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The Making of Modern Monastic Families in Colonial Korea: An Examination of Master-Disciple Relations in Monks’ Household Registers 近代朝鲜殖民时期僧侣家庭的形成——对僧侣户籍中的师徒关系的考察
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2019.0002
Jeongeun Park
Abstract:When the modern household registration system was introduced to Korea by the Japanese in 1909, Korean Buddhist monks were smoothly incorporated into it. At the time, most monks might not have realized the tremendous change the modern household registration was bringing about: the beginning of secularization. In the early colonial period Korean monks were allowed to claim their disciples as adopted sons in household registers because the Japanese colonial government acknowledged this pseudo-family relationship in Korean monastic communities as conventional Korean Buddhist practice. When the household registration law was revised in 1915, however, the colonial government decided that monks would no longer be permitted to do this, with the revised law stating that only married men were able to adopt male heirs from patrilineal kin. As a result, Korean monks had to follow the colonial government’s instructions that focused on the creation of the ideal modern family for its colonial subjects. In short, the conflict between the Japanese colonial government’s civil law and Korean monks’ traditional understanding of the relationships between novice clerics and teachers catalyzed the transformation of Korean monks’ concept of the monastic family. As specific examples, this paper will examine the original and revised household registers of the monk Yu Poam of Kwijusa and the monk Yi Taeryŏn of Kŏnbongsa.
摘要:1909年日本人将现代户籍制度引入朝鲜后,韩国佛教僧人顺利融入其中。当时,大多数僧侣可能还没有意识到现代户籍制度所带来的巨大变化:世俗化的开始。在日本殖民时期初期,韩国僧侣可以在户籍上登记自己的弟子是养子,因为日本殖民政府承认韩国僧侣团体的这种伪家庭关系是传统的韩国佛教习俗。然而,当1915年户籍法修订时,殖民政府决定不再允许僧侣这样做,修订后的法律规定,只有已婚男性才能从父系亲属中收养男性继承人。因此,韩国僧侣不得不遵从殖民政府的指示,重点是为殖民地臣民创造理想的现代家庭。简而言之,日本殖民政府的民法与韩国僧侣对新法师关系的传统理解之间的冲突,催化了韩国僧侣对寺院家庭观念的转变。作为具体的例子,本文将研究奎尤萨和尚Yu Poam和Kŏnbongsa和尚Yi Taeryŏn的原始和修改的户籍。
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引用次数: 0
Must Read Texts for Buddhists and the Modernization of Korean Buddhist Ritual 佛教必读经文与韩国佛教仪式的现代化
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2019.0003
R. Mcbride
Abstract:Must Read Texts for Buddhists (Pulcha p’illam 佛子必覽) is a compendium of Korean Buddhist ceremonial texts that was compiled and published in 1931 by Ch’oe Ch’wihŏ 崔就墟 (1865–d. after 1940) and An Sŏgyŏn 安錫淵 (1880–1965). It was the first attempt to systematize and modernize the Buddhist rituals performed by Koreans since the publication of Kŭngsŏn’s 亙璇 (1767–1862) Models for Making Ceremonial Actions (Chakpŏp kwigam 作法龜鑑) in 1826. Although its importance is usually overshadowed in historical memory by its successor text, An Chinho’s Buddhist Rituals (Sŏngmun ŭibŏm 釋門儀範), which was first published in 1935, Must Read Texts for Buddhists established a pattern that made Buddhist rituals accessible to lay Buddhists by presenting the liturgical material in the original Sino-Korean graphs and transcription in the Korean vernacular script. It was a practical and essential manual for both lay and monastic Buddhists in its articulation of appropriate ritual for the gamut of Buddhist practice associated with all the major and minor figures venerated in most monasteries, temples, and shrines. More important, the compilation reveals the central role of dhāraṇī and mantra in the everyday practice of Korean Buddhism, the pervasiveness of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the Hwaŏm cult, and the rise in importance of the Amitābha cult—all positions inherited from the late Chosŏn period. Thus, Must Read Texts for Buddhists provides a compelling snapshot of Buddhist ritual and devotional practice as imagined by leading propagators and scholars of Buddhism in colonial-period Korea.
