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A Persian Captive’s Guide to Khiva: Esmāʿil Mir-Panja’s Satirical Recollections 波斯俘虏的希瓦指南:伊斯玛伊尔·米尔-潘贾的讽刺回忆
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-10-28 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341301
J. Eden
Travel literature flourished in the Qajar period, as reports rich in political, geographical, and ethnographic detail were officially commissioned from Iranian diplomats and officers who went abroad. Many of these accounts concerned Central Asia and some historians have argued that they served to project Iranian dominance over the region. Others have argued quite the opposite: that these accounts served to articulate cultural and political borders between Central Asia and Iran. In this paper, I will introduce a new source and an alternative approach. Focusing on the little-known travelogue of Esmāʿil Mir-Panja, an Iranian officer who spent ten years as a captive in Khiva, I will show not only how this travelogue served the interests of the Qajar state, but also how it functioned as a subversive work of satire and an incisive critique of the shah to whom it was dedicated. In other words, I will emphasize the agency of the author as well as the aims of his patrons.
旅行文学在卡扎尔王朝时期蓬勃发展,丰富的政治、地理和民族志细节的报告是由出国的伊朗外交官和官员官方委托撰写的。这些记载中有许多与中亚有关,一些历史学家认为,这些记载是为了表明伊朗在该地区的统治地位。另一些人则持相反的观点:这些记载有助于明确中亚和伊朗之间的文化和政治边界。在本文中,我将介绍一种新的源和一种替代方法。我将聚焦于一位在希瓦被囚禁了十年的伊朗军官esmha - il Mir-Panja的鲜为人知的游记,不仅展示这本游记是如何为卡扎尔王国的利益服务的,还将展示它是如何成为一部颠覆性的讽刺作品,并对它所献给的国王进行了尖锐的批评。换句话说,我将强调作者的作用以及他的赞助人的目的。
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引用次数: 1
Seeing Like a Khanate: On Archives, Cultures of Documentation, and Nineteenth-Century Kh v ārazm 像一个汗国一样看:关于档案、文献文化和19世纪的Kh . ārazm
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-10-28 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341302
P. Sartori
While students of imperial and colonial history began long ago to investigate the culture of documentation that informed the production, disposition and concealment of texts in archives, little has been done to understand how chancery practices and record-keeping activities in the modern Perso-Islamicate world relate to forms of governance. Material coming from the Khivan archives lends itself to provide for a corrective to this situation. By examining reports penned by leaders of mosque communities and reflecting on local archival practices, I address in this paper the following questions: Why did the Qongrats create and run an archive? What were the goals that the Qongrats wanted to achieve by developing and sustaining a project of documentation? I think these are pressing questions for anyone who sets out to make sense of trends of textualization in nineteenth-century Central Asia (and beyond) without succumbing to the somewhat facile narrative of modernization.
虽然研究帝国和殖民历史的学生很久以前就开始研究影响档案文本制作、处理和隐藏的文献文化,但很少有人了解现代伊斯兰世界的大法官实践和记录保存活动与治理形式的关系。来自希万档案的材料有助于纠正这种情况。通过研究清真寺社区领导人撰写的报告,并反思当地的档案实践,我在本文中提出了以下问题:为什么Qongrats创建并运行一个档案?通过开发和维护文档项目,Qongrats想要达到的目标是什么?我认为,对于任何想要理解19世纪中亚(及以后)文本化趋势而又不屈服于现代性的轻率叙述的人来说,这些都是紧迫的问题。
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引用次数: 10
Sabk-e Hendi and the Crisis of Authority in Eighteenth-Century Indo-Persian Poetics 汉迪与十八世纪印度-波斯诗学的权威危机
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-06-08 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341294
A. Dudney
This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Brill via https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341294
这是作者接受的稿件。最终版本可通过https://doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341294从Brill获得
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引用次数: 7
The Local Lives of a Transregional Poet: ʿAbd al-Qāder Bidel and the Writing of Persianate Literary History 跨地域诗人的地方生活:阿卜杜拉·al-Qāder比德尔与波斯文学史写作
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-06-08 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341295
Kevin L. Schwartz
This article focuses on the different ways in which the personality and poetry of the Indian-born poet ʿAbd al-Qāder Bidel (d. 1721) has been interpreted and deployed in a variety of contexts across the Persianate sphere of West, Central, and South Asia, particularly in the nineteenth century. By highlighting different interpretations of Bidel as an obscurantist poet, agent of change, progressive voice, unabashed innovator, and canonic master, I present a more complicated historiography of the poet than the way he is typically presented in Persian literary history. An exploration of the ways in which different peoples and places in the Persianate world have interpreted Bidel reveals a larger complex historiography, which identifies transregional similarities among West, Central, and South Asia and contributes towards a more integrative literary history of the Persianate world.
