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Foreign Aid’s Effect on Political Risks for Foreign Direct Investment: A Literature Review 外援对外国直接投资政治风险的影响:文献综述
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-155-188
V. I. Bartenev
The last decade has seen an increasing focus on the involvement of the private sector in international sustainable development, particularly in high-risk jurisdictions. This involvement encompasses a broad spectrum, incorporating innovative private sector instruments—now acknowledged as ODA-eligible by the OECD—as well as traditional tools of external official support to developing countries, which remain the primary contributors to ODA flows. This literature review aims to consolidate the academic exploration of the enduring classic foreign aid tools' impact on the political risks associated with foreign direct investment (FDI), and identifies prevalent limitations while suggesting approaches to overcome these challenges.The first section delineates the central theme and rationale behind the literature selection process, utilizing the Google Scholar database to contextualize the research within a comprehensive framework. The subsequent section categorizes and compares the most relevant studies based on formal criteria and methodological parameters. Sections three and four critically assess the scholarly contributions in conceptualizing the mitigating influence of foreign aid in general, focusing on its impact on specific political risks such as expropriation, terrorism, and corruption. The concluding section delves into studies that explore foreign aid and foreign direct investment flows from China, the largest non-Western donor.A bibliometric analysis reveals a noteworthy disparity between research attention and policymaking focus on the subject matter. Notably, the selected papers fail to comprehensively cover the full spectrum of primary extra-legal and legal-governmental political risks for transnational businesses. Scholars' assessments of foreign aid's mitigating effect often lack differentiation between grants and loans or between flows directed to different sectors, as well as the distinction between aid routed through public institutions and bypassing them. Notably absent is a comprehensive analysis encompassing the complete range of 'established' Western and emerging non-Western aid providers, or an exploration of aid flows from non-OECD countries other than China. Most research focuses on Africa and fails to differentiate between recipients based on fragility, income levels, or other relevant categorizations. Moreover, the researchers have yet to delve into data post the COVID-19 outbreak, a critical period that significantly altered perceptions of political risk, foreign aid, and FDI flows. The literature review illuminates a research gap awaiting substantial exploration.
在过去十年中,越来越注重私营部门参与国际可持续发展,特别是在高风险司法管辖区。这种参与涉及范围广泛,包括创新的私营部门手段- -现已被经合发组织承认有资格获得官方发展援助- -以及向发展中国家提供外部官方支助的传统手段,这些手段仍然是官方发展援助的主要来源。本文献综述旨在巩固对经典外援工具对与外国直接投资(FDI)相关的政治风险影响的学术探索,并确定普遍存在的局限性,同时提出克服这些挑战的方法。第一部分描述了文献选择过程背后的中心主题和基本原理,利用谷歌学术数据库在一个全面的框架内将研究背景化。随后的部分根据正式标准和方法参数对最相关的研究进行分类和比较。第三节和第四节批判性地评估了在总体上概念化外国援助减轻影响方面的学术贡献,重点关注其对特定政治风险的影响,如征用、恐怖主义和腐败。最后一部分深入研究了来自中国的外国援助和外国直接投资流动,中国是最大的非西方捐助国。文献计量分析揭示了研究关注和政策制定对主题的关注之间的显著差异。值得注意的是,所选论文未能全面涵盖跨国企业的主要法外和法律-政府政治风险的全部范围。学者们对外国援助缓解效果的评估往往缺乏对赠款和贷款的区分,也缺乏对直接流向不同部门的援助的区分,也缺乏对通过公共机构提供援助和绕过公共机构提供援助的区分。值得注意的是,报告没有对“成熟的”西方和新兴的非西方援助提供者进行全面的分析,也没有对中国以外的非经合组织国家的援助流动进行探索。大多数研究集中在非洲,未能根据脆弱性、收入水平或其他相关分类区分受援国。此外,研究人员尚未深入研究新冠肺炎疫情爆发后的数据,这是一个对政治风险、外国援助和外国直接投资流动的看法发生重大变化的关键时期。文献综述揭示了一个有待深入探索的研究空白。
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引用次数: 0
Water Security in the Context of Sustainable Management of Transboundary Water Resources in the Caspian Region 里海地区跨界水资源可持续管理背景下的水安全
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-77-104
R. A. Aliev
The paper examines water security in the Caspian region and the management of transboundary rivers for sustainable development. It analyzes the potential impacts of building dams on upper river courses on the region's water resources, particularly addressing concerns about environmental implications due to pollution from sources like sewage and agricultural fertilizers. It further investigates planned dam projects and their potential climate and ecological effects on the Caspian Sea and surrounding regions. The paper discusses the idea of desalination as a means to tackle water shortages but underscores its limitations in the closed hydrological system of the Caspian Sea. The primary focus lies in establishing effective management strategies for shared water resources. It introduces a novel perspective by considering these rivers and the Caspian Sea as an integrated water system, emphasizing the far-reaching consequences that excessive dam construction could pose to the overall hydrological balance. Collaboration and international agreements are crucial to navigate this challenge.The paper's significance lies in its innovative approach to water management, addressing the complex interplay between water, energy, food, and the environment in the region.