摘要:佛教徒必读课文佛子必覽) 是1931年由Ch'oe Ch'wihŏ编纂并出版的韩国佛教礼仪文本汇编崔就墟 (1865–1940年后)和安安錫淵 (1880–1965)。这是自Kŭngs n出版以来,首次尝试将韩国人的佛教仪式系统化和现代化亙璇 (1767-1862)仪式行为模型(Chakpŏp kwigam作法龜鑑) 1826年。尽管它的重要性在历史记忆中通常被它的继承文本——安的佛教仪式所掩盖釋門儀範), 1935年首次出版的《佛教徒必读文本》建立了一种模式,通过用中韩原始图形呈现礼拜材料并用韩国白话文转录,使佛教徒能够接触到佛教仪式。这是一本实用而重要的手册,适用于世俗和修道佛教徒,为大多数寺院、寺庙和神殿中所有受尊敬的主要和次要人物的佛教实践提供了适当的仪式。更重要的是,该汇编揭示了dhāra的核心作用ṇī和咒语在韩国佛教的日常实践中,Avata的普遍性ṃsaka-shātra和华教,以及Amitābha教重要性的上升——所有这些职位都继承自朝鲜后期。因此,《佛教徒必读文本》提供了一个引人注目的佛教仪式和虔诚实践的快照,正如殖民时期韩国佛教的主要传播者和学者所想象的那样。
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引用次数: 4
The Remains from Ancient Times: Newly Formed Connections with Buddhist Culture Designated as “Art” or “Cultural Assets” 古代遗存:与佛教文化新形成的联系被指定为“艺术”或“文化资产”
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2019.0001
Kang Hee-jung
Abstract:Imperial Japanese scholars investigated Buddhist art in Korea prior to their country’s annexation of Korea, and shortly after that annexation they commenced their restoration work on those investigated cultural artifacts. This paper aims to review the changes in the context of restored Korean Buddhist art through an examination of period photographs. Japanese publishers made frequent use of photographs of Korean cultural properties taken before and after their restoration. Through these modern Japanese publishing and education efforts, Koreans came to perceive their Buddhist cultural properties as objects belonging to the past to be preserved and protected. Korea’s Buddhist cultural properties, which had once been pivots of ardent prayers, changed into objects of aesthetic and intellectual appreciation. As a result, Koreans of the period came to consider the objects of Korea’s Buddhist material heritage as the subjects of “sightseeing” or questions of “educational refinement” rather than of religious faith.
摘要:日本帝国学者在吞并朝鲜之前对朝鲜的佛教艺术进行了调查,在吞并朝鲜后不久,他们开始了对这些被调查文物的修复工作。本文旨在通过对时代照片的考察,来回顾韩国佛教艺术复原背景下的变化。日本出版商经常使用韩国文化遗产修复前后拍摄的照片。通过这些现代日本出版和教育的努力,韩国人开始将他们的佛教文化财产视为属于过去的需要保存和保护的物品。韩国的佛教文化属性,曾经是热切祈祷的中心,现在变成了审美和智力欣赏的对象。因此,这一时期的韩国人开始将韩国佛教物质遗产的对象视为“观光”或“教育精致”问题,而不是宗教信仰问题。
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引用次数: 1
Guest Editor’s Introduction 特邀编辑简介
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.1353/jkr.2019.0000
R. Mcbride
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引用次数: 0
Accounting for North Korea: Korean Reunification, the CCIA, and the Korean Christians Federation 北朝鲜会计:朝鲜统一,中央情报局和朝鲜基督教联合会
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2019.0004
Paulette Cha
Abstract:During the 1980s, the issue of the peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula became of interest to Christian communities in South Korea. In seeking to understand this phenomenon, conventional narratives have focused on the agency of South Korean Christian activists who had, by the late 1970s, identified reunification as a fundamental goal that needed to be achieved in order to address the political, social, and economic maladies that plagued South Korean society. By contrast, this article accounts for the roles played by non-South Korean actors, in particular the Church Commission on International Relations (CCIA) and the North Korean Christian community. The activities of North Korean Christians in the international arena during the 1970s and early 1980s spurred the CCIA to consider the role it should play in fostering reunification and to act as a bridge linking Korean Christian leaders on both sides of the 38th parallel.
