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World Economy and International Business for Students, Researchers and Practitioners 面向学生、研究人员和从业人员的《世界经济与国际商务
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-12 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-135-140
E. V. Zenkina
Book review:  Bulatov A., ed. 2023. World Economy and International Business: Theories, Trends, and Challenges. Springer Cham. 830 p. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-20328-2
书评: Bulatov A., ed. 2023.World Economy and International Business:Theories, Trends, and Challenges.Springer Cham.830 p. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-20328-2
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引用次数: 0
BRICS as a Catalyst for Global Governance Transformation: Beyond Western Perceptions 金砖国家作为全球治理转型的催化剂:超越西方观念
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-12 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-46-64
Dylan Yanano Mangani
Scholarship on global political economy and global peace and security governance often depicts BRICS members as emerging powers with relatively limited experience in international leadership. These depictions underscore their contested regional leadership and ambiguous institutional, political, ideological, and socio-economic capacities to influence and reshape the global governance system. However, this article challenges some of these characterizations of BRICS members as inaccurate and rooted in Western exceptionalism. Employing a qualitative secondary research approach, it aims to analyze the role of BRICS as a new model for global governance by examining key institutional and political initiatives undertaken by the bloc, as well as by each of its member states.The analysis reveals that institutional initiatives such as the New Development Bank (NDB) demonstrate the BRICS’ capacity to deploy a combination of hard and soft power tools, thereby contributing to the emergence of multipolarity in the global governance architecture. These initiatives have exposed the world's developing regions to new experiences, resources, and understandings of the priorities of emerging powers. Furthermore, political responses to crises, such as turmoil in Zimbabwe, Libya, and Mali, as well as nuclear issues in Iran, where BRICS members have assumed mediatory, supportive, or leading roles, have sparked renewed interest in understanding BRICS as an alternative to traditional conceptions of global peace and security governance. Significantly, BRICS’ soft power diplomacy plays a pivotal role in projecting the bloc as an advocate of alternative global governance architecture and in dispelling negative perceptions. This objective is achieved through the BRICS’ transformative agenda, which offers alternative pathways for attaining international public goods in developing regions with shared historical and ideological affinities.
有关全球政治经济和全球和平与安全治理的学术研究往往将金砖国家成员描述为在国际领导方面经验相对有限的新兴大国。这些描述强调了金砖国家在地区领导地位上的争议,以及在制度、政治、意识形态和社会经济方面影响和重塑全球治理体系的模糊能力。然而,本文对金砖国家成员的一些不准确的描述提出质疑,认为这些描述植根于西方例外论。分析表明,新开发银行(NDB)等制度性倡议展示了金砖国家综合运用软硬实力工具的能力,从而促进了全球治理架构中多极化的出现。这些举措使世界发展中地区接触到了新的经验、资源和对新兴大国优先事项的理解。此外,金砖国家成员在津巴布韦、利比亚和马里的动荡以及伊朗核问题等危机中发挥了调解、支持或领导作用,这些危机的政治应对引发了人们对金砖国家作为传统全球和平与安全治理概念的替代方案的新兴趣。重要的是,金砖国家的软实力外交在将该集团塑造成替代性全球治理架构的倡导者和消除负面看法方面发挥了关键作用。这一目标是通过金砖国家的转型议程实现的,该议程为具有共同历史和意识形态亲缘关系的发展中地区提供了实现国际公益的替代途径。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: BRICS in an Evolving World Order 社论:不断演变的世界秩序中的金砖国家
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-22-25
M. Y. Apanovich, Fulufhelo Netswera
The editorial explores the evolution of the BRICS community, overviewing the articles included in the special issue. The authors emphasize various facets of ongoing and evolving cooperation, delineating how BRICS nations engage with climate change, development assistance and collaboration, global governance reform, and the progressive advancement of the New Development Bank (NDB).