本文探讨了里海地区的水安全以及跨界河流的可持续发展管理。报告分析了在上游河道上修建水坝对该地区水资源的潜在影响,特别是对污水和农业肥料等污染源对环境的影响的担忧。它进一步调查了计划中的水坝项目及其对里海和周边地区的潜在气候和生态影响。这篇论文讨论了将海水淡化作为解决水资源短缺的一种手段的想法,但强调了它在里海封闭水文系统中的局限性。主要重点在于为共享水资源建立有效的管理战略。它通过将这些河流和里海视为一个综合的水系统,引入了一种新的视角,强调了过度的水坝建设可能对整体水文平衡造成的深远影响。合作和国际协议对于应对这一挑战至关重要。这篇论文的意义在于它对水管理的创新方法,解决了该地区水、能源、食物和环境之间复杂的相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
«Islamic Socialism» in Pakistan: Evolution, Implementation and Legacy in Domestic and Foreign Policy 巴基斯坦的“伊斯兰社会主义”:国内外政策的演变、实施和遗产
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-58-76
G. G. Makarevich
The article examines the phenomenon of "Islamic socialism" in Pakistan and its impact on the nation's current domestic and foreign policies. Employing critical theory, the author delves into an analysis of the political class's objectives and how the environmental context influenced the political process, offering insights into the perceptions held by higher echelons. The application of elite theory allows for a deconstruction of the Pakistani statehood, unveiling the specific social groups shaping developmental trajectories. By leveraging historical sociology in international relations, the article investigates the influence of historical underpinnings on the decision-making of social groups, shedding light on their endeavors to construct the past for political purposes. The study meticulously traces the origins of "Islamic socialism," exploring the discourse's evolution in the initial decades following the country's independence. It identifies the driving forces that led the state leadership to adopt the model of "Islamic socialism." Focused on the tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977), the article examines the implementation of the "Islamic socialism" policy and the subsequent reasons for its failure, culminating in a military coup. The author contends that the principles of "Islamic socialism" introduced in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy retained relevance even after its rejection. Conclusively, the article posits that the "Islamic socialism" constructed by Pakistani elites, often viewed through an orientalist lens, emerged not only as a response to the crisis in Pakistani statehood but paradoxically, became a crucial driver in shaping Islamabad's foreign policy determinants. Notably, this development forged integral relationships with China and the Islamic world, evolving into pivotal imperatives in Pakistan's grand strategy. This study highlights the interplay between "Islamic socialism," the crisis in Pakistani statehood, and its unforeseen impact on foreign policy, ultimately forming the bedrock for Islamabad's strategic engagements with China and the Islamic world.
