Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-31-53
A. Zhilchenko, M. N. Pasko
The article undertakes an analysis of the prospective domains of Russian military collaboration with Arab countries against the backdrop of geopolitical uncertainties. Despite maintaining its position as the second-largest arms exporter globally, Russia has experienced a proportional decline in its share of the global arms market. Nevertheless, a discernible uptick in the trade volume of conventional weaponry, coupled with cyclical enhancements in the tactical and technical attributes of military assets, reflects positive momentum in this sector. Amid prevailing external constraints and a noticeable scarcity of contemporary Russian weaponry in burgeoning segments of the arms market, Russia necessitates resolute and equitable measures to uphold and fortify collaborative ties with partner nations. Within this context, particular emphasis is placed on Russia's strategic military cooperation with Arab states, given the region's status as a focal point of geopolitical interests for major economies and a primary destination for arms imports.The article scrutinizes Russia's competitive standing in the arms and military equipment markets of the Arab world, acknowledging the region's significance as a pivotal importer of such goods. Employing a multifaceted evaluation encompassing absolute and relative statistical metrics and derived indices, the study assesses the region's role in global arms procurement. Moreover, it offers an appraisal of the existing state and potential avenues for enhancing the efficacy of the Russian-Arab military-technical collaboration framework. The discourse delves into the transformative prospects of this partnership within the framework of networkcentric warfare concepts. Furthermore, the article elucidates the principal risks inherent in military cooperation among nations at present, highlighting concerns regarding the possible manipulation of military-technical cooperation mechanisms to serve as leverage in furthering the geopolitical aspirations of specific stakeholders.In conclusion, the study posits forward-looking trajectories for bolstering bilateral relations, both sectorally and geographically. These include initiatives such as expanding licensing, leasing, offset transactions, and technology transfer initiatives; advocating for fifth-generation fighter aircraft and long-range radar detection and control systems, leveraging Industry 4.0 technologies; and prioritizing the training of foreign specialists.
{"title":"Strategy of Russian Military Cooperation with the Countries of the Arab Region","authors":"A. Zhilchenko, M. N. Pasko","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-31-53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-31-53","url":null,"abstract":"The article undertakes an analysis of the prospective domains of Russian military collaboration with Arab countries against the backdrop of geopolitical uncertainties. Despite maintaining its position as the second-largest arms exporter globally, Russia has experienced a proportional decline in its share of the global arms market. Nevertheless, a discernible uptick in the trade volume of conventional weaponry, coupled with cyclical enhancements in the tactical and technical attributes of military assets, reflects positive momentum in this sector. Amid prevailing external constraints and a noticeable scarcity of contemporary Russian weaponry in burgeoning segments of the arms market, Russia necessitates resolute and equitable measures to uphold and fortify collaborative ties with partner nations. Within this context, particular emphasis is placed on Russia's strategic military cooperation with Arab states, given the region's status as a focal point of geopolitical interests for major economies and a primary destination for arms imports.The article scrutinizes Russia's competitive standing in the arms and military equipment markets of the Arab world, acknowledging the region's significance as a pivotal importer of such goods. Employing a multifaceted evaluation encompassing absolute and relative statistical metrics and derived indices, the study assesses the region's role in global arms procurement. Moreover, it offers an appraisal of the existing state and potential avenues for enhancing the efficacy of the Russian-Arab military-technical collaboration framework. The discourse delves into the transformative prospects of this partnership within the framework of networkcentric warfare concepts. Furthermore, the article elucidates the principal risks inherent in military cooperation among nations at present, highlighting concerns regarding the possible manipulation of military-technical cooperation mechanisms to serve as leverage in furthering the geopolitical aspirations of specific stakeholders.In conclusion, the study posits forward-looking trajectories for bolstering bilateral relations, both sectorally and geographically. These include initiatives such as expanding licensing, leasing, offset transactions, and technology transfer initiatives; advocating for fifth-generation fighter aircraft and long-range radar detection and control systems, leveraging Industry 4.0 technologies; and prioritizing the training of foreign specialists.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140674084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-160-167
E. Shebalina
Book Review: A.A. Mikaelyan, V.M. Morozov. 2023. The Evolution of Israeli-Chinese and IsraeliIndian Relations. Moscow: MGIMO-University. 213 p.