社论探讨了金砖国家共同体的演变,概述了特刊中的文章。作者强调了正在进行和不断发展的合作的各个方面,描述了金砖国家如何参与气候变化、发展援助与合作、全球治理改革以及新开发银行的逐步推进。
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引用次数: 0
National interests in Russia’s foreign policy 俄罗斯外交政策中的国家利益
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-11 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-7-21
V. P. Nazarov
The article explores the conceptual landscape surrounding national interests. It posits that the identification, safeguarding, and advancement of national interests serve as the bedrock upon which state policies in the domain of national security are formulated. The article traces the origins, evolution, and contemporary interpretations of national interests. Special emphasis is accorded to interpretations espoused by proponents of the political realism. The author conducts an in-depth examination of Russian perspectives on national interests during the 19th and early 20th centuries, as well as throughout the Soviet era, presenting an original periodization of conceptual approaches within Soviet Russia and the USSR. In addition to its historical inquiry, the article critically assesses the implications of national interests of contemporary Russia’s foreign policy. Through analysis of strategic policy documents, the author discerns instances where policy objectives are conflated with the national interests, diverging from their realization.Given Russia's distinctive geopolitical position and security challenges, the author defines the paramount Russia's national interest – establishing a secure periphery characterized by cooperative relationships with neighboring states and ensuring unimpeded access to global maritime routes.
文章探讨了围绕国家利益的概念图景。文章认为,确定、维护和促进国家利益是制定国家安全领域政策的基石。文章追溯了国家利益的起源、演变和当代解释。文章特别强调了政治现实主义支持者的解释。作者深入研究了俄罗斯在 19 世纪和 20 世纪初以及整个苏联时期对国家利益的看法,对苏维埃俄罗斯和苏联内部的概念方法进行了独创性的时期划分。除了历史探究,文章还批判性地评估了国家利益对当代俄罗斯外交政策的影响。鉴于俄罗斯独特的地缘政治地位和安全挑战,作者定义了俄罗斯最重要的国家利益--建立以与邻国合作关系为特征的安全周边地区,并确保畅通无阻地进入全球海上航线。
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引用次数: 0
Discovering a Young State: Foreign Sports Delegations in the USSR during the 1920s 发现一个年轻的国家二十年代苏联的外国体育代表团
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-183-206
A. M. Glushich
In the 1920s, visits by foreign delegations to the USSR served as a crucial yet challenging avenue for showcasing the achievements of the nascent Soviet state. Drawing on previously unexplored materials from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (F. 537, inv. 2), this article examines the strategies employed in hosting these guests. It explores the planning of their itineraries and leisure activities, aiming to understand how Soviet sports leaders, during the early stages of state formation, skillfully concealed various shortcomings (especially economic and infrastructural) and highlighted sports and cultural triumphs to craft a positive global image of the USSR through what was ostensibly a non-political institution.Soviet physical education leaders did not shy away from inviting foreign teams to the country; instead, they actively welcomed all interested parties who could manage the journey. An ideally orchestrated visit seamlessly integrated four key elements: sports (the competitions), culture (theater, cinema, sightseeing), daily life (direct interaction with Soviet workers), and team recreation. When executed well, these visits garnered positive international feedback, thereby enhancing the USSR's global prestige as the inaugural socialist state. This became the primary objective of Soviet sports diplomacy in the late 1920s, marking a significant stride in breaking through international isolation.However, these visits were not without limitations and challenges. The level of indoctrination varied significantly among delegations: while European proletarians often visited sites significant to the October Revolution, guests from the East were predominantly exposed to the country's cultural facets. Despite the Red Sports International's encouragement, delegations rarely ventured beyond major urban centers like Moscow, Leningrad, Kharkov, and Odessa, as provincial visits were not feasible. Furthermore, even in these key cities, visitors encountered organizational challenges such as transportation difficulties, inadequate economic support, and issues with food provision, which diminished the effectiveness of propaganda efforts. These shortcomings were largely attributable to the absence of a standardized protocol for receiving foreign guests during the first decade of Soviet sports diplomacy and the general uneven infrastructural development of the country.