摘要:在20世纪80年代,朝鲜半岛的和平统一问题引起了韩国基督教社区的兴趣。为了理解这一现象,传统的叙事集中在韩国基督教活动家的代理上,他们在20世纪70年代末将统一视为解决困扰韩国社会的政治、社会和经济弊病所需实现的根本目标。相比之下,本文介绍了非韩国行为者所扮演的角色,特别是教会国际关系委员会(CCIA)和朝鲜基督教团体。20世纪70年代和80年代初,朝鲜基督徒在国际舞台上的活动促使基督教协进会考虑在促进统一方面应该发挥的作用,并充当连接三八线两侧朝鲜基督教领导人的桥梁。
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引用次数: 0
Catholics and Anti-Catholicism in Chosŏn Korea by Don Baker with Franklin Rausch (review) 《Chosŏn韩国的天主教徒和反天主教徒》,唐·贝克、富兰克林·劳施合著(书评)
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-12-06 DOI: 10.1353/jkr.2018.0016
D. Torrey
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引用次数: 0
Confucian Spirituality of the Movement of the Heart 儒家心灵运动的精神性
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-12-06 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2018.0014
Heebon Park
Abstract:This paper traces the dynamics of the ''movement of the heart'' (感動) to articulate the communal spirituality experienced in the Neo-Confucian commitment to virtues. To accomplish this, the spiritual dynamics found in Samganghaengsilto are explored, focusing on the development and application of the chapter on virtuous women (''Yŏllyŏp'yŏn'' 烈女篇) and comparing it to two other genres that target audiences from different social locations: classical Confucian literature and p'ansori. I argue that a healthy form of Confucian spirituality of the movement of the heart is found in the way the subaltern consciousness articulates it in p'ansori by creating mutual empathy that moves the hearts of the community and transforms the community by resisting injustice.
摘要:本文追溯了“心的运动”的动态,以阐明新儒家对美德的承诺所经历的共同灵性。为了达到这个目的,我们探讨了《三甘行实录》中的精神动力,重点关注了“贞女”一章的发展和应用(“Yŏllyŏp'yŏn”),并将其与另外两种针对不同社会地位的观众的类型进行了比较:古典儒家文学和普索里。我认为,儒家心灵运动精神的一种健康形式,是通过创造相互的同理心,通过抵制不公正来感动社区的心,并改变社区,从而在《p'ansori》中表达下层意识的方式中找到的。
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引用次数: 0
Spirituality, Spontaneity, and Moral Charisma in Korean Confucianism 韩国儒家思想的精神性、自发性与道德魅力
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-12-06 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2018.0012
Young-chan Ro
Abstract:The discussion on whether Confucianism is a religion may be an intriguing and important intellectual and academic issue. However, before we may engage in the whole spectrum of Confucian religiosity, including the ritual dimension of Confucianism, it would be fruitful to engage in the exploration of the ''spiritual'' aspect of Confucianism. The term ''spirituality'' is also so broad, ambiguous, and complex that we may not be able to define it in a simple and specific language. Furthermore, the way we understand ''spirituality'' may differ depending on the cultural context and religious traditions. In this article, I try to explore and appreciate the Confucian character of ''spirituality'' to understand the uniqueness of the Confucian and Neo-Confucian tradition, especially the Korean Neo-Confucian tradition represented by Yi Yulgok. My discussion of the Confucian form of spirituality includes: 1. the concepts of ''sacred'' and ''secular,'' arguing that Confucianism can best be represented by expressing ''sacred'' in ''secularity.'' 2. The arguement that Confucian ''spirituality'' is deeply embedded in the moral practice and intellectual investigation involved in the process of ''self-cultivation'' to realize the Confucian ideal of the ''superior man or person'' with spontaneity of moral charisma. 3. The notion that Confucian spirituality is found in the experience of the unity and continuity of the human to the cosmos and nature, representing the ''anthropo-cosmic'' or ''cosmo-anthropic'' idea of being human.
摘要:关于儒教是否为宗教的讨论可能是一个有趣而重要的智力和学术问题。然而,在我们研究儒家宗教信仰的整个范围,包括儒家的仪式维度之前,对儒家的“精神”方面进行探索将是富有成效的。“灵性”这个词也是如此广泛、模糊和复杂,以至于我们可能无法用简单而具体的语言来定义它。此外,我们理解“灵性”的方式可能会因文化背景和宗教传统而有所不同。在本文中,我试图通过对儒家“精神性”这一品格的探索和欣赏,来理解儒家与新儒家传统,尤其是以李玉谷为代表的韩国新儒家传统的独特性。我对儒家精神形态的讨论包括:1。“神圣”和“世俗”的概念,认为儒家思想最好的表现是在“世俗”中表达“神圣”。“2。认为儒家的“灵性”深深根植于道德实践和“自我修炼”过程中所涉及的知识探索,以实现具有自发性道德魅力的儒家“君子”理想。3.认为儒家精神存在于人对宇宙和自然的统一性和连续性的经验中,代表了人的“人-宇宙”或“宇宙-人类”思想。
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引用次数: 1
Individuality and Immortality in Confucian Spirituality 儒家精神中的个性与不朽
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-12-06 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2018.0013
So-Yi Chung
Abstract:The Christian notion of spirituality, especially the concept of human soul or anima, was a difficult concept for Confucians. Individuality and immortality, which described the essential feature of the Christian concept of the human soul, cannot stand together in the Neo-Confucian framework. If something is individual, it is bound to disappear; if something is immortal, it is never singular. In this article, I shall first discuss various translations of the term ''human soul'' by four Christian missionaries: Juan Cobo, Matteo Ricci, Giulio Aleni, and Francesco Sambiasi. The history of the translation of this term reveals the struggles of missionaries as they endeavored to implant Christian worldviews in East Asia. I then examine Confucian responses to such endeavors. Confucians who were open to new ideas and beliefs also went through painful ordeals as they embraced the Catholic faith. In this regard, the two brothers of eighteenth-century Chosŏn Korea—Chŏng Yakchong and Chŏng Yakyong—represent two possibilities in Christian-Confucian dialogue. While the former was a devoted Catholic with a Confucian background, the latter remained a Confucian, albeit one who weaved Catholic ideas into his theoretical outlook. In the end, their creative integration of ideas enriched and deepend our insights into Confucian spirituality.