本文考察了巴基斯坦的“伊斯兰社会主义”现象及其对该国当前国内外政策的影响。运用批判理论,作者深入分析了政治阶层的目标,以及环境背景如何影响政治进程,为高层持有的看法提供了见解。精英理论的应用允许解构巴基斯坦的国家地位,揭示塑造发展轨迹的特定社会群体。通过运用国际关系中的历史社会学,本文调查了历史基础对社会群体决策的影响,揭示了他们为政治目的而建构过去的努力。这项研究细致地追溯了“伊斯兰社会主义”的起源,探索了该话语在该国独立后最初几十年的演变。它确定了导致国家领导人采用“伊斯兰社会主义”模式的驱动力。本文聚焦于佐勒菲卡尔•阿里•布托的任期(1971-1977),探讨了“伊斯兰社会主义”政策的实施及其失败的原因,最终导致了一场军事政变。发件人认为,巴基斯坦在国内和外交政策中提出的“伊斯兰社会主义”原则即使在遭到拒绝后仍然具有现实意义。最后,这篇文章假设,巴基斯坦精英构建的“伊斯兰社会主义”,通常通过东方主义的视角来看待,不仅作为对巴基斯坦国家地位危机的回应而出现,而且矛盾的是,成为塑造伊斯兰堡外交政策决定因素的关键驱动因素。值得注意的是,这一发展与中国和伊斯兰世界建立了不可或缺的关系,并逐渐成为巴基斯坦大战略中的关键要素。这项研究强调了“伊斯兰社会主义”、巴基斯坦国家危机及其对外交政策不可预见的影响之间的相互作用,最终形成了伊斯兰堡与中国和伊斯兰世界战略接触的基石。
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引用次数: 0
Institutional Study of the European Union Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN) 欧洲联盟情报与态势中心(EU INTCEN)制度研究
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-91-106
A. I. Pozharov, S. A. Karyukin
This article delves into the intricate domain of the European Union's intelligence apparatus, notably, the European Union Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN). Employing a historiographical analysis of both domestic and international literature, the authors synthesize insights from Russian and foreign scholars concerning the genesis of intelligence operations in a unified Europe, focusing on their structural attributes. Furthermore, this study seeks to evaluate the contemporary state and potential directions of the EU's intelligence activities, considering both their functional and institutional dimensions.
本文深入探讨了欧盟情报机构的复杂领域,尤其是欧盟情报与态势中心(EU INTCEN)。通过对国内外文献的史学分析,作者综合了俄罗斯和外国学者对统一的欧洲情报行动起源的见解,重点关注其结构属性。此外,本研究旨在评估欧盟情报活动的当代状态和潜在方向,同时考虑其功能和制度层面。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Policy Preferences of Kazakhstan after 2022 2022年后哈萨克斯坦的外交政策倾向
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-72-90
M. Y. Kucherov, I. V. Vokhmintsev, I. D. Kravchuk, V. Y. Andriukhin, M. A. Fedotov, A. A. Tokarev
The January 2022 protests in Kazakhstan drew global attention to the country's foreign policy orientations. This research investigates the focal states and international organizations prioritized by Kazakhstan during Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's presidency, spanning from March 20, 2019, when Tokayev assumed office, to December 31, 2022, marking the end of data collection. Employing content analysis and discourse analysis as primary methods, this study examines data from diverse sources, including the official website of Kazakhstan's President, his social media profiles, and relevant media outlets. The analysis encompasses mentions of countries, their leaders, and international organizations across three languages: Russian, Kazakh, and English. Key findings include Tokayev's frequent references to Russia (223 mentions) and China (95 mentions), while the United Nations (UN) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) receive the highest number of mentions among international organizations (178 and 102, respectively). Remarkably, Tokayev predominantly communicates in Russian when addressing foreign policy matters. In general, public discourse aligns closely with Kazakhstan's doctrinal discourse. However, notable discrepancies arise. Despite the Foreign Policy Concept's indication of Kazakhstan's intent to strengthen its strategic partnership with the United States, Tokayev's limited mentions of the United States (33 in total) suggest a distinct trend.
2022年1月哈萨克斯坦的抗议活动引起了全球对该国外交政策取向的关注。本研究调查了托卡耶夫总统任期内哈萨克斯坦优先考虑的重点国家和国际组织,从2019年3月20日托卡耶夫上任到2022年12月31日,这标志着数据收集的结束。本研究以内容分析和话语分析为主要方法,从哈萨克斯坦总统的官方网站、其社交媒体资料和相关媒体等多个来源进行数据分析。该分析包含了三种语言(俄语、哈萨克语和英语)对国家、领导人和国际组织的提及。主要发现包括托卡耶夫频繁提及俄罗斯(223次)和中国(95次),而联合国(UN)和欧亚经济联盟(EAEU)在国际组织中被提及的次数最多(分别为178次和102次)。值得注意的是,托卡耶夫在处理外交政策问题时主要用俄语交流。一般来说,公共话语与哈萨克斯坦的教义话语密切一致。然而,出现了显著的差异。尽管《外交政策构想》表明哈萨克斯坦有意加强与美国的战略伙伴关系,但托卡耶夫对美国的有限提及(总共33次)表明了一种明显的趋势。
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引用次数: 0
«Community Spirit» in Tackling Security Threats 应对安全威胁的“社区精神”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-127-136
N. V. Gavrilenko
Book review: Berling T.V., Gad U.P., Petersen K.L. and Wæver O. 2022. Translations of Security:A Framework for the Study of Unwanted Futures. Routledge. 235 p.
