From a historical perspective, shewa mobile (shewa na') in the Biblical Hebrew reading traditions may be regarded as an epenthetic vowel which breaks up a consonant cluster that came into being through the process of deletion, syncope, etc. Evidence from the attested reading traditions of Biblical Hebrew suggests that the kind of vowel reduction that would bring about the ubiquity of “shewa” in the medieval traditions was already underway in the Second Temple period. At the same time, there is evidence from antiquity that other phonological strategies were implemented to prevent such (complete) reduction of short vowels in open unstressed syllables. In particular, there is evidence in both the ancient transcription traditions of Hebrew and in the Samaritan tradition for non-etymological gemination of a consonant immediately following a vowel in the “shewa slot.” Though some such examples of gemination may be explained as variant morphological patterns, etc., it will be argued that such gemination was implemented to ensure the distinct pronunciation of the phonological sequence. While some cases of this phenomenon are best explained as orthoepic strategies for careful reading, other cases may have developed more naturally in the spoken language. This conclusion is significant because it demonstrates both that vowel reduction/deletion was already prone to occur in the late Second Temple period and that there was an impulse in both speech and in a careful reading of the Biblical Hebrew tradition to avoid consonant clusters (at least in some cases) already in this early period.
{"title":"“shewa” + Secondary Gemination in Late Antique Hebrew as seen in Greek and Latin Transcriptions of Hebrew and in Samaritan","authors":"B. Kantor","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9385","url":null,"abstract":"From a historical perspective, shewa mobile (shewa na') in the Biblical Hebrew reading traditions may be regarded as an epenthetic vowel which breaks up a consonant cluster that came into being through the process of deletion, syncope, etc. Evidence from the attested reading traditions of Biblical Hebrew suggests that the kind of vowel reduction that would bring about the ubiquity of “shewa” in the medieval traditions was already underway in the Second Temple period. At the same time, there is evidence from antiquity that other phonological strategies were implemented to prevent such (complete) reduction of short vowels in open unstressed syllables. In particular, there is evidence in both the ancient transcription traditions of Hebrew and in the Samaritan tradition for non-etymological gemination of a consonant immediately following a vowel in the “shewa slot.” Though some such examples of gemination may be explained as variant morphological patterns, etc., it will be argued that such gemination was implemented to ensure the distinct pronunciation of the phonological sequence. While some cases of this phenomenon are best explained as orthoepic strategies for careful reading, other cases may have developed more naturally in the spoken language. This conclusion is significant because it demonstrates both that vowel reduction/deletion was already prone to occur in the late Second Temple period and that there was an impulse in both speech and in a careful reading of the Biblical Hebrew tradition to avoid consonant clusters (at least in some cases) already in this early period.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48000164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article describes the point of intersection at which the text of the Code of Hammurabi, the Deuteronomic code (ANE), and the context of South Africa meet. These relationships can be summarised as women being treated badly, so badly that one can almost describe this treatment as the “Wild West.” This depiction of the bloody violence in which women are subjugated and disempowered by men is appalling and is an indictment against men. Throughout history women demanded the protection of men, but were constantly exploited by them. Women are simply not honoured or respected for their innate human dignity. This is problematic because it has resulted in how men interpret the role and contributions of women in society and a country’s economic development. This has often led to women being perceived as subhuman and inferior to men. Women to a large extent in the media are not valued very highly in South African society, which has subliminally contributed to the disempowerment of women in general and the scourge of gender-based violence in particular.