本文关注的是印度出生的诗人阿卜杜拉·阿卜杜拉·al-Qāder·比德尔(生于1721年)的个性和诗歌在西方、中亚和南亚的波斯人领域的各种背景下,特别是在19世纪,被解读和运用的不同方式。通过强调对比德尔的不同解读,他是一位蒙蒙派诗人、变革的推动者、进步的声音、无耻的创新者和正典大师,我呈现了比他在波斯文学史上的典型表现方式更复杂的诗人史学。对波斯世界中不同民族和地区解读比德尔的方式的探索揭示了一个更大的复杂的史学,它确定了西方、中亚和南亚之间的跨区域相似性,并有助于建立一个更完整的波斯世界文学史。
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引用次数: 4
Mughal Horoscopes as Propaganda 莫卧儿占星术作为宣传
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-06-08 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341293
S. Popp
Not only in Europe but also in India, kings and emperors used astrology as a ‘scientific proof’ for their claims to power. As it still was regarded as a science, it could provide useful justification for a king’s great destiny, even though horoscopes are so complex that almost every fact can be ‘found’ in them by a clever combination of their data. Though doubts about astrology existed, the Mughal emperors used astrology extensively. Two of them, Akbar (1556-1605) and his grandson Shāh Jahān (1628-1658), included horoscopes in the introductions of their official chronicles. Both wanted to prove that they were the renovator of Islam in the second Islamic millennium. Akbar had this done in defiance of religion, Shāh Jahān in compliance, but both with a definitive effort to twist the information from the heavens in a way that suited them. Both used horoscopes to explain the tenets of their reign as a requirement of the age. In the case of Shāh Jahān, we even find personal sentiments and changes over time, comparing an earlier and a slightly later horoscope.
不仅在欧洲,而且在印度,国王和皇帝使用占星术作为他们声称权力的“科学证据”。由于占星术仍然被视为一门科学,它可以为国王的伟大命运提供有用的理由,尽管占星术是如此复杂,几乎每一个事实都可以通过巧妙地结合它们的数据来“发现”。虽然对占星术存在怀疑,但莫卧儿皇帝广泛使用占星术。其中两位,阿克巴(1556-1605)和他的孙子Shāh Jahān(1628-1658),在他们的官方编年史的介绍中包括了占星术。他们都想证明自己是伊斯兰教第二个千年的改革者。阿克巴这样做是对宗教的蔑视,Shāh Jahān是顺从的,但两者都以一种适合他们的方式扭曲了来自天堂的信息。两人都用占星术来解释他们统治的信条,认为这是时代的要求。在Shāh Jahān的例子中,我们甚至发现个人情绪和变化随着时间的推移,比较早期和稍微晚一点的占星术。
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引用次数: 3
Minorities and Foreigners in a Provincial Iranian City: Bahāʾis in the Russian Consulate of Isfahan in 1903 伊朗省城的少数民族和外国人:1903年,巴哈·哈姆在俄罗斯驻伊斯法罕领事馆
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-06-08 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341297
S. Sadeghian
This article is about the struggles of a persecuted confessional minority in Qajar Iran. It shows that the massacre of the Bahāʾis in Isfahan in 1903 was representative of the ongoing power struggles in the city. Previous scholarship that has briefly explored these events has relied primarily on a handful of British diplomatic sources. Drawing on unexplored documents in British and Iranian archives, this article provides crucial details about the social dynamics on the ground and stresses the role of key actors involved in this episode in Iranian history. In the process, the article puts together the socio-economic contexts of the events in Isfahan, explains why the Bahāʾis sought foreign protection, and analyzes the attitudes of powerful local actors such as Zell al-Soltān and Āqā Najafi.
