Traditional Biblical Hebrew (BH) grammars have often defined the temporal information of BH verbs only in terms of tense or grammatical aspect, which can be identified by the finite verbal forms. This paper argues that lexical aspect, which is also known as situation aspect or Aktionsart, is an essential semantic factor for determining the internal temporal structure of BH predicates. As a trial cut, this paper analyses lexical aspect in the verb yd' in the qatal, qotel, and wayyiqtol forms.
{"title":"Internal Temporal Structure of the Biblical Hebrew Verb: A Case Study of Lexical Aspect in the Verb yd'","authors":"Jun-ichi Sato","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9275","url":null,"abstract":"Traditional Biblical Hebrew (BH) grammars have often defined the temporal information of BH verbs only in terms of tense or grammatical aspect, which can be identified by the finite verbal forms. This paper argues that lexical aspect, which is also known as situation aspect or Aktionsart, is an essential semantic factor for determining the internal temporal structure of BH predicates. As a trial cut, this paper analyses lexical aspect in the verb yd' in the qatal, qotel, and wayyiqtol forms.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49309603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Biblical Hebrew (henceforth BH), like most languages, possesses two different kinds of numerals, cardinals, e.g., sheloshah (three) and ordinals, e.g., shelishi (third). While BH can generate a cardinal of any size, the ordinal paradigm in BH only goes up to ten, and there is no morphological or syntactic mechanism for combining ordinals to express higher numbers. BH compensates for its lack of higher ordinals by employing ordinal numerals in dedicated syntactic constructions. The present study is a diachronic corpus-based analysis of the syntax of one kind of cardinal phrase with ordinal meaning, the day-of-the-month expression. This study takes the syntactic and semantic accounts in Rothstein and Moshavi (2021) as its points of departure, and includes a construction not discussed in that publication. The study examines the synchronic and diachronic distributions of four constructions that account for nearly all occurrences of cardinal constructions with ordinal meaning: the appositional phrase (AP), the reduplicative construct phrase (RCP), the construct phrase (CP), and the bare numeral phrase (BN). The data presented reveals noteworthy developments in day-of-the-month expressions in Late Biblical Hebrew (LBH) that are also reflected in the extra-biblical Hebrew corpora of the Second Temple period. These results establish the syntactic expression of ordinality as a topic of significance for the broader endeavour of characterising the linguistic features of exilic and Second Temple Hebrew.
{"title":"Expressing the Day of the Month in Biblical Hebrew: A Diachronic Perspective","authors":"Adina Moshavi","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9375","url":null,"abstract":"Biblical Hebrew (henceforth BH), like most languages, possesses two different kinds of numerals, cardinals, e.g., sheloshah (three) and ordinals, e.g., shelishi (third). While BH can generate a cardinal of any size, the ordinal paradigm in BH only goes up to ten, and there is no morphological or syntactic mechanism for combining ordinals to express higher numbers. BH compensates for its lack of higher ordinals by employing ordinal numerals in dedicated syntactic constructions. The present study is a diachronic corpus-based analysis of the syntax of one kind of cardinal phrase with ordinal meaning, the day-of-the-month expression. This study takes the syntactic and semantic accounts in Rothstein and Moshavi (2021) as its points of departure, and includes a construction not discussed in that publication. The study examines the synchronic and diachronic distributions of four constructions that account for nearly all occurrences of cardinal constructions with ordinal meaning: the appositional phrase (AP), the reduplicative construct phrase (RCP), the construct phrase (CP), and the bare numeral phrase (BN). The data presented reveals noteworthy developments in day-of-the-month expressions in Late Biblical Hebrew (LBH) that are also reflected in the extra-biblical Hebrew corpora of the Second Temple period. These results establish the syntactic expression of ordinality as a topic of significance for the broader endeavour of characterising the linguistic features of exilic and Second Temple Hebrew.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49106037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A development in verbal morphology common to multiple forms of ancient Hebrew involves the shift of stative, intransitive, and weakly transitive verbs from G-stem (qal) to N-stem (niphal). Like other Hebrew traditions that crystallised in the Second Temple period, the reading tradition of the Samaritan Pentateuch (consisting of the oral realisation of the constituent consonantal, vocalic, and prosodic components) presents a relatively advanced stage of the shift. Against this tendency, however, Samaritan Hebrew also at times appears to preserve archaic qal morphology. This study surveys salient manifestations of “niphalisation” in Samaritan Hebrew, contrasting them with parallel features in Tiberian Hebrew and other forms of ancient Hebrew and Aramaic, especially Second Temple varieties, and seeks to reveal salient commonalities. While highlighting pertinent secondary features common to Second Temple period sources, the paper also emphasises the historical depth of the shift from qal to niphal.