书评：A.A. Mikaelyan, V.M. Morozov.2023.以色列-中国和以色列-印度关系的演变》。莫斯科：MGIMO-University.213 p.
{"title":"Is East Turning to the East?","authors":"E. Shebalina","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-160-167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-160-167","url":null,"abstract":"Book Review: A.A. Mikaelyan, V.M. Morozov. 2023. The Evolution of Israeli-Chinese and IsraeliIndian Relations. Moscow: MGIMO-University. 213 p.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140675271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-150-159
V. Avatkov
Book Review: Ponomarevа E., Arlyapova E. 2024. The Western Balkans in the run-up to and during the current crisis: players and figures. Moscow: Prospekt Publishing House. 318 p. (in Russian)
书评：Ponomarevа E., Arlyapova E. 2024.The Western Balkans in the run-up to and during the current crisis: players and figures.Moscow：Prospekt Publishing House.318 p. （俄文）
{"title":"The “Balkan Tea Party” of the Great Powers","authors":"V. Avatkov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-150-159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-150-159","url":null,"abstract":"Book Review: Ponomarevа E., Arlyapova E. 2024. The Western Balkans in the run-up to and during the current crisis: players and figures. Moscow: Prospekt Publishing House. 318 p. (in Russian)","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140675750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-129-149
V. V. Zolotukhin
The European Free Trade Association (EFTA), established over 60 years ago as an alternative platform for fostering cooperation, has evolved into a crucial component of the pan-European project. The organizational framework underpinning its operations, its developmental trajectory with specific focus on divergences, and the models of differentiated integration (DI) have significantly contributed to its evolution.EFTA's distinct organizational structure, coupled with its pragmatic legal framework, serves as the foundation of its operations. A detailed examination allows for a clear distinction between Switzerland and the three member states of the European Economic Area (EEA), namely Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway.Regarding the EEA, its legal framework is established through collaborative development of legal instruments with the EU. The thematic allocation is carefully structured based on existing competencies; officials of EFTA's pillar bodies within the two-pillar EEA structure maintain productive relations with the EU, while others focus on internal matters. The geographical location of these bodies plays a decisive role: Brussels and Luxembourg are aligned with a broad Eurocentric decision-making paradigm, while those within EFTA prioritize endogenous agendas.Switzerland's integration trajectory relies on a diverse array of regulatory mechanisms aimed at bridging disparate areas and fostering cooperation among participating states. A sectoral approach and bilateral agreement packages with the EU are pivotal, with several EFTA bodies operating within Swiss jurisdiction facilitating convergence with the European market. Amidst the current regional turbulence, the convergence of various factors has enabled EFTA to align with the EU's approach to differentiated integration. While earlier scholarly perspectives on the phenomenon were limited in criteria and tools, subsequent empirical developments have provided a more nuanced understanding. The DI models adopted by EFTA member states closely resemble those of the EU, highlighting their alignment. Ultimately, the Association has become an integral part of European integration, with the quartet of participating countries maintaining greater flexibility in decision-making processes.