20 世纪 20 年代,外国代表团对苏联的访问是展示新生苏维埃国家成就的一个重要而又具有挑战性的途径。本文利用俄罗斯国家社会政治历史档案(F.537,inv.2)中以前未曾探索过的资料,研究了接待这些客人所采用的策略。文章探讨了他们的行程规划和休闲活动,旨在了解苏联体育领导人如何在国家形成的早期阶段,巧妙地掩盖各种不足(尤其是经济和基础设施方面),并突出体育和文化方面的成就,通过表面上的非政治机构来塑造苏联积极的全球形象。一次精心策划的访问可以完美地融合四个关键要素:体育(比赛)、文化(戏剧、电影、观光)、日常生活(与苏联工人的直接交流)和团队娱乐。只要执行得当,这些访问就能获得积极的国际反馈,从而提高苏联作为首届社会主义国家的全球声望。这成为 20 世纪 20 年代末苏联体育外交的主要目标,标志着苏联在打破国际孤立方面迈出了重要一步。代表团之间的灌输程度差异很大:欧洲无产者经常参观对十月革命具有重要意义的遗址,而来自东方的客人则主要了解该国的文化面貌。尽管红色体育国际给予了鼓励,但代表团很少走出莫斯科、列宁格勒、哈尔科夫和敖德萨等主要城市中心,因为到外省参观是不可行的。此外,即使在这些重要城市,参观者也会遇到组织方面的挑战,如交通不便、经济支持不足、食品供应问题等,这些都削弱了宣传工作的效果。这些缺陷在很大程度上归因于苏联体育外交的头十年缺乏接待外宾的标准协议,以及国家基础设施发展的总体不平衡。
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引用次数: 0
The Discourse of Post-capitalism as a Reflection of the Crisis of Globalization 反映全球化危机的后资本主义论述
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-207-222
D. G. Evstafiev
The primary objective of this article is to construct a comprehensive conceptual definition of "post-capitalism." The contemporary global landscape, characterized by postmodernity, is currently undergoing a profound institutional crisis. This crisis impacts both its economic underpinnings, rooted in the dominance of financial capitalism, and its societal foundations, which revolve around a universal model of social development built upon a universalist model of consumption.Discourses surrounding post-capitalism within Russian and Western academic and expert circles exhibit unique characteristics. However, they share common traits. On one hand, these discourses reflect an acknowledgment of the impasses inherent in existing models of globalization. On the other hand, they recognize the transformation of capitalism as a universal socio-economic system that forms the bedrock of international relations. This article underscores the inescapable rise of non-economic factors influencing socio-economic systems' development, including their role in shaping international relations.Post-capitalism is best understood as a collection of principles guiding spatial organization and the establishment of economic and political relationships within these spaces, rather than a specific developmental model. Positioned as an element within the broader return to a spatiality, post-capitalism is predominantly discussed within the context of international processes, serving as a transitional phase in international political and economic relations.
本文的主要目的是为 "后资本主义 "构建一个全面的概念定义。以后现代为特征的当代全球格局目前正在经历一场深刻的制度危机。这场危机既影响到以金融资本主义主导地位为根基的经济基础,也影响到以建立在普遍主义消费模式基础上的普遍社会发展模式为核心的社会基础。俄罗斯和西方学术界和专家围绕后资本主义的论述各具特色,但也有共同之处。一方面,这些论述反映了对现有全球化模式固有缺陷的承认。另一方面,它们承认资本主义作为一种普遍的社会经济制度正在发生转变,这种制度构成了国际关系的基石。后资本主义最好被理解为指导空间组织以及在这些空间内建立经济和政治关系的一系列原则,而不是一种特定的发展模式。后资本主义被定位为更广泛的空间性回归中的一个要素,主要在国际进程的背景下进行讨论,是国际政治和经济关系中的一个过渡阶段。
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引用次数: 0
Russian and Turkic Worlds in Eurasia 欧亚大陆上的俄罗斯和突厥世界
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-153-182
N. E. Demeshko, G. L. Muradov, A. Irkhin, O. A. Moskalenko
This article delves into the dynamics of ethno-confessional factors influencing Russian-Turkish relations, exploring the Russian and Turkic worlds as geopolitical constructs within the Eurasian sphere. Employing a synthesis of critical and classical geopolitics methodologies, the study emphasizes the civilizational aspect as a pivotal element in the intricate interplay of competition and cooperation between Russia and Turkey in the Eurasian context. The research methodology integrates a civilizational perspective with critical geopolitics. The authors examine various strategies utilized by Turkey and Russia to implement ethnoconfessional policies in their quest for geopolitical influence. These strategies encompass the creation of narratives around 'fraternal nations', the promotion of shared historical, cultural, religious, linguistic, and heroic narratives; the cultivation of pro-Russian and pro-Turkish national elites; and the exploitation of ethno-national factors during domestic political crises. This analysis traces these phenomena from historical imperial contexts to contemporary interstate relations.Furthermore, the article underscores the significant impact of individual leadership in shaping the concept of the Turkic world, with a particular focus on the current President of the Turkish Republic, R.T. Erdogan. Erdogan is portrayed as a key figure actively advocating for and reinforcing the unity and identity of the Turkic world.