{"title":"(Mis)Treatment of Women Intersecting in the Codes of Hammurabi and Deuteronomy (Ancient Near East and South Africa)","authors":"Doniwen Pietersen","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9447","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes the point of intersection at which the text of the Code of Hammurabi, the Deuteronomic code (ANE), and the context of South Africa meet. These relationships can be summarised as women being treated badly, so badly that one can almost describe this treatment as the “Wild West.” This depiction of the bloody violence in which women are subjugated and disempowered by men is appalling and is an indictment against men. Throughout history women demanded the protection of men, but were constantly exploited by them. Women are simply not honoured or respected for their innate human dignity. This is problematic because it has resulted in how men interpret the role and contributions of women in society and a country’s economic development. This has often led to women being perceived as subhuman and inferior to men. Women to a large extent in the media are not valued very highly in South African society, which has subliminally contributed to the disempowerment of women in general and the scourge of gender-based violence in particular.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47792449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper offers a socio-historical linguistic account of the origin of the Rabbinic Hebrew (RH) nithpaal, positing a contact-induced morphological compromise between the Hebrew niphal and the hithpael in which the usage of latter stem has been influenced by the Aramaic -t stem (hithpaal). To prove this, I outline the history of the relationship between the niphal and hithpael, focusing on a few post-exilic examples that display an equivalence of the meaning and use of the two stems, especially the growth of the passive hithpael. As such, the traditional account of the derivation of the nithpaal in RH as a blend of hithpael and niphal is argued to be a morphological compromise as the result of Hebrew-Aramaic bilingual language processing. This conclusion allows a presentation of RH nithpaal in its social and historical context, suggesting that, as a morphological compromise, it perhaps also indicates a linguistic reflex of a language community under threat of language extinction.
{"title":"The Origin of the Hebrew nithpaal: A Sociolinguistic Proposal","authors":"Brian Donnelly-Lewis","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9323","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a socio-historical linguistic account of the origin of the Rabbinic Hebrew (RH) nithpaal, positing a contact-induced morphological compromise between the Hebrew niphal and the hithpael in which the usage of latter stem has been influenced by the Aramaic -t stem (hithpaal). To prove this, I outline the history of the relationship between the niphal and hithpael, focusing on a few post-exilic examples that display an equivalence of the meaning and use of the two stems, especially the growth of the passive hithpael. As such, the traditional account of the derivation of the nithpaal in RH as a blend of hithpael and niphal is argued to be a morphological compromise as the result of Hebrew-Aramaic bilingual language processing. This conclusion allows a presentation of RH nithpaal in its social and historical context, suggesting that, as a morphological compromise, it perhaps also indicates a linguistic reflex of a language community under threat of language extinction.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46327776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We are approaching the 50-year mark since Wolfgang Schneider wrote a brief chapter on Hebrew syntax (in his Grammatik des biblischen Hebräisch [1974]) based on the text-linguistic method of Harald Weinrich (Tempus [1964]). This contribution offers reflections on this often-neglected linguist, and extends a recently proposed way of looking at the syntax of Biblical Hebrew, starting from a re-examination of Weinrich’s linguistic principles. A text-linguistic analysis of the wayyiqtol, xqatal, and xparticiple as evident in the indirect speech of Genesis 24 is presented. This contribution brings to the fore the relevance of Weinrich’s text-grammar for the study of Biblical Hebrew and the connection between Weinrich and Lucien Tesnière (dependency grammar).