摘要:基督教的灵性概念,特别是人的灵魂或动物的概念,对儒家来说是一个难以理解的概念。个性和不朽,描述了基督教的人类灵魂概念的本质特征,不能站在新儒家的框架。如果某样东西是个人的,它一定会消失;如果某样东西是不朽的,那它绝不是单一的。在这篇文章中,我将首先讨论四位基督教传教士对“人类灵魂”一词的不同翻译:胡安·科博、利玛窦、朱利奥·阿莱尼和弗朗西斯科·桑比亚西。这个词的翻译历史揭示了传教士努力在东亚植入基督教世界观的斗争。然后,我考察了儒家对这些努力的回应。对新思想和新信仰持开放态度的儒家教徒在接受天主教信仰时也经历了痛苦的考验。在这方面,18世纪的Chosŏn Korea-Chŏng崖冲和Chŏng崖勇兄弟代表了基督教与儒家对话的两种可能性。前者是一个有儒家背景的虔诚的天主教徒,后者仍然是一个儒家,尽管他将天主教思想编织到他的理论观点中。最后,他们创造性的思想融合丰富和深化了我们对儒家精神的认识。
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引用次数: 1
Confucian Spirituality: Desire, Self-cultivation, and Religiosity 儒家精神:欲望、修身与虔诚
IF 0.4 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-12-06 DOI: 10.1353/JKR.2018.0011
V. Shen
Abstract:Confucian spirituality consists in the positive development of human desire for meaningfulness, that can be distinguished as desiring desire (能欲) or original desire, which we may call benxin 本心, the original generosity to go outside of oneself towards others; the desirable desire (可欲), which we may call chuxin 初心, the initial direction of desire to the good in many others; and the desired desire (所欲) that men should constantly guard against becoming selfish in the seeking and enjoyment of any specific object. Various artforms may be termed ''inducers of desire''; these induce the positive development of desire for meaningfulness. Arts, with authenticity and sincerity, serve to elicit from us unselfish desire in directing it to order and beauty, fining it, even to the point of seeking poetic wisdom. Then, unselfish desire should come back to itself and form a life of virtue, defined as excellence in the realization of one's natural abilities, and the harmonization of relationships. In the end, we will turn towards Confucius' religiosity, in dealing with his intimate relationship with Heaven as the ultimate reality, to which he prays in gratitude for even a humble meal, trusting his mission given by Heaven, and facing the challenges of life, even dangerous and life-threatening, with the support of Heaven.
摘要:儒家的精神在于人类对意义的渴望的积极发展,这种渴望可以被区分为“欲欲”或“本心”,我们可以称之为“本心”,即走出自我对他人的原始慷慨;理想的愿望,我们可以称之为“初心”,是许多人向善的愿望的最初方向;人们应该不断地防止在追求和享受任何特定目标的过程中变得自私。各种艺术形式可以被称为“欲望的诱导者”;这些诱发了对意义的渴望的积极发展。艺术,以其真实和真诚,从我们的内心引出无私的欲望,引导它走向秩序和美,将它提炼,甚至达到寻求诗意智慧的地步。然后,无私的欲望应该回归自身,形成一种美德的生活,定义为在实现一个人的自然能力方面的卓越,以及人际关系的和谐。最后,我们将转向孔子的宗教性,将他与天堂的亲密关系视为终极现实,他为一顿卑微的饭祈祷,相信上帝赋予他的使命,面对生活的挑战,甚至是危险和生命的挑战,在天堂的支持下。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Journal of Korean Religions
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