Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perubahan pola pembayaran dalam industri pariwisata di kabupaten Banyumas berbasis cashless management system pada saat pandemi Covid-19. Pariwisata adalah salah satu sektor yang terdampak akibat pandemi Covid-19. Dalam menyikapi pandemi Covid-19, pariwisata Indonesia dengan cepat melakukan adaptasi terhadap berbagai perubahan yang terjadi, termasuk dalam pola transaksi. Kabupaten Banyumas menjadi salah satu daerah yang terkenal akan potensi industri pariwisatanya sehingga penulis akan menganalisis lebih lanjut mengenai upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menghadapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi saat pandemi Covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep cashless management system dalam menganalisis upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa industri pariwisata Banyumas menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi dengan menerapkan cashless management system untuk menciptakan rasa aman dan nyaman bagi wsiatawan yang ingin berwisata di daerah Banyumas. Selain itu, penerapan cashless management system juga dilakukan untuk mewadahi masyarakat yang ingin melakukan transaksi non-tunai dan secara tidak langsung penerapan cashless management system akan membentuk iklim keuangan yang transparan dan akuntabel.
{"title":"Pandemi Covid 19 dan Perubahan Pola Pembayaran dalam Industri Pariwisata di Kabupaten Banyumas Berbasis Cashless Management System","authors":"M. Yamin, Ratna Ningtyas, I. P. A. Aditia Utama","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.35665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.35665","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perubahan pola pembayaran dalam industri pariwisata di kabupaten Banyumas berbasis cashless management system pada saat pandemi Covid-19. Pariwisata adalah salah satu sektor yang terdampak akibat pandemi Covid-19. Dalam menyikapi pandemi Covid-19, pariwisata Indonesia dengan cepat melakukan adaptasi terhadap berbagai perubahan yang terjadi, termasuk dalam pola transaksi. Kabupaten Banyumas menjadi salah satu daerah yang terkenal akan potensi industri pariwisatanya sehingga penulis akan menganalisis lebih lanjut mengenai upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menghadapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi saat pandemi Covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep cashless management system dalam menganalisis upaya industri pariwisata Banyumas dalam menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi yang terjadi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa industri pariwisata Banyumas menyikapi perubahan pola transaksi dengan menerapkan cashless management system untuk menciptakan rasa aman dan nyaman bagi wsiatawan yang ingin berwisata di daerah Banyumas. Selain itu, penerapan cashless management system juga dilakukan untuk mewadahi masyarakat yang ingin melakukan transaksi non-tunai dan secara tidak langsung penerapan cashless management system akan membentuk iklim keuangan yang transparan dan akuntabel.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83118893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper asseses Indonesian and US approach toward Myanmar democratisation as consequences of globalisation of democracy. The US put pressure and political and economic boycott toward Myanmar to push democratisation process. In other hand, Indonesia insist that democratisation in Myanmar part of its domestic affair and no need foreign intervention. This approach is in line with basic principles of ASEAN including to build constructive engagement with Myanmar. Indonesian approach seems more suitable to create changes toward demoratisation in the Myanmar.
{"title":"Pendekatan Indonesia dan Amerika Serikat Terhadap Proses Demokratisasi Myanmar","authors":"A. Setiawan, Laode Muhamad Fathun","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.34434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34434","url":null,"abstract":"The paper asseses Indonesian and US approach toward Myanmar democratisation as consequences of globalisation of democracy. The US put pressure and political and economic boycott toward Myanmar to push democratisation process. In other hand, Indonesia insist that democratisation in Myanmar part of its domestic affair and no need foreign intervention. This approach is in line with basic principles of ASEAN including to build constructive engagement with Myanmar. Indonesian approach seems more suitable to create changes toward demoratisation in the Myanmar.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73917024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The old economic globalization has come to a halt. Most scholars have considered the current model of economic globalization, and the new path of globalization is to inherit the parts of neoliberal economic globalization that benefit economic growth while reforming the parts that are insufficient. Many academics have backed China's "Belt and Road" initiative (BRI) as a platform for jointly exploring a new type of globalization in this context. Based on a brief overview of the economic globalization development process, this article investigates how the BRI reflects the characteristics of inclusive globalization in its policies. Equal opportunity, balanced benefits, shared development, and openness are the four characteristics investigated. This article demonstrates, using qualitative methods and a literature review, that BRI has fulfilled all of these characteristics of inclusive globalization, with a wide range of programs carried out under the BRI scheme. In Exconclusion, BRI can be used as a "role model" for implementing inclusive globalization.