沃尔夫冈·施耐德(Wolfgang Schneider)基于Harald Weinrich (Tempus[1964])的文本语言学方法，撰写了一篇关于希伯来语语法的简短章节(在他的gramatik des biblischen Hebräisch[1974]中)，现在已经接近50周年了。这一贡献提供了对这位经常被忽视的语言学家的反思，并扩展了最近提出的一种看待圣经希伯来语语法的方法，从重新检查Weinrich的语言学原理开始。一个文本语言学分析的方式，qtol, xqatal，和x分词作为明显的间接引语创世纪24提出。这一贡献突出了Weinrich的文本语法与圣经希伯来语研究的相关性，以及Weinrich和Lucien tesni(依存语法)之间的联系。
{"title":"Reclaiming the Text-grammar of Harald Weinrich and the Syntax of Genesis 24","authors":"Vasile Condrea","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9239","url":null,"abstract":"We are approaching the 50-year mark since Wolfgang Schneider wrote a brief chapter on Hebrew syntax (in his Grammatik des biblischen Hebräisch [1974]) based on the text-linguistic method of Harald Weinrich (Tempus [1964]). This contribution offers reflections on this often-neglected linguist, and extends a recently proposed way of looking at the syntax of Biblical Hebrew, starting from a re-examination of Weinrich’s linguistic principles. A text-linguistic analysis of the wayyiqtol, xqatal, and xparticiple as evident in the indirect speech of Genesis 24 is presented. This contribution brings to the fore the relevance of Weinrich’s text-grammar for the study of Biblical Hebrew and the connection between Weinrich and Lucien Tesnière (dependency grammar).","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41874193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-02DOI: 10.25159/2663-6573/10064
Cynthia L. Miller-Naudé, J. Naudé
Left dislocation constructions involve a constituent that precedes the matrix sentence and is resumed within the sentence by a coreferential resumptive element. Cross-linguistically, left dislocation constructions exhibit considerable syntactic variation, which can be described on the basis of (1) the grammatical features of the resumptive element, (2) the relationship of the left dislocated constituent to the resumptive element, especially with respect to case agreement, and (3) the relationship of the left dislocation construction to the broader syntactic context. In this essay we describe the syntactic features of left dislocation constructions in the biblical books traditionally and uncontroversially identified as post-exilic—Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and Esther. We identify ways in which trajectories of change in Biblical Hebrew can be identified in these constructions as well as syntactic features that are stable within the biblical corpus.
{"title":"Syntactic Features of Left Dislocation Constructions in Post-Exilic Biblical Hebrew","authors":"Cynthia L. Miller-Naudé, J. Naudé","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/10064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/10064","url":null,"abstract":"Left dislocation constructions involve a constituent that precedes the matrix sentence and is resumed within the sentence by a coreferential resumptive element. Cross-linguistically, left dislocation constructions exhibit considerable syntactic variation, which can be described on the basis of (1) the grammatical features of the resumptive element, (2) the relationship of the left dislocated constituent to the resumptive element, especially with respect to case agreement, and (3) the relationship of the left dislocation construction to the broader syntactic context. In this essay we describe the syntactic features of left dislocation constructions in the biblical books traditionally and uncontroversially identified as post-exilic—Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and Esther. We identify ways in which trajectories of change in Biblical Hebrew can be identified in these constructions as well as syntactic features that are stable within the biblical corpus.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49239709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I focus on the syntactic properties of subjects in impersonal verbal constructions in Biblical Hebrew. It is claimed that four types of subjectless verbal clauses—active finite and participial plural, active finite singular, passive, and stative—feature three types of impersonal subject: covert indefinite pronoun, inflectional morpheme, and zero-subject. It will be demonstrated that these subjects have different, only partly overlapping syntactic properties: The covert indefinite pronoun implies an animate subject that does not necessitate “collective interpretation” and can have generic scope; the subject can be topicalised, negated, and relativised, the verbal predicate is temporally vague. The 3rd masculine plural inflectional morpheme implies an animate collective subject; it can be controlled from the matrix clause and be used for participant tracking and anaphora; the verbal predicate is quite precisely anchored in time. The dummy zero-subject has no explicit subject properties; it can be theorised that the syntactic slot of a subject is taken by an overt cognate argument (Cause or Theme) of stative or passive verbs, but practically such a subject leaves no syntactic traces.