书评:柏林电视公司、盖德联合公司、彼得森K.L.和Wæver O. 2022。翻译的安全:一个框架的研究不想要的未来。劳特利奇,235页。
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引用次数: 0
Examining US Perspectives on Confrontation with China in the Caribbean 审视美国在加勒比地区与中国对抗的观点
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-137-149
I. A. Sokov
Book review: MacDonald S.B. 2022. The New Cold War, China, and the Caribbean: Economic Statecraft, China and Strategic Realignments. Springer Nature Switzerland AG. 310 р. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-06149-3
书评:MacDonald S.B. 2022。新冷战、中国和加勒比:经济治国方略、中国和战略调整。施普林格自然瑞士股份有限公司310р。DOI: 10.1007 / 978-3-031-06149-3
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引用次数: 0
Navigating the Aftermath: U.S. Policy in Afghanistan Following Troop Withdrawal 《应对后果:撤军后美国在阿富汗的政策》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-56-71
Z. Makoveeva
The withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan in the middle of 2021 has put at stake and turned to shock the world community. The world, which was fighting COVID-19, faced more concerns about the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. It became not only a concern of Middle East countries, but it raised questions in Europe too. While the Middle East countries were anxious about security issues in the region, Europe was anxious about the mass migration of refugees. Russia, the country which is crucially interested in stable peace in the Middle East, and China, which is cooperating with Afghanistan in the economic sector, began negotiations with the Taliban government to stabilize the situation peacefully after the withdrawal of American troops. The article analyzes the changes in US policy in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of troops in August 2021. The withdrawal of the US military contingent from Afghanistan has changed the balance of power in Central Asia, which, on the one hand, creates new risks to international security, and on the other hand, opens up new opportunities for interested players in the international arena in the region. In the new conditions, the United States is forced to restructure its policy towards Afghanistan and change its security strategy in accordance with the new balance of forces in the region. The findings of the study relate to the actual interests of the United States in the field of security in Afghanistan and in the Central Asian region as a whole.
美国将于2021年中期从阿富汗撤军,这一决定令国际社会感到震惊。正在抗击新冠肺炎疫情的世界面临更多对美国从阿富汗撤军的担忧。这不仅引起了中东国家的关注,也引起了欧洲的质疑。当中东国家对该地区的安全问题感到焦虑时,欧洲对大规模难民移民感到焦虑。对中东地区的稳定和平至关重要的俄罗斯和在经济领域与阿富汗进行合作的中国,在美军撤离后开始与塔利班政府进行和平稳定局势的谈判。本文分析了美国在2021年8月撤军后对阿富汗政策的变化。美军从阿富汗撤军改变了中亚地区的力量对比,一方面给国际安全带来了新的风险,另一方面也为本地区国际舞台上的利益攸关方提供了新的机遇。在新的形势下,美国被迫根据新的地区力量对比调整对阿政策,改变安全战略。这项研究的结果与美国在阿富汗和整个中亚地区安全领域的实际利益有关。
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引用次数: 0
Comparative Assessment of Global Value Chains' Influence on National Economies 全球价值链对国民经济影响的比较评估
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-107-126
K. S. Goncharova, A. G. Shelomentsev, N N. Masyuk
In recent decades, a predominant trend in the transformation of national economies worldwide has been the extensive establishment of global value chains and the increased activities of transnational corporations (TNCs). Despite the scale of these phenomena, they have not received adequate scholarly attention, both at the level of individual countries and on a global scale. This paper presents the results of a comprehensive analysis that combines theoretical approaches with empirical investigations of the interplay between the formation and vigorous expansion of global value chains and the dynamics of national economic transformation worldwide. This relationship is examined in the context of foreign multinational corporations operating in sectors such as chemistry and pharmaceuticals, electronics, electrical equipment, and the automotive industry.To achieve the objectives of this study, a range of complementary research methods were employed, including descriptive analysis, comparative analysis, generalization and grouping techniques, and cartographic analysis. The study yields several key findings: Firstly, a global trend of progressive reduction in the share of domestic producers within the industries under consideration has been observed. This trend is most conspicuous in the countries of the former socialist bloc in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Romania. These countries previously maintained domestic production levels exceeding 50% of the total volume for the specific product types. Secondly, the field of automobile production exhibits the highest proportion of foreign companies contributing to the total volume of products manufactured. In 33 out of the 58 countries analyzed, foreign multinational corporations account for more than 50% of production. Thirdly, a selection of countries in Western Europe, the Middle East, and the Asia-Pacific region—such as Germany, Italy, France, Israel, the USA, China, Japan, the Russian Federation, India, and Korea—play a substantial role in the development of global value chains through the active expansion of their national TNCs. International companies from these countries are progressively shaping a global socio-economic framework. Lastly, recent years have seen the emergence of a new stage in the evolution of global value chains, prompted by exceptional factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the trade conflict between China and the United States, and the conflict in Ukraine. This stage necessitates a profound reconsideration of the strategies employed by current participants in global chains, driven by the imperative of preserving their sustainability.