{"title":"Evolution of EFTA in Differentiated Integration within Europe","authors":"V. V. Zolotukhin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-129-149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-129-149","url":null,"abstract":"The European Free Trade Association (EFTA), established over 60 years ago as an alternative platform for fostering cooperation, has evolved into a crucial component of the pan-European project. The organizational framework underpinning its operations, its developmental trajectory with specific focus on divergences, and the models of differentiated integration (DI) have significantly contributed to its evolution.EFTA's distinct organizational structure, coupled with its pragmatic legal framework, serves as the foundation of its operations. A detailed examination allows for a clear distinction between Switzerland and the three member states of the European Economic Area (EEA), namely Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway.Regarding the EEA, its legal framework is established through collaborative development of legal instruments with the EU. The thematic allocation is carefully structured based on existing competencies; officials of EFTA's pillar bodies within the two-pillar EEA structure maintain productive relations with the EU, while others focus on internal matters. The geographical location of these bodies plays a decisive role: Brussels and Luxembourg are aligned with a broad Eurocentric decision-making paradigm, while those within EFTA prioritize endogenous agendas.Switzerland's integration trajectory relies on a diverse array of regulatory mechanisms aimed at bridging disparate areas and fostering cooperation among participating states. A sectoral approach and bilateral agreement packages with the EU are pivotal, with several EFTA bodies operating within Swiss jurisdiction facilitating convergence with the European market. Amidst the current regional turbulence, the convergence of various factors has enabled EFTA to align with the EU's approach to differentiated integration. While earlier scholarly perspectives on the phenomenon were limited in criteria and tools, subsequent empirical developments have provided a more nuanced understanding. The DI models adopted by EFTA member states closely resemble those of the EU, highlighting their alignment. Ultimately, the Association has become an integral part of European integration, with the quartet of participating countries maintaining greater flexibility in decision-making processes.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140676964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-54-72
S. I. Lunev
By the onset of the Second World War, the USSR had virtually no experience or established traditions of interaction with South Asian countries. Initially, Soviet-Indian relations could be characterized as tepid, largely due to a lack of accurate information about each other. During the wartime, the USSR underestimated the advantages of forging close ties with Indian left-wing centrists, favoring instead communists who provided the Kremlin with falsified data on the national liberation movement in the country.The article examines how bilateral relations evolved and strengthened as mutual knowledge grew. The second stage of Soviet-Indian relations (1955-1971) can be termed as a period of "birth of friendship," as the image of partnership is consolidated in the eyes of Soviet and Indian politicians and the public. Soviet diplomacy played a pivotal role in shaping policy changes: diplomats sought to gather crucial information about events in the country, transmit it to the USSR, and promote bilateral rapprochement, sometimes even acting in violation of instructions.The article pays particular attention to the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose, the leader of the left wing of the Indian National Congress, who according to Indian sociological surveys on the most prominent politicians of the 20th century, ranks second only to Mahatma Gandhi. During the Second World War, he was an uncompromising fighter against British colonialists. The Soviet Union did not pay sufficient attention to S.C. Bose, although he potentially could have been a valuable partner for Moscow.At present, the problem of mutual lack of awareness has resurfaced, hindering the development of closer political, economic, and cultural-humanitarian ties between Russia and India.
{"title":"Embarking on Friendship: Exploring Early Soviet-Indian Relations","authors":"S. I. Lunev","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-54-72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-54-72","url":null,"abstract":"By the onset of the Second World War, the USSR had virtually no experience or established traditions of interaction with South Asian countries. Initially, Soviet-Indian relations could be characterized as tepid, largely due to a lack of accurate information about each other. During the wartime, the USSR underestimated the advantages of forging close ties with Indian left-wing centrists, favoring instead communists who provided the Kremlin with falsified data on the national liberation movement in the country.The article examines how bilateral relations evolved and strengthened as mutual knowledge grew. The second stage of Soviet-Indian relations (1955-1971) can be termed as a period of \"birth of friendship,\" as the image of partnership is consolidated in the eyes of Soviet and Indian politicians and the public. Soviet diplomacy played a pivotal role in shaping policy changes: diplomats sought to gather crucial information about events in the country, transmit it to the USSR, and promote bilateral rapprochement, sometimes even acting in violation of instructions.The article pays particular attention to the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose, the leader of the left wing of the Indian National Congress, who according to Indian sociological surveys on the most prominent politicians of the 20th century, ranks second only to Mahatma Gandhi. During the Second World War, he was an uncompromising fighter against British colonialists. The Soviet Union did not pay sufficient attention to S.C. Bose, although he potentially could have been a valuable partner for Moscow.At present, the problem of mutual lack of awareness has resurfaced, hindering the development of closer political, economic, and cultural-humanitarian ties between Russia and India.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140674723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-104-128