{"title":"Impersonal Verbal Constructions in Biblical Hebrew: Active, Stative, and Passive","authors":"Tania Notarius","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9379","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I focus on the syntactic properties of subjects in impersonal verbal constructions in Biblical Hebrew. It is claimed that four types of subjectless verbal clauses—active finite and participial plural, active finite singular, passive, and stative—feature three types of impersonal subject: covert indefinite pronoun, inflectional morpheme, and zero-subject. It will be demonstrated that these subjects have different, only partly overlapping syntactic properties:\u0000\u0000The covert indefinite pronoun implies an animate subject that does not necessitate “collective interpretation” and can have generic scope; the subject can be topicalised, negated, and relativised, the verbal predicate is temporally vague.\u0000The 3rd masculine plural inflectional morpheme implies an animate collective subject; it can be controlled from the matrix clause and be used for participant tracking and anaphora; the verbal predicate is quite precisely anchored in time.\u0000The dummy zero-subject has no explicit subject properties; it can be theorised that the syntactic slot of a subject is taken by an overt cognate argument (Cause or Theme) of stative or passive verbs, but practically such a subject leaves no syntactic traces.\u0000","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42944393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Samaritan oral tradition of the Pentateuch reflects a wider range of morphological forms of the qal active participle than the Tiberian tradition. Several of these are innovations borrowed from Aramaic. In some cases the Samaritan tradition exploits its larger pool of morphological patterns of the participle to express semantic distinctions that are not expressed in the morphology of the Tiberian tradition. The central semantic distinction that is expressed is between participles of a nominal character that express time-stable properties and those of a verbal character that express contingent properties. This same process can be identified in several places in the Tiberian tradition. This casts light on the interpretation tradition of the forms in question in the Tiberian tradition.
{"title":"Innovative Morphological Distinctions in Verbal Forms in the Samaritan and Tiberian Reading Traditions of Biblical Hebrew","authors":"G. Khan","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9494","url":null,"abstract":"The Samaritan oral tradition of the Pentateuch reflects a wider range of morphological forms of the qal active participle than the Tiberian tradition. Several of these are innovations borrowed from Aramaic. In some cases the Samaritan tradition exploits its larger pool of morphological patterns of the participle to express semantic distinctions that are not expressed in the morphology of the Tiberian tradition. The central semantic distinction that is expressed is between participles of a nominal character that express time-stable properties and those of a verbal character that express contingent properties. This same process can be identified in several places in the Tiberian tradition. This casts light on the interpretation tradition of the forms in question in the Tiberian tradition.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43042766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Traditional Biblical Hebrew (BH) grammars have often defined the temporal information of BH verbs only in terms of tense or grammatical aspect, which can be identified by the finite verbal forms. This paper argues that lexical aspect, which is also known as situation aspect or Aktionsart, is an essential semantic factor for determining the internal temporal structure of BH predicates. As a trial cut, this paper analyses lexical aspect in the verb yd' in the qatal, qotel, and wayyiqtol forms.
{"title":"Internal Temporal Structure of the Biblical Hebrew Verb: A Case Study of Lexical Aspect in the Verb yd'","authors":"Jun-ichi Sato","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9275","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional Biblical Hebrew (BH) grammars have often defined the temporal information of BH verbs only in terms of tense or grammatical aspect, which can be identified by the finite verbal forms. This paper argues that lexical aspect, which is also known as situation aspect or Aktionsart, is an essential semantic factor for determining the internal temporal structure of BH predicates. As a trial cut, this paper analyses lexical aspect in the verb yd' in the qatal, qotel, and wayyiqtol forms.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49309603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Biblical Hebrew (henceforth BH), like most languages, possesses two different kinds of numerals, cardinals, e.g., sheloshah (three) and ordinals, e.g., shelishi (third). While BH can generate a cardinal of any size, the ordinal paradigm in BH only goes up to ten, and there is no morphological or syntactic mechanism for combining ordinals to express higher numbers. BH compensates for its lack of higher ordinals by employing ordinal numerals in dedicated syntactic constructions. The present study is a diachronic corpus-based analysis of the syntax of one kind of cardinal phrase with ordinal meaning, the day-of-the-month expression. This study takes the syntactic and semantic accounts in Rothstein and Moshavi (2021) as its points of departure, and includes a construction not discussed in that publication. The study examines the synchronic and diachronic distributions of four constructions that account for nearly all occurrences of cardinal constructions with ordinal meaning: the appositional phrase (AP), the reduplicative construct phrase (RCP), the construct phrase (CP), and the bare numeral phrase (BN). The data presented reveals noteworthy developments in day-of-the-month expressions in Late Biblical Hebrew (LBH) that are also reflected in the extra-biblical Hebrew corpora of the Second Temple period. These results establish the syntactic expression of ordinality as a topic of significance for the broader endeavour of characterising the linguistic features of exilic and Second Temple Hebrew.