本文深入探讨了影响俄土关系的民族-教派因素的动态变化,探讨了俄罗斯和突厥世界在欧亚大陆范围内的地缘政治建构。本研究综合运用批判地缘政治学和古典地缘政治学的方法,强调文明层面是俄罗斯和土耳其在欧亚背景下错综复杂的竞争与合作关系中的关键因素。研究方法将文明视角与批判地缘政治学相结合。作者研究了土耳其和俄罗斯在寻求地缘政治影响力的过程中实施民族政策的各种策略。这些策略包括围绕 "兄弟民族 "进行叙事,宣传共同的历史、文化、宗教、语言和英雄叙事;培养亲俄和亲土的民族精英;以及在国内政治危机中利用民族因素。此外,文章还强调了个人领导力在塑造突厥世界概念方面的重要影响,并特别关注土耳其共和国现任总统埃尔多安(R.T. Erdogan)。埃尔多安被描绘成一个积极倡导和加强突厥世界团结和特性的关键人物。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of ‘Migration Potential’ on the Economic and Demographic Development of Donor and Recipient Countries 移民潜力 "对捐助国和受援国经济和人口发展的影响
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-250-269
V. Ledeneva, A. Rakhmonov
The phenomenon of global migration exerts a substantial impact on nations, organizations, and individuals, yet the focus of scholarly discourse on the potential of migrants has historically not paralleled the magnitude of this phenomenon. This study brings into focus the often-neglected dual nature of immigrant potential, impacting both countries that receive migrants (recipient countries) and those from which migrants originate (donor countries). Prior research within the Russian context predominantly examined the potential of compatriots in post-independence neighboring countries or the potential related to internal migration and the redistribution of human and labor resources regionally. Prevailing perspectives have largely been confined to examining the migration potential of specific socio-demographic groups within defined territories, often characterized by distinct ethnic features. This research illuminates the dual aspect of external migrant potential. It elucidates how migrants contribute significantly to the development of host countries, while donor countries also reap considerable benefits from the migratory capabilities and engagements of their citizens in foreign employment.The objective of this article is to augment theoretical paradigms in the study of "migration potential," conceptualizing it as an integrative system that combines quantitative and qualitative attributes of a highly mobile and motivated populace. The paper seeks to delineate the conceptual framework of migration potential, establish its structural composition, and elucidate the mechanisms and factors through which migrant potential influences the economic and demographic progress of both recipient and donor nations.Findings: The study delineates the constituent components of the functional sub-potentials (subcomponents) within the broader construct of "migration potential," synthesizing these through a meticulous examination of extant Russian and international academic literature. Migration potential is approached as a variable that is both fluid and subject to modification. The research critically analyzes the multifaceted impacts – both advantageous and adverse – of migration on diverse sectors of life in donor and recipient countries. A case in point is the correlation between the educational potential and the intellectual prowess of highly skilled migrants, which significantly contributes to innovation within the host regions. Conversely, a deficiency in the integration potential of external migrants may precipitate xenophobic tendencies among native populations. From the perspective of donor countries, the influx of remittances stands out as a pivotal and transformative element within the broader context of global migration.