O. Bakhlova, I. Bakhlov
The article delves into the nuanced challenge of crafting a cohesive unionwide patriotic agenda amidst escalating global tensions fueled, in part, by value conflicts. It scrutinizes the emergence of a patriotic discourse intricately woven into the institutional fabric of the Union State, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Belarus, primarily steered by top political leadership at the domestic level. The overarching aim is to delineate the enduring themes and prevailing narratives within the political elites' patriotic discourse within the Union State, while exploring its potential conceptualization as a coordinating discourse to further integration objectives and as a countermeasure of "anti-soft power" against external value threats emanating from the collective West. Methodologically, the study draws upon discursive neo-institutionalism, employing qualitative content analysis of speeches delivered by the respective presidents of the two countries as its primary analytical approach.In the conclusions, the paper underscores the remarkable alignment between Russian and Belarusian stances on patriotic issues, particularly concerning their ideological underpinnings. Both underscore the imperative of safeguarding and preserving historical memory and traditional values as the cornerstone of their discourse. However, the analysis also sheds light on the conceptual complexities inherent in articulating sovereignty values by both participating countries. The practical implications underscore the necessity of further solidifying a shared socio-cultural space, harmonizing historical policies within both nations and within the Union State framework, and stimulating a "demand for integration" through the practical implementation of the principal directives outlined in the 2021 package of integration decisions.
{"title":"Patriotism in the Political Discourse of the Union State of Belarus and Russia","authors":"O. Bakhlova, I. Bakhlov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-104-128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-104-128","url":null,"abstract":"The article delves into the nuanced challenge of crafting a cohesive unionwide patriotic agenda amidst escalating global tensions fueled, in part, by value conflicts. It scrutinizes the emergence of a patriotic discourse intricately woven into the institutional fabric of the Union State, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Belarus, primarily steered by top political leadership at the domestic level. The overarching aim is to delineate the enduring themes and prevailing narratives within the political elites' patriotic discourse within the Union State, while exploring its potential conceptualization as a coordinating discourse to further integration objectives and as a countermeasure of \"anti-soft power\" against external value threats emanating from the collective West. Methodologically, the study draws upon discursive neo-institutionalism, employing qualitative content analysis of speeches delivered by the respective presidents of the two countries as its primary analytical approach.In the conclusions, the paper underscores the remarkable alignment between Russian and Belarusian stances on patriotic issues, particularly concerning their ideological underpinnings. Both underscore the imperative of safeguarding and preserving historical memory and traditional values as the cornerstone of their discourse. However, the analysis also sheds light on the conceptual complexities inherent in articulating sovereignty values by both participating countries. The practical implications underscore the necessity of further solidifying a shared socio-cultural space, harmonizing historical policies within both nations and within the Union State framework, and stimulating a \"demand for integration\" through the practical implementation of the principal directives outlined in the 2021 package of integration decisions.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140676786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-65-85
Qi Shen, Xiaolong Zou
In the complex world of international negotiations, nation-states often navigate a spectrum of political relationships, from alliances and partnerships to competition and rivalry. Despite their diverse backgrounds and interests, the BRICS countries collectively constitute a significant proportion of global greenhouse gas emissions. Drawing upon the principles of neoliberal institutionalism, this study delves into the origins of the BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impact on climate cooperation among its member states. Our analysis traces the climate policies of BRICS nations since the inception of the UNFCCC in 1992, taking into consideration factors such as their level of economic development, environmental vulnerability, and the broader international political context. We argue that these three factors primarily shape the dynamics of alliance and partnership within BRICS regarding climate governance, although underlying competition may also influence collaborative efforts. This study aims to stimulate further theoretical discourse on the formation of political alliances within the context of global climate governance.