{"title":"Inclusive Globalization and The Belt and Road Initiative","authors":"Jingyi Xie","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.34115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34115","url":null,"abstract":"The old economic globalization has come to a halt. Most scholars have considered the current model of economic globalization, and the new path of globalization is to inherit the parts of neoliberal economic globalization that benefit economic growth while reforming the parts that are insufficient. Many academics have backed China's \"Belt and Road\" initiative (BRI) as a platform for jointly exploring a new type of globalization in this context. Based on a brief overview of the economic globalization development process, this article investigates how the BRI reflects the characteristics of inclusive globalization in its policies. Equal opportunity, balanced benefits, shared development, and openness are the four characteristics investigated. This article demonstrates, using qualitative methods and a literature review, that BRI has fulfilled all of these characteristics of inclusive globalization, with a wide range of programs carried out under the BRI scheme. In Exconclusion, BRI can be used as a \"role model\" for implementing inclusive globalization.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88847896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Etnis Rohingya merupakan salah satu etnis paling sensitif di dunia diakibatkan oleh kekerasan yang didapatkan oleh etnis tersebut di wilayahnya sendiri, bahkan pada akhirnya orang-orang dari etnis ini menjadi stateless akibat dari kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah Myanmmmar. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang menjunjung tinggi serta mengangkat nilai Hak Asasi Manusia sekaligus menjadi pemimpin di Asia Tenggara, di bawah kepemimpinan Jokowi, Indonesia berusaha untuk menunjukan keikutsertaanya dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik yang telah berlangsung lama ini dengan berbagai upaya yang mengedepankan kemanusiaan dan perdamaian seperti dengan cara mengeluarkan kebijakan luar negeri dengan diplomasi, serta alokasi bantuan luar negeri dengan fokus kemusiaan yang banyak diberikan kepada orang-orang dari etnis tersebut. Hal tersebut kemudian memunculkan pertanyaan tentang bagaimana peranan yang diberikan oleh pemerintah Indonesia di era Jokowi dengan melalui banyaknya bantuan kemusiaan yang diberikan oleh Indonesia kepada etnis tersebut. Metode deskriptif kualitatif dipilih untuk menjelaskan penelitian ini dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui kajian pustaka serta menggunakan pendekatan pada konsep kebijakan dan bantuan luar negeri serta teori alokasi bantuan. Hasil dari penelitian ini sendiri menunjukan adanya significant contribution yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dalam menanggapi konflik tersebut.
