derived from the narratives on these poorly documented events. The paper concludes with the suggestions that a) those doing in history in Safavid times were much less concerned with Islamic “holy war” than modern historians are, and b) their narratives indicate that attempts to establish territorial rule may have outweighed the fight-for-faith motif.
{"title":"Ghazā and Ghazā Terminology in Chronicles from the Sixteenth-Century Safavid Courtly Sphere","authors":"Tilmann Trausch","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341313","url":null,"abstract":"In the later decades of the fifteenth century, adherents of the Safavid order started raiding the regions of the northern Caucasus and eastern Anatolia. As most of these raids involved Christian principalities, they have earned the Safavid shaikhs Joneyd and Haydar the reputation as ghāzi s, as fighters for faith against the infidels. This paper explores how scribes from the sixteenth-century Safavid courtly sphere integrated the order’s early military activities into their narratives of the Safavid past. Further, it examines what sound information may be derived from the narratives on these poorly documented events. The paper concludes with the suggestions that a) those doing in history in Safavid times were much less concerned with Islamic “holy war” than modern historians are, and b) their narratives indicate that attempts to establish territorial rule may have outweighed the fight-for-faith motif.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341313","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48573731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341315
Yegane Shayegan
The accidentality of existence in Avicenna (Ebn Sinā, d. 1037) is related to his distinction between “existence ( vojud )” and “quiddity ( māhiyya ).” Both these theories have been greatly criticized by Averroes (Ebn Roshd, d. 1198). The latter’s misunderstanding of Avicenna has been the cause of confusion for the comprehension of Aristotle (d. 322 BCE ) in Western Christian scholasticism. This misunderstanding has also extended to Western contemporary Aristotelian scholarship.This paper will try to clarify how this phenomenon perpetuated a global confusion and misunderstanding between the East and the West and also created a disastrous situation for the comprehension of the Peripatetic School. This state of affairs has continued up to the present day among both medievalists and scholars of Aristotelian philosophy. However, it is not my intention in this paper to give a complete review of Western and Eastern scholarship on this subject. Rather, I shall limit myself (with some exceptions) to the works of Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias ( fl . c. 205) and other Greek commentators, Avicenna, and Averroes, which together constitute the primary sources for the ongoing discussion around the nature of “essence” and “existence” in Avicenna’s works.
{"title":"The Accidentality of Existence in Avicenna and its Critique by Averroes","authors":"Yegane Shayegan","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341315","url":null,"abstract":"The accidentality of existence in Avicenna (Ebn Sinā, d. 1037) is related to his distinction between “existence ( vojud )” and “quiddity ( māhiyya ).” Both these theories have been greatly criticized by Averroes (Ebn Roshd, d. 1198). The latter’s misunderstanding of Avicenna has been the cause of confusion for the comprehension of Aristotle (d. 322 BCE ) in Western Christian scholasticism. This misunderstanding has also extended to Western contemporary Aristotelian scholarship.This paper will try to clarify how this phenomenon perpetuated a global confusion and misunderstanding between the East and the West and also created a disastrous situation for the comprehension of the Peripatetic School. This state of affairs has continued up to the present day among both medievalists and scholars of Aristotelian philosophy. However, it is not my intention in this paper to give a complete review of Western and Eastern scholarship on this subject. Rather, I shall limit myself (with some exceptions) to the works of Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias ( fl . c. 205) and other Greek commentators, Avicenna, and Averroes, which together constitute the primary sources for the ongoing discussion around the nature of “essence” and “existence” in Avicenna’s works.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341315","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44106568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341311
Naofumi Abe
The middle of the eighteenth century reportedly witnessed the emergence of the new literary movement in Persian poetry, called the “ bāzgasht-e adabi ,” or literary return, which rejected the seventeenth-century mainstream Indian or tāza-guʾi style. This literary movement recently merits increased attention from many scholars who are interested in wider Persianate cultures. This article explores the reception of this movement in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Iran and the role played by the Qajar royal court in it, mainly by the analysis of a specific sub-genre of tazkera s, called “royal-commissioned tazkera s,” which were produced from the reign of the second Qajar monarch Fath-ʿAli Shāh onward. A main focus will be on the reciprocal relationship between the court poets/literati and the shah, which presumably somehow affected our understanding of Persian literature today.