{"title":"Evolution of Cooperation among BRICS Countries in Global Climate Governance: From UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement","authors":"Qi Shen, Xiaolong Zou","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-65-85","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-65-85","url":null,"abstract":"In the complex world of international negotiations, nation-states often navigate a spectrum of political relationships, from alliances and partnerships to competition and rivalry. Despite their diverse backgrounds and interests, the BRICS countries collectively constitute a significant proportion of global greenhouse gas emissions. Drawing upon the principles of neoliberal institutionalism, this study delves into the origins of the BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impact on climate cooperation among its member states. Our analysis traces the climate policies of BRICS nations since the inception of the UNFCCC in 1992, taking into consideration factors such as their level of economic development, environmental vulnerability, and the broader international political context. We argue that these three factors primarily shape the dynamics of alliance and partnership within BRICS regarding climate governance, although underlying competition may also influence collaborative efforts. This study aims to stimulate further theoretical discourse on the formation of political alliances within the context of global climate governance.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140248347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-113-134
V. A. Dmitrieva, D. Kuznetsov
The IBSA Fund, which marks its 20th anniversary in 2024, has extended SouthSouth cooperation to 34 states since its establishment in 2004. This article aims to compare the recipients of bilateral development assistance from IBSA members with IBSA Fund projects’ partners. The objective is to discern the motivations behind the selection of the Fund’s project partners, assess the influence of member states on partner selection, and explore the potential benefits of including Russia and China (both BRICS and New Development Bank participants) as members. The authors analyze the structure, mechanisms, and priorities of IBSA projects, juxtaposing them with New Development Bank projects to highlight key differences and assess shortcomings. The research draws on releases and reports from development agencies, AidData databases, and online databases detailing cooperation projects of all IBSA members and the IBSA Fund. The analysis reveals that the IBSA Fund serves as an additional tool for member states in development cooperation, driven by shared opportunities and responsibilities. Partner selection appears largely motivated by the national interests of IBSA states. While both the IBSA Fund and New Development Bank espouse similar development principles, goals, and narratives, they exhibit differences in terms of development cooperation modalities, emphasis on loans versus grants, project geography, and priorities. As this makes closer cooperation between the two entities unreasonable, Russia and China, whose development assistance priorities largely align with those of the IBSA members, could still be included in the IBSA Fund mechanism, particularly if additional funding is required.
{"title":"The Role of the IBSA Fund in Foreign Aid Policies of IBSA and BRICS Member States","authors":"V. A. Dmitrieva, D. Kuznetsov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-113-134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-113-134","url":null,"abstract":"The IBSA Fund, which marks its 20th anniversary in 2024, has extended SouthSouth cooperation to 34 states since its establishment in 2004. This article aims to compare the recipients of bilateral development assistance from IBSA members with IBSA Fund projects’ partners. The objective is to discern the motivations behind the selection of the Fund’s project partners, assess the influence of member states on partner selection, and explore the potential benefits of including Russia and China (both BRICS and New Development Bank participants) as members. The authors analyze the structure, mechanisms, and priorities of IBSA projects, juxtaposing them with New Development Bank projects to highlight key differences and assess shortcomings. The research draws on releases and reports from development agencies, AidData databases, and online databases detailing cooperation projects of all IBSA members and the IBSA Fund. The analysis reveals that the IBSA Fund serves as an additional tool for member states in development cooperation, driven by shared opportunities and responsibilities. Partner selection appears largely motivated by the national interests of IBSA states. While both the IBSA Fund and New Development Bank espouse similar development principles, goals, and narratives, they exhibit differences in terms of development cooperation modalities, emphasis on loans versus grants, project geography, and priorities. As this makes closer cooperation between the two entities unreasonable, Russia and China, whose development assistance priorities largely align with those of the IBSA members, could still be included in the IBSA Fund mechanism, particularly if additional funding is required.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140248950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-86-112