{"title":"Niphalisation in Ancient Hebrew: A Perspective from the Samaritan Tradition","authors":"Aaron Hornkohl","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9207","url":null,"abstract":"A development in verbal morphology common to multiple forms of ancient Hebrew involves the shift of stative, intransitive, and weakly transitive verbs from G-stem (qal) to N-stem (niphal). Like other Hebrew traditions that crystallised in the Second Temple period, the reading tradition of the Samaritan Pentateuch (consisting of the oral realisation of the constituent consonantal, vocalic, and prosodic components) presents a relatively advanced stage of the shift. Against this tendency, however, Samaritan Hebrew also at times appears to preserve archaic qal morphology. This study surveys salient manifestations of “niphalisation” in Samaritan Hebrew, contrasting them with parallel features in Tiberian Hebrew and other forms of ancient Hebrew and Aramaic, especially Second Temple varieties, and seeks to reveal salient commonalities. While highlighting pertinent secondary features common to Second Temple period sources, the paper also emphasises the historical depth of the shift from qal to niphal.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43459539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historically, grammarians have viewed tenses as simple, unanalysable pieces of grammatical information. Portmanteau tenses may combine tense, aspect, and modality, but these are the main categories. Suzanne Fleischman has proposed a radically new paradigm in which not only verbal forms but entire discourse contexts are analysed as clusters of oppositional properties to which markedness values apply. It is in the interaction of the cluster of properties associated with a verbal form and those associated with its discourse context that we find the locus of verbal meaning. This interactive meaning is illustrated by examples from Psalm 18, demonstrating that morphological forms have the effect of either drawing non-prototypical situations closer to the prototype or drawing situations farther away from the prototype.
{"title":"Morphology and Markedness: On Verb Switching in Hebrew Poetry","authors":"Elizabeth Robar","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9322","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9322","url":null,"abstract":"Historically, grammarians have viewed tenses as simple, unanalysable pieces of grammatical information. Portmanteau tenses may combine tense, aspect, and modality, but these are the main categories. Suzanne Fleischman has proposed a radically new paradigm in which not only verbal forms but entire discourse contexts are analysed as clusters of oppositional properties to which markedness values apply. It is in the interaction of the cluster of properties associated with a verbal form and those associated with its discourse context that we find the locus of verbal meaning. This interactive meaning is illustrated by examples from Psalm 18, demonstrating that morphological forms have the effect of either drawing non-prototypical situations closer to the prototype or drawing situations farther away from the prototype.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45488822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper first indicates the implications of the mixed results obtained by using three disparate analytical methods to infer relationships among biblical text portions based upon their spelling practices. Next, a sketch is provided of matres lectionis (“mothers of reading”) in Biblical Hebrew and of the Andersen-Forbes classification system. Vowel features are specified, and examples presented. The notion of transmissional textual change is introduced. The criticality of comparing the results provided by different analytical methods is emphasised. Next, three complementary analytical methods are introduced in turn, and their results are appraised. Clustering is a heuristic data exploration method, its prime result being that the spelling of the Torah sets it well apart from the other portions of the Hebrew Bible. Clustering, however, produces many other provocative portion groupings inviting investigation. While multidimensional scaling also gathers the Torah portions, it also yields its own tantalising juxtapositions. Seriation orders the portions along a timeline. It results in an expected horseshoe-shaped band of portions, albeit rather “puffy.” Also, some of its text-portion orders are suspicious. While many results produced by the three methods are encouraging, many are perplexing. Envisioned future application of evolving methods to our BH text-portion data may well enhance the trustworthiness of our inferences.
{"title":"The Significance of Three Methods of Grouping Biblical Hebrew Text Portions","authors":"A. Forbes","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9320","url":null,"abstract":"The paper first indicates the implications of the mixed results obtained by using three disparate analytical methods to infer relationships among biblical text portions based upon their spelling practices. Next, a sketch is provided of matres lectionis (“mothers of reading”) in Biblical Hebrew and of the Andersen-Forbes classification system. Vowel features are specified, and examples presented. The notion of transmissional textual change is introduced. The criticality of comparing the results provided by different analytical methods is emphasised. Next, three complementary analytical methods are introduced in turn, and their results are appraised. Clustering is a heuristic data exploration method, its prime result being that the spelling of the Torah sets it well apart from the other portions of the Hebrew Bible. Clustering, however, produces many other provocative portion groupings inviting investigation. While multidimensional scaling also gathers the Torah portions, it also yields its own tantalising juxtapositions. Seriation orders the portions along a timeline. It results in an expected horseshoe-shaped band of portions, albeit rather “puffy.” Also, some of its text-portion orders are suspicious. While many results produced by the three methods are encouraging, many are perplexing. Envisioned future application of evolving methods to our BH text-portion data may well enhance the trustworthiness of our inferences.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41549812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article surveys the three sources at our disposal for the recovery of ancient northern Hebrew: a) Israelian Hebrew, that is, the dialect present in those portions of the Bible with a northern provenance; b) inscriptions from the northern kingdom of Israel, including Kuntillet ‘Ajrud; and c) Samaritan Hebrew. The overall goal is to determine the common lexical and grammatical features of this complex of northern Hebrew dialects from the biblical period, many of which are shared with Phoenician and Aramaic, though not with Judahite Hebrew.