这篇文章是关于在伊朗卡扎尔受迫害的忏悔少数民族的斗争。它表明,1903年在伊斯法罕发生的对巴哈人的大屠杀是该市持续不断的权力斗争的代表。以前对这些事件进行简要探讨的学术研究主要依赖于少数英国外交资料。本文利用英国和伊朗档案中未被发掘的文件,提供当地社会动态的重要细节,并强调伊朗历史上这一事件中主要行动者的角色。在此过程中,本文将伊斯法罕事件的社会经济背景整合在一起,解释了《巴哈古兰经》为何要寻求外国保护,并分析了Zell al-Soltān和Āqā Najafi等有权势的当地行动者的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Wearing the Belt of Oppression: Khāqāni’s Christian Qasida and the Prison Poetry of Medieval Shirvān 戴着压迫的腰带:Khāqāni基督教卡西达和中世纪的监狱诗歌Shirvān
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-06-08 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341296
R. Gould
This article examines how the Persian prison poem ( habsiyāt ) incorporated Islamic legal norms for governing non-Muslim peoples into its poetics. By tracing how Khāqāni of Shirvān (d. 1199) brought the aesthetics of incarceration to bear on Islamic legal regulations pertaining to non-Muslim communities ( ahl al-zemma ), I offer a new perspective on the politics of poetry in Persian culture. As I delineate the intertextual references to legal stipulations ( shorut ) pertaining to non-Muslims that suffuse Khāqāni’s Christian qasida , I demonstrate how the Persian poetics of incarceration coalesced into a powerful internal critique of Islamic law.
本文探讨了波斯监狱诗歌(habsiyāt)如何将管理非穆斯林民族的伊斯兰法律规范纳入其诗学。通过追溯Khāqāni of Shirvān (d. 1199)如何将监禁美学引入与非穆斯林社区有关的伊斯兰法律法规(ahl al-zemma),我提供了波斯文化中诗歌政治的新视角。当我描述了与非穆斯林有关的法律规定(简称)的互文参考,这些法律规定充斥着Khāqāni的基督教卡西达,我展示了波斯监禁的诗学如何融合成对伊斯兰法律的强大内部批评。
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引用次数: 5
Unity of the Persianate World under Turko-Mongolian Domination and Divergent Development of Imperial Autocracies in the Sixteenth Century 16世纪突厥-蒙古统治下波斯世界的统一与帝国专制制度的分化发展
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2016-06-08 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341292
S. Arjomand
The promotion of the Persianate normative model of imperial kingship was the major ecumenical contribution of the Persian bureaucrats who served the Saljuq and Mongol rulers of Iran and Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to state-building. The phenomenal growth of popular Sufism in Timurid Iran and early Ottoman Anatolia had a highly paradoxical impact on the legitimacy of kingship, making its conception increasingly autocratic. Both in the Ottoman and the Safavid successor empires, the disintegrative tendency of nomadic patrimonial empires was countered by variants of Persianate imperial monarchy. It is argued that the decisive event in sundering the ecumenical unity of the Persianate world was not the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, but the Mahdist revolution of the Safavid sheykhoghlu , Shah Esmāʿil, half a century later. The parting of ways stemmed from the variant of mystically enhanced autocracy adopted in the two cases—one with orthodox, Sunni, and the other with heterodox, Shiʿite inflection. The latter model became the Safavid model of autocracy under Shah Esmāʿil, and was quickly adopted by the Timurids after their conquest of India in 1526.
波斯帝国王权的规范模式的推广是13世纪和14世纪为伊朗和安纳托利亚的萨尔柱和蒙古统治者服务的波斯官僚对国家建设的主要贡献。在帖木儿王朝的伊朗和早期奥斯曼安纳托利亚,流行的苏菲主义的显著增长对王权的合法性产生了高度矛盾的影响,使其概念越来越专制。在奥斯曼帝国和萨法维帝国的继承者中,游牧世袭帝国的解体趋势被波斯帝国君主制的变体所抵消。有人认为,分裂波斯世界的普世统一的决定性事件不是1453年对君士坦丁堡的征服,而是半个世纪后萨法维王朝的伊斯兰教革命。道路的分离源于两种情况下所采用的神秘强化专制的变体——一种是正统的逊尼派,另一种是异端的什叶派。后一种模式成为沙阿·埃斯玛伊尔统治下的萨法维专制模式,并在1526年征服印度后迅速被帖木儿人所采用。
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引用次数: 7
Introduction: The Safavids in Global Perspective 导言:全球视野下的萨法维王朝
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341283
R. Matthee
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引用次数: 0
Did Shah ʿAbbās I Have a Mediterranean Policy 沙伊Abbās我有地中海政策吗
IF 0.2 Pub Date : 2015-11-26 DOI: 10.1163/18747167-12341285
José Francisco Cutillas-Ferrer
This paper was funded as part of a Project Fellowship, “Busqueda de documentacion de la Monarquia Hispanica y la Persia Safavi en los siglos XVI-XVII,” ACIE13-01, at the University of Alicante.
本文是由阿利坎特大学的ACIE13-01项目奖学金资助的,该项目名为“Busqueda de documentacion de la Monarquia Hispanica y la Persia Safavi en los siglos XVI-XVII”。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Persianate Studies
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