近几十年来,世界各国经济转型的一个主要趋势是全球价值链的广泛建立和跨国公司活动的增加。尽管这些现象规模巨大,但无论是在个别国家还是在全球范围内,它们都没有得到足够的学术关注。本文将理论方法与实证调查相结合,对全球价值链的形成和蓬勃发展与全球各国经济转型动态之间的相互作用进行了全面分析。这种关系是在外国跨国公司经营部门,如化学和制药,电子,电气设备和汽车工业的背景下进行审查。为了实现本研究的目标,我们采用了一系列互补的研究方法,包括描述性分析、比较分析、概括和分组技术以及制图分析。这项研究得出了几项关键结论:首先,观察到国内生产商在所审议的工业中所占份额逐渐减少的全球趋势。这种趋势在波兰、保加利亚、捷克、立陶宛、拉脱维亚、爱沙尼亚、罗马尼亚等前社会主义阵营的中东欧国家最为明显。这些国家以前保持的国内生产水平超过特定产品类型总量的50%。其次,在汽车生产领域,外国公司对制造的产品总量的贡献比例最高。在被分析的58个国家中,有33个国家的外国跨国公司占生产的50%以上。第三,西欧、中东和亚太地区的一些国家——如德国、意大利、法国、以色列、美国、中国、日本、俄罗斯联邦、印度和韩国——通过本国跨国公司的积极扩张,在全球价值链的发展中发挥了重要作用。来自这些国家的国际公司正在逐步塑造一个全球社会经济框架。最后,近年来,在新冠肺炎疫情、中美贸易冲突、乌克兰冲突等特殊因素的推动下,全球价值链演变进入新阶段。这一阶段需要深刻地重新考虑当前全球供应链参与者所采用的战略,以保持其可持续性。
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引用次数: 0
Designing a Network Model for the Russian International Schools 俄罗斯国际学校网络模式的设计
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-34-55
V. A. Yasvin, R. I. Kotov, I. S. Demakov, A. S. Khromykh
Education is one of Russia's instruments of foreign policy aimed at fostering humanitarian cooperation. Currently, the primary focus is on higher education, while the significance of exporting general education is undervalued. State support measures for existing Russian overseas schools, in accordance with the concepts of "Russian School Abroad" and "Key Directions of Russia's Policy in the Field of International Cultural and Humanitarian Cooperation," are primarily directed toward Russian-speaking compatriots and have little orientation toward broader segments of foreign populations. At the same time, the Concept of the Humanitarian Policy of the Russian Federation Abroad, dated September 5, 2022, explicitly emphasizes the need to expand the network of Russian schools abroad. This article examines a project to establish a network of Russian international schools targeting foreign citizens in a consortium format as a case study that could serve as a model for addressing the stated objective. Particular attention is paid to the socio-political, methodological, and organizationalpedagogical aspects of the project.
教育是俄罗斯旨在促进人道主义合作的外交政策手段之一。目前,主要的重点是高等教育,而通识教育出口的重要性被低估。根据“俄罗斯海外学校”和“俄罗斯在国际文化和人道主义合作领域的政策重点方向”的概念,国家对现有俄罗斯海外学校的支持措施主要针对讲俄语的同胞,很少面向更广泛的外国人口。与此同时,2022年9月5日的《俄罗斯联邦海外人道主义政策构想》明确强调了扩大俄罗斯海外学校网络的必要性。本文考察了一个以财团形式建立面向外国公民的俄罗斯国际学校网络的项目,作为一个案例研究,可以作为实现既定目标的模型。特别关注的是该项目的社会政治、方法和组织教学方面。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
MGIMO Review of International Relations
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