{"title":"Israelian Hebrew, Inscriptions from the North of Israel, and Samaritan Hebrew: A Complex of Northern Dialects","authors":"Gary A. Rendsburg","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9719","url":null,"abstract":"This article surveys the three sources at our disposal for the recovery of ancient northern Hebrew: a) Israelian Hebrew, that is, the dialect present in those portions of the Bible with a northern provenance; b) inscriptions from the northern kingdom of Israel, including Kuntillet ‘Ajrud; and c) Samaritan Hebrew. The overall goal is to determine the common lexical and grammatical features of this complex of northern Hebrew dialects from the biblical period, many of which are shared with Phoenician and Aramaic, though not with Judahite Hebrew.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48956725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper offers a provisional evaluation of both the use of the particle ’et preceding a nominal functioning as a direct object and of the reversed word order, as these two groups of syntactic hallmarks are often regarded to be emphatic. The first part of this paper describes a selection of cases from Manuscript a of the Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa) in which ’et is used differently compared with the Masoretic book of Isaiah (MT). Next, it provides selected examples within non-biblical Dead Sea Scrolls, in order to investigate the double direct object and the shift in verb complementation. The second part of this paper deals with four categories affected by the phenomenon of reversed word order in both the biblical and non-biblical DSS, i.e., subject preceding the verb, direct object preceding the infinitive, apposition, and binary expressions. The conclusion suggests two alternatives to emphasis as the main cause of the alleged idiosyncrasies in the use of ’et and in reversed word order, respectively. The results reveal some insights into the increased frequency of the particle ’et both in the biblical and non-biblical DSS, under certain syntactic circumstances, and into the shift from initial-focus to end-focus in a number of categories—albeit in a transitional stage—prevalent in non-biblical DSS.
{"title":"The Varieties of DSS Hebrew as Reflected in Two Syntactic Traits, and the Sociolinguistic Situation Underlying the Qumran Hebrew Variety","authors":"M. Colasuonno","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9325","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a provisional evaluation of both the use of the particle ’et preceding a nominal functioning as a direct object and of the reversed word order, as these two groups of syntactic hallmarks are often regarded to be emphatic. The first part of this paper describes a selection of cases from Manuscript a of the Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa) in which ’et is used differently compared with the Masoretic book of Isaiah (MT). Next, it provides selected examples within non-biblical Dead Sea Scrolls, in order to investigate the double direct object and the shift in verb complementation. The second part of this paper deals with four categories affected by the phenomenon of reversed word order in both the biblical and non-biblical DSS, i.e., subject preceding the verb, direct object preceding the infinitive, apposition, and binary expressions. The conclusion suggests two alternatives to emphasis as the main cause of the alleged idiosyncrasies in the use of ’et and in reversed word order, respectively. The results reveal some insights into the increased frequency of the particle ’et both in the biblical and non-biblical DSS, under certain syntactic circumstances, and into the shift from initial-focus to end-focus in a number of categories—albeit in a transitional stage—prevalent in non-biblical DSS.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49402975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper provides a descriptive analysis of address rules governing two nominal types of free forms of address (i.e., personal names and titles), which are used between two human beings in biblical Hebrew prose. Using the bi-dimensional power/solidarity model as a theoretical framework (Brown and Gilman 1960; Brown and Ford 1961), I attempt to show whether the usage of personal names and titles in biblical Hebrew exhibits unique rules and patterns or accords with their claim of “linguistic universal”—the linguistic form referring to an inferior is used mutually by intimate equals, while the form referring to a superior is used mutually by distant equals. After describing the general rules of address, I attempt to identify possible examples of what Brown and Gilman call “expressive shift,” that is, strategic violation of address rules to communicate the speaker’s temporary feelings and attitudes.