B. De Conti, Cyro Faccin
Initiating its operations in 2016, the New Development Bank (NDB) disbursed close to US$ 14.6 billion by the conclusion of 2021. However, Brazil received only US$ 1.86 billion (12.8%) of this sum, marking it as the recipient of the least funding from the Bank thus far. As the NDB approaches its seventh year of operation, it becomes imperative to assess its lending trajectory to Brazil, scrutinizing both the disincentives and the potential for augmenting loans to the country. With this objective in mind, this article endeavors to delve into the obstacles and opportunities for enhancing the NDB’s utilization in Brazil. Our hypothesis suggests that despite the recent surge in operations, there remains room for advancement, particularly in light of the political developments unfolding in Brazil in 2023.Methodologically, the study hinges on analyzing NDB financial data, conducting interviews with pertinent stakeholders in Brazil, and scrutinizing and contrasting the financing institutional frameworks of the NDB and the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES). Our findings indicate that: i) access to the BNDES partially offsets the necessity for Brazilian firms to seek loans from the NDB; ii) a rigid institutional framework within the NDB and the Brazilian government impedes project approval and proposition; iii) all loans to Brazil thus far have been denominated in US dollars, diminishing their attractiveness; iv) there has been a lack of encouragement from the Brazilian national government, attributed to the reorientation of Brazilian foreign policy following the 2016 impeachment. Consequently, achieving a more prominent role and usage of the NDB necessitates not only an institutional reassessment of certain approval processes within the Brazilian government but also a more active, assertive, and collaborative stance from the Bank itself.
{"title":"Challenges and Opportunities for Maximizing the Utilization of the New Development Bank in Brazil","authors":"B. De Conti, Cyro Faccin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-86-112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-86-112","url":null,"abstract":"Initiating its operations in 2016, the New Development Bank (NDB) disbursed close to US$ 14.6 billion by the conclusion of 2021. However, Brazil received only US$ 1.86 billion (12.8%) of this sum, marking it as the recipient of the least funding from the Bank thus far. As the NDB approaches its seventh year of operation, it becomes imperative to assess its lending trajectory to Brazil, scrutinizing both the disincentives and the potential for augmenting loans to the country. With this objective in mind, this article endeavors to delve into the obstacles and opportunities for enhancing the NDB’s utilization in Brazil. Our hypothesis suggests that despite the recent surge in operations, there remains room for advancement, particularly in light of the political developments unfolding in Brazil in 2023.Methodologically, the study hinges on analyzing NDB financial data, conducting interviews with pertinent stakeholders in Brazil, and scrutinizing and contrasting the financing institutional frameworks of the NDB and the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES). Our findings indicate that: i) access to the BNDES partially offsets the necessity for Brazilian firms to seek loans from the NDB; ii) a rigid institutional framework within the NDB and the Brazilian government impedes project approval and proposition; iii) all loans to Brazil thus far have been denominated in US dollars, diminishing their attractiveness; iv) there has been a lack of encouragement from the Brazilian national government, attributed to the reorientation of Brazilian foreign policy following the 2016 impeachment. Consequently, achieving a more prominent role and usage of the NDB necessitates not only an institutional reassessment of certain approval processes within the Brazilian government but also a more active, assertive, and collaborative stance from the Bank itself.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140394803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2024-1-94-26-45
Gabriel Rached, R.M. Rodrigues de Sá
Since the onset of the 2008 financial crisis, the concept of multipolarity has regained prominence, driven by the persistent demands of emerging economies for increased representation and involvement within multilateral institutions. Since 2009, BRICS nations have orchestrated collaborative economic strategies to recalibrate their positions on the global stage. This article seeks to examine the positioning of new entities such as the New Development Bank (NDB) and China-led initiatives within a landscape characterized by the coexistence of traditional structures primarily led by the US and Europe. Against the backdrop of recent global developments, the research endeavors to elucidate the effective role of BRICS in the contemporary international arena, fifteen years since their inception. Specifically, it explores whether current international transformations align with BRICS' aspirations. The investigation employs theoretical frameworks from International Political Economy (IPE), particularly focusing on the dynamics of international multilateral frameworks.
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