{"title":"Expressing the Day of the Month in Biblical Hebrew: A Diachronic Perspective","authors":"Adina Moshavi","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9375","url":null,"abstract":"Biblical Hebrew (henceforth BH), like most languages, possesses two different kinds of numerals, cardinals, e.g., sheloshah (three) and ordinals, e.g., shelishi (third). While BH can generate a cardinal of any size, the ordinal paradigm in BH only goes up to ten, and there is no morphological or syntactic mechanism for combining ordinals to express higher numbers. BH compensates for its lack of higher ordinals by employing ordinal numerals in dedicated syntactic constructions. The present study is a diachronic corpus-based analysis of the syntax of one kind of cardinal phrase with ordinal meaning, the day-of-the-month expression. This study takes the syntactic and semantic accounts in Rothstein and Moshavi (2021) as its points of departure, and includes a construction not discussed in that publication. The study examines the synchronic and diachronic distributions of four constructions that account for nearly all occurrences of cardinal constructions with ordinal meaning: the appositional phrase (AP), the reduplicative construct phrase (RCP), the construct phrase (CP), and the bare numeral phrase (BN). The data presented reveals noteworthy developments in day-of-the-month expressions in Late Biblical Hebrew (LBH) that are also reflected in the extra-biblical Hebrew corpora of the Second Temple period. These results establish the syntactic expression of ordinality as a topic of significance for the broader endeavour of characterising the linguistic features of exilic and Second Temple Hebrew.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49106037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A development in verbal morphology common to multiple forms of ancient Hebrew involves the shift of stative, intransitive, and weakly transitive verbs from G-stem (qal) to N-stem (niphal). Like other Hebrew traditions that crystallised in the Second Temple period, the reading tradition of the Samaritan Pentateuch (consisting of the oral realisation of the constituent consonantal, vocalic, and prosodic components) presents a relatively advanced stage of the shift. Against this tendency, however, Samaritan Hebrew also at times appears to preserve archaic qal morphology. This study surveys salient manifestations of “niphalisation” in Samaritan Hebrew, contrasting them with parallel features in Tiberian Hebrew and other forms of ancient Hebrew and Aramaic, especially Second Temple varieties, and seeks to reveal salient commonalities. While highlighting pertinent secondary features common to Second Temple period sources, the paper also emphasises the historical depth of the shift from qal to niphal.
{"title":"Niphalisation in Ancient Hebrew: A Perspective from the Samaritan Tradition","authors":"Aaron Hornkohl","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9207","url":null,"abstract":"A development in verbal morphology common to multiple forms of ancient Hebrew involves the shift of stative, intransitive, and weakly transitive verbs from G-stem (qal) to N-stem (niphal). Like other Hebrew traditions that crystallised in the Second Temple period, the reading tradition of the Samaritan Pentateuch (consisting of the oral realisation of the constituent consonantal, vocalic, and prosodic components) presents a relatively advanced stage of the shift. Against this tendency, however, Samaritan Hebrew also at times appears to preserve archaic qal morphology. This study surveys salient manifestations of “niphalisation” in Samaritan Hebrew, contrasting them with parallel features in Tiberian Hebrew and other forms of ancient Hebrew and Aramaic, especially Second Temple varieties, and seeks to reveal salient commonalities. While highlighting pertinent secondary features common to Second Temple period sources, the paper also emphasises the historical depth of the shift from qal to niphal.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43459539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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