{"title":"The Politics of Poetics in Early Qajar Iran: Writing Royal-Commissioned Tazkeras at Fath-ʿAli Shāh’s Court","authors":"Naofumi Abe","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341311","url":null,"abstract":"The middle of the eighteenth century reportedly witnessed the emergence of the new literary movement in Persian poetry, called the “ bāzgasht-e adabi ,” or literary return, which rejected the seventeenth-century mainstream Indian or tāza-guʾi style. This literary movement recently merits increased attention from many scholars who are interested in wider Persianate cultures. This article explores the reception of this movement in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Iran and the role played by the Qajar royal court in it, mainly by the analysis of a specific sub-genre of tazkera s, called “royal-commissioned tazkera s,” which were produced from the reign of the second Qajar monarch Fath-ʿAli Shāh onward. A main focus will be on the reciprocal relationship between the court poets/literati and the shah, which presumably somehow affected our understanding of Persian literature today.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341311","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45246850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341314
Sarah Kiyanrad
Many Muslim and non-Muslim merchants from East and West were attracted to Safavid Isfahan, the new “center of the world,” a city that also played host to its own mercantile communities, among them many zemmi traders—Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. As representatives of the newly-established Twelver Shiʿite theology, Safavid religious scholars felt the need to offer commentary on evolving issues on a theoretical level, sometimes writing not in Arabic but in New Persian. How did they regard the activities of zemmi merchants? Were zemmi traders subject to religiously-motivated restrictions? Or did they, on the other hand, enjoy exclusive rights? While my paper focusses on these questions, it will also compare the legal opinions of selected Safavid foqahāʾ on the social reality as reflected in travelogues and through historiography.
{"title":"Thou Shalt Not Enter the Bazaar on Rainy Days! Zemmi Merchants in Safavid Isfahan: Shiʿite Feqh Meeting Social Reality","authors":"Sarah Kiyanrad","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341314","url":null,"abstract":"Many Muslim and non-Muslim merchants from East and West were attracted to Safavid Isfahan, the new “center of the world,” a city that also played host to its own mercantile communities, among them many zemmi traders—Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. As representatives of the newly-established Twelver Shiʿite theology, Safavid religious scholars felt the need to offer commentary on evolving issues on a theoretical level, sometimes writing not in Arabic but in New Persian. How did they regard the activities of zemmi merchants? Were zemmi traders subject to religiously-motivated restrictions? Or did they, on the other hand, enjoy exclusive rights? While my paper focusses on these questions, it will also compare the legal opinions of selected Safavid foqahāʾ on the social reality as reflected in travelogues and through historiography.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341314","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43014797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341312
P. Partovi
Critics have long regarded the popular cinemas of India, Iran, and Turkey as nothing more than cheap Hollywood knock-offs. While scholars have recognized the geographic and economic ties between these film industries, few have noted their engagement with themes and images particularly associated with earlier Persianate courtly entertainments. Persianate cinemas have challenged modernist ideas of love, marriage, and family life exemplified in Hollywood features and instead taken up older aristocratic conceptions of the family in order to apply them to contemporary society.
{"title":"Constituting Love in Persianate Cinemas","authors":"P. Partovi","doi":"10.1163/18747167-12341312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341312","url":null,"abstract":"Critics have long regarded the popular cinemas of India, Iran, and Turkey as nothing more than cheap Hollywood knock-offs. While scholars have recognized the geographic and economic ties between these film industries, few have noted their engagement with themes and images particularly associated with earlier Persianate courtly entertainments. Persianate cinemas have challenged modernist ideas of love, marriage, and family life exemplified in Hollywood features and instead taken up older aristocratic conceptions of the family in order to apply them to contemporary society.","PeriodicalId":41983,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Persianate Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18747167-12341312","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41599533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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