{"title":"Analisis Peranan Indonesia dalam Pemberian Bantuan Kemanusiaan Terhadap Etnis Rohingya di Era Jokowi","authors":"Nadia Tia Pramita, M. S. Zahidi","doi":"10.24252/rir.v5i1.34500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v5i1.34500","url":null,"abstract":"Etnis Rohingya merupakan salah satu etnis paling sensitif di dunia diakibatkan oleh kekerasan yang didapatkan oleh etnis tersebut di wilayahnya sendiri, bahkan pada akhirnya orang-orang dari etnis ini menjadi stateless akibat dari kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah Myanmmmar. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang menjunjung tinggi serta mengangkat nilai Hak Asasi Manusia sekaligus menjadi pemimpin di Asia Tenggara, di bawah kepemimpinan Jokowi, Indonesia berusaha untuk menunjukan keikutsertaanya dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik yang telah berlangsung lama ini dengan berbagai upaya yang mengedepankan kemanusiaan dan perdamaian seperti dengan cara mengeluarkan kebijakan luar negeri dengan diplomasi, serta alokasi bantuan luar negeri dengan fokus kemusiaan yang banyak diberikan kepada orang-orang dari etnis tersebut. Hal tersebut kemudian memunculkan pertanyaan tentang bagaimana peranan yang diberikan oleh pemerintah Indonesia di era Jokowi dengan melalui banyaknya bantuan kemusiaan yang diberikan oleh Indonesia kepada etnis tersebut. Metode deskriptif kualitatif dipilih untuk menjelaskan penelitian ini dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui kajian pustaka serta menggunakan pendekatan pada konsep kebijakan dan bantuan luar negeri serta teori alokasi bantuan. Hasil dari penelitian ini sendiri menunjukan adanya significant contribution yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dalam menanggapi konflik tersebut.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81584086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-65-86
Sergei Lukonin
Due to the breakdown in relations between Russia and major Western countries, Moscow is compelled to take extraordinary measures to reorient its political, trade, and economic ties. Due to its large and diversified economy and geographical proximity, China is increasingly becoming Russia's primary partner. Therefore, assessing the main outcomes of Russian-Chinese cooperation in trade, finance, economics, and science is crucial while identifying their achievements and probable limitations for further development. China has been Russia's largest trading partner for over a decade, importing mainly mineral products while exporting advanced technical products. In 2022, statistics indicate that the roles of Russia and China in bilateral trade have remained unchanged. China has further solidified its position as Russia's primary supplier of high-tech equipment, while Russia continues to be one of China's primary sources of gas and oil. China accounts for around 20% of the total foreign trade volume of the Russian Federation, while Russia's share in Chinese foreign trade turnover is about 3%. Although evaluating mutual direct and accumulated investments is challenging, it can be argued that China is among Russia's largest investors, whereas Russia's direct and accumulated investments in China, while likely higher than official estimates, are still relatively insignificant. The scope of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the scientific and technological sectors is narrowing, although additional incentives for expansion have emerged amid the heightened USChinese strategic rivalry and the crisis between Russia and the West. Russian-Chinese cooperation in the financial sector has had some successes, primarily the expansion of the use of national currencies in bilateral trade. However, this expansion is significantly limited by anti-Russian sanctions. In the current international climate, Russian-Chinese relations have the potential to deepen, but doing so will necessitate the creation of various mechanisms that enable large Chinese companies to avoid secondary sanctions.
{"title":"Russia-China Relations: An Asymmetrical Partnership?","authors":"Sergei Lukonin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-65-86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-65-86","url":null,"abstract":"Due to the breakdown in relations between Russia and major Western countries, Moscow is compelled to take extraordinary measures to reorient its political, trade, and economic ties. Due to its large and diversified economy and geographical proximity, China is increasingly becoming Russia's primary partner. Therefore, assessing the main outcomes of Russian-Chinese cooperation in trade, finance, economics, and science is crucial while identifying their achievements and probable limitations for further development. China has been Russia's largest trading partner for over a decade, importing mainly mineral products while exporting advanced technical products. In 2022, statistics indicate that the roles of Russia and China in bilateral trade have remained unchanged. China has further solidified its position as Russia's primary supplier of high-tech equipment, while Russia continues to be one of China's primary sources of gas and oil. China accounts for around 20% of the total foreign trade volume of the Russian Federation, while Russia's share in Chinese foreign trade turnover is about 3%. Although evaluating mutual direct and accumulated investments is challenging, it can be argued that China is among Russia's largest investors, whereas Russia's direct and accumulated investments in China, while likely higher than official estimates, are still relatively insignificant. The scope of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the scientific and technological sectors is narrowing, although additional incentives for expansion have emerged amid the heightened USChinese strategic rivalry and the crisis between Russia and the West. Russian-Chinese cooperation in the financial sector has had some successes, primarily the expansion of the use of national currencies in bilateral trade. However, this expansion is significantly limited by anti-Russian sanctions. In the current international climate, Russian-Chinese relations have the potential to deepen, but doing so will necessitate the creation of various mechanisms that enable large Chinese companies to avoid secondary sanctions.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73428499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-251-262