{"title":"Free Forms of Address and the Cases of Expressive Shift in Biblical Hebrew","authors":"Young Bok Kim","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9297","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a descriptive analysis of address rules governing two nominal types of free forms of address (i.e., personal names and titles), which are used between two human beings in biblical Hebrew prose. Using the bi-dimensional power/solidarity model as a theoretical framework (Brown and Gilman 1960; Brown and Ford 1961), I attempt to show whether the usage of personal names and titles in biblical Hebrew exhibits unique rules and patterns or accords with their claim of “linguistic universal”—the linguistic form referring to an inferior is used mutually by intimate equals, while the form referring to a superior is used mutually by distant equals. After describing the general rules of address, I attempt to identify possible examples of what Brown and Gilman call “expressive shift,” that is, strategic violation of address rules to communicate the speaker’s temporary feelings and attitudes.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47291533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article outlines the phenomenon of direct reported speech in the Hebrew Bible and presents some of the guiding principles for the recently undertaken revision of the speech level markup in the Andersen-Forbes Morphology and Syntax Database. For the revised version of the markup, a higher number of unusual forms of direct speech has been included, such as implied direct speech and direct speech introduced by quotative frames without verbs of speech. The article argues that a simplified markup strategy is often both methodologically and theoretically appropriate for texts that are vague, ambiguous, and/or generally underspecified with respect to direct speech. The simplified markup strategy means that when there is uncertainty as to whether a given point of transition in the text marks either the beginning or the end of a unit of reported speech, one should assume that the current state of affairs continues.
{"title":"Reported Direct Speech in the Hebrew Bible and in the Andersen-Forbes Morphology and Syntax Database","authors":"Ulf Bergström","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9319","url":null,"abstract":"The article outlines the phenomenon of direct reported speech in the Hebrew Bible and presents some of the guiding principles for the recently undertaken revision of the speech level markup in the Andersen-Forbes Morphology and Syntax Database. For the revised version of the markup, a higher number of unusual forms of direct speech has been included, such as implied direct speech and direct speech introduced by quotative frames without verbs of speech. The article argues that a simplified markup strategy is often both methodologically and theoretically appropriate for texts that are vague, ambiguous, and/or generally underspecified with respect to direct speech. The simplified markup strategy means that when there is uncertainty as to whether a given point of transition in the text marks either the beginning or the end of a unit of reported speech, one should assume that the current state of affairs continues.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44262532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Taking a functional, cognitive, and communication-oriented approach, this paper posits that in ancient Hebrew, the noun ’îš often played a distinctive role: to signal to an audience that its referent is essential for grasping the depicted situation. In such cases, this noun’s meaning resides mainly on the level of the discourse between the speaker and the audience, rather than on the semantic level. Three types of biblical evidence are presented in support of this idea: ’îš-headed appositions, relative clauses that either serve in lieu of a substantive or modify ’îš, and clauses that introduce an unquantified subset of a known group. The tests involve comparing cases where ’îš is present in a referring expression versus similar cases where it is absent. The study found that all of the studied cases with ’îš were sketching a new or modified situation, in which this noun’s referent was profiled as a key participant. In contrast, all cases without ’îš treated the referent of interest as a given element. The hypothesis accounts for 129 biblical instances of ’îš that scholars had deemed pointless or puzzling. Hence it yields a Hebrew Bible text that is more coherent and informative.
{"title":"The Noun ’îš in Ancient Hebrew: A Marker of Essential Participation","authors":"David E. S. Stein","doi":"10.25159/2663-6573/9321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.25159/2663-6573/9321","url":null,"abstract":"Taking a functional, cognitive, and communication-oriented approach, this paper posits that in ancient Hebrew, the noun ’îš often played a distinctive role: to signal to an audience that its referent is essential for grasping the depicted situation. In such cases, this noun’s meaning resides mainly on the level of the discourse between the speaker and the audience, rather than on the semantic level. Three types of biblical evidence are presented in support of this idea: ’îš-headed appositions, relative clauses that either serve in lieu of a substantive or modify ’îš, and clauses that introduce an unquantified subset of a known group. The tests involve comparing cases where ’îš is present in a referring expression versus similar cases where it is absent. The study found that all of the studied cases with ’îš were sketching a new or modified situation, in which this noun’s referent was profiled as a key participant. In contrast, all cases without ’îš treated the referent of interest as a given element. The hypothesis accounts for 129 biblical instances of ’îš that scholars had deemed pointless or puzzling. Hence it yields a Hebrew Bible text that is more coherent and informative.","PeriodicalId":42047,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Semitics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45968621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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