全球移民现象对国家、组织和个人都产生了重大影响,但学术界对移民潜力的讨论重点历来与这一现象的规模不相称。本研究聚焦于经常被忽视的移民潜力的双重性,它既影响接收移民的国家(接受国),也影响移民来源国(捐助国)。之前在俄罗斯范围内进行的研究主要考察了独立后邻国同胞的移民潜力,或与国内移民及区域人力和劳动力资源再分配相关的潜力。主流观点大多局限于研究特定领土内特定社会人口群体的移民潜力,这些群体往往具有鲜明的种族特征。本研究揭示了外部移民潜力的双重性。本文旨在加强 "移民潜力 "研究的理论范式,将其概念化为一个综合系统,将高度流动性和积极性人口的定量和定性属性结合起来。本文试图勾勒出移民潜力的概念框架,确定其结构组成,并阐明移民潜力影响受援国和捐助国经济和人口进步的机制和因素:本研究在 "移民潜力 "这一更广泛的概念中界定了功能性子潜力(子成分)的组成要素,并通过对现存的俄罗斯和国际学术文献的细致研究对这些要素进行了综合。移民潜力是一个变量,既不稳定,也会发生变化。研究批判性地分析了移民对捐助国和受援国不同生活领域的多方面影响--既有有利影响,也有不利影响。一个典型的例子是,高技能移民的教育潜力和知识能力之间存在关联,这极大地促进了东道国地区的创新。反之,外来移民融入社会的潜力不足,则可能引发当地居民的排外倾向。从捐助国的角度来看,在全球移徙的大背景下,汇款的流入是一个关键的变革因素。
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引用次数: 0
Huaqiao Nongchang: Isolated Settlements of Overseas Chinese Inside China 花桥农庄:华侨在中国境内的孤立定居点
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-223-249
P. E. Strukova
This study offers a comprehensive exploration and analysis of "huaqiao nongchang," commonly known as overseas Chinese farms, situated within contemporary China's territorial boundaries. These administrative units, established in the 1950s-1980s, served as an intriguing aspect of emigrant administration and were established in three distinct phases. Initially, they functioned as agricultural entities, predominantly inhabited by ethnic Chinese returning en masse from countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, and others to the newlyformed People's Republic of China in 1949.The author's primary objective is to fill gaps in our understanding of this phenomenon and to dissect the logic behind the stages of their creation, settlement, and subsequent reforms within China. This article excels in its contextualization within the historical framework, shedding light on the unique characteristics of these settlements. A comprehensive analysis of works by Chinese experts uncovers a significant reason for the PRC authorities' adoption of this approach: it provided a swift solution to hunger-related issues and the employment of vast refugee populations.As time progressed, drawbacks in this approach to managing emigrants became apparent. The initial economic struggles of these settlements, coupled with unfavorable socio-cultural environments and a lack of effective organizational strategies for settlers, necessitated ongoing reforms. The transformation of certain "huaqiao nongchang" units from unproductive state farms into profitable agricultural enterprises occurred due to various factors, including decentralization of decision-making, redirection toward local markets, alleviation of social tensions, workforce training, and their integration into the broader Chinese economy.This article supplements its analysis with excerpts from settlers' memoirs, offering firsthand insights into the lives and experiences of overseas Chinese emigrants returning to their homeland. Additionally, it provides a concise examination of the terminology associated with this subject matter.
本研究对位于当代中国领土范围内的 "华侨农庄"(俗称华侨农场)进行了全面的探索和分析。这些行政单位建立于 20 世纪 50 年代至 80 年代,是移民管理的一个有趣方面,分三个不同阶段建立。最初,它们作为农业实体,主要由 1949 年从马来西亚、印度尼西亚、越南等国大规模返回新成立的中华人民共和国的华人居住。作者的主要目的是填补我们对这一现象理解的空白,并剖析它们在中国境内的创建、定居和后续改革等阶段背后的逻辑。这篇文章擅长在历史框架内进行背景分析,揭示这些定居点的独特性。对中国专家著作的全面分析揭示了中国当局采用这种方法的一个重要原因:它能迅速解决与饥饿有关的问题和大量难民的就业问题。随着时间的推移,这种管理移民方式的弊端逐渐显现出来。这些定居点最初的经济困难,加上不利的社会文化环境和缺乏有效的移民组织策略,使得改革势在必行。某些 "华侨农庄 "单位从非生产性的国营农场转变为盈利性的农业企业,是由于各种因素的影响,包括决策权下放、转向当地市场、缓解社会矛盾、劳动力培训以及融入更广泛的中国经济。此外,文章还简明扼要地探讨了与这一主题相关的术语。
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引用次数: 0
Soviet Politics and Diplomacy in the Far East: Strategies and Alliances on the Eve of and During World War II 苏联在远东的政治与外交:二战前夕和二战期间的战略与联盟
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-92-123
Yu. A. Dubinin
This article offers an in-depth analysis of Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East during the tumultuous period spanning from the 1920s to the 1940s. These policies were profoundly shaped by two key factors: firstly, the ideological considerations rooted in the political framework established in the USSR following the 1917 revolution, and secondly, the geopolitical dynamics reflecting the evolving global and regional political landscape in the Far East. The ruling Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government faced formidable challenges as they sought to safeguard the nascent Soviet Republic amid mounting international tensions, both on a global scale and within the Asia-Pacific region.This study aspires to present a comprehensive and integrated examination of Soviet policy and diplomacy during this era. It delineates four distinct chronological segments, each characterized by its unique features, priorities, and challenges. At the same time, these segments are united by the overarching goal of consolidating the Soviet Union's position in the Far Eastern region and the broader Pacific theater. The four discernible stages in Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East encompass:1.    The period spanning from 1927 to 1932, marked by an initial deterioration in relations between the Soviet government and the Kuomintang administration following the 1927 split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China (CPC). This phase also witnessed the 1929 conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and culminated in the reestablishment of Sino-Soviet relations, all set against the backdrop of escalating Japanese aggression in Northeastern China (Manchuria). This phase demanded adroit diplomacy balancing strength and strategic statecraft.2.    The 1930s, especially in the aftermath of Japan's aggressive incursions into China, saw limited interaction and collaboration between the USSR and the Republic of China. This period featured cautious Soviet-Japanese relations and included significant events such as armed clashes at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin-Gol River, as well as the signing of the USSR-Japan Neutrality Pact.3.    The era of the Great Patriotic War from 1941 to 1945, during which the Soviet Union's foremost objective was the defeat of the German Nazi aggressor. During this period, Soviet diplomacy was primarily preoccupied with relations with Anglo-American allies, with particular emphasis on the contentious issue of opening a second front. Consequently, Far Eastern and Pacific policy concerns assumed a somewhat marginalized role within the realm of Soviet diplomacy.4.    Finally, the period spanning from the winter to the summer of 1945 emerged as a pivotal juncture. During this time, the Soviet Union intensified its political, diplomatic, and military involvement in the Far East, all against the backdrop of preparations for the impending entry into the war against Japan. Diplomatic endeavors reached their zenith during this critical phase.
本文深入分析了苏联在 20 世纪 20 年代至 40 年代这段动荡时期的远东政策和外交。这些政策受到两个关键因素的深刻影响:首先是植根于 1917 年革命后苏联建立的政治框架中的意识形态因素,其次是反映远东地区不断演变的全球和地区政治格局的地缘政治动态。执政的布尔什维克党和苏联政府面临着严峻的挑战,因为他们要在全球和亚太地区日益紧张的国际局势中捍卫新生的苏维埃共和国。它按时间顺序划分了四个不同的阶段,每个阶段都有其独特的特点、优先事项和挑战。与此同时,巩固苏联在远东地区和更广泛的太平洋战场的地位这一总体目标又将这些阶段统一起来。苏联在远东地区的政策和外交可分为四个阶段:1.1927 年至 1932 年,这一时期的特点是,1927 年国民党与中国共产党分裂后,苏联政府与国民党政府的关系开始恶化。这一阶段还发生了 1929 年的中国东线铁路冲突,并最终导致中苏关系的重建,而这一切的背景都是日本对中国东北(满洲)的侵略不断升级。这一阶段需要巧妙的外交手段来平衡实力和战略国策。 20 世纪 30 年代,尤其是日本侵略中国之后,苏联与中华民国之间的互动与合作十分有限。这一时期苏日关系谨慎,发生了哈桑湖和喀尔沁戈尔河武装冲突等重大事件,并签署了《苏日中立条约》。 3. 1941 年至 1945 年的伟大卫国战争时期,苏联的首要目标是打败德国纳粹侵略者。在这一时期,苏联外交的主要任务是处理与英美盟国的关系,特别强调开辟第二战场这一有争议的问题。因此,远东和太平洋政策问题在苏联外交领域处于边缘地位。 最后,1945 年冬季至夏季是一个关键时刻。在此期间,苏联加强了对远东地区的政治、外交和军事介入,而这一切的背景都是为即将到来的对日战争做准备。在这一关键阶段,外交努力达到了顶峰。
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引用次数: 0
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MGIMO Review of International Relations
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