Athar Zafar
Over the decades, the partnership between India and Russia has grown stronger, enabling them to undertake combined efforts for development and engagement in neighbouring regions and beyond. Central Asia, which is a common neighbourhood of both India and Russia, has historically and culturally had close relations with the two countries. Given India's status as a major rising economy and Russia's powerful presence with deep ties to the region, the two countries can work together to deepen engagement with Central Asia. The region has high economic, political, connectivity and cultural potential, and its significance has increased amidst the current international political and economic turmoil. This paper aims to identify the areas of convergence between India and Russia for practical cooperation both at the bilateral and regional levels to further strengthen their ties and contribute to the development of their common neighbourhood. Bilateral cooperation between India and Russia in Central Asia has great potential and is of significant interest. Trilateral cooperation of India and Russia with Central Asian republics has not been extensively researched and could emerge as a new area of interest. The paper explores this phenomenon in the context of economic and educational cooperation among the three sides, which can provide another anchor for regional stability, not only in Central Asia but also in the wider region.
{"title":"India and Russia in Central Asia: Growing Convergence of Interests?","authors":"Athar Zafar","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-251-262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-251-262","url":null,"abstract":"Over the decades, the partnership between India and Russia has grown stronger, enabling them to undertake combined efforts for development and engagement in neighbouring regions and beyond. Central Asia, which is a common neighbourhood of both India and Russia, has historically and culturally had close relations with the two countries. Given India's status as a major rising economy and Russia's powerful presence with deep ties to the region, the two countries can work together to deepen engagement with Central Asia. The region has high economic, political, connectivity and cultural potential, and its significance has increased amidst the current international political and economic turmoil. This paper aims to identify the areas of convergence between India and Russia for practical cooperation both at the bilateral and regional levels to further strengthen their ties and contribute to the development of their common neighbourhood. Bilateral cooperation between India and Russia in Central Asia has great potential and is of significant interest. Trilateral cooperation of India and Russia with Central Asian republics has not been extensively researched and could emerge as a new area of interest. The paper explores this phenomenon in the context of economic and educational cooperation among the three sides, which can provide another anchor for regional stability, not only in Central Asia but also in the wider region.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89929399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-33-48
A. Kupriyanov
The focus of the article is the analysis of the prospects of the relationship between Russia and India. The author examines the attitudes of the elites in both countries towards each other, using historical sociology, the theory of cultural hegemony, and post-colonialism to explain the formation and perspectives of these elites. The objective and subjective economic and political conditions have, until recently, hindered any genuine efforts towards bringing the two countries closer, as both sides perceived the West as a more promising partner. This attitude has been shaped by historical factors, such as the formation of the Indian elites under the influence of British political, economic, and military culture, and the reckless admiration of the victors of the Cold War by the Russian elites, which attempted to abandon the Soviet legacy after the collapse of the USSR. Despite declarations of strategic interest in forming a polycentric world and developing bilateral Russian-Indian relations, economic ties have not supported these intentions. However, the conflict in Ukraine and the imposition of Western sanctions have compelled the Russian elites to re-evaluate their priorities. They have been faced with a choice: either to return to a Western orientation, which could lead to internal discontent, or to build stronger ties with China or India. The path chosen will depend on the position of the Indian elites, who have the freedom to take a neutral stance in a conflict far from their borders, and on the outcomes of the Ukrainian crisis.
{"title":"Strategic Partnership between Russia and India from the Perspective of National Elites","authors":"A. Kupriyanov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-33-48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-33-48","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of the article is the analysis of the prospects of the relationship between Russia and India. The author examines the attitudes of the elites in both countries towards each other, using historical sociology, the theory of cultural hegemony, and post-colonialism to explain the formation and perspectives of these elites. The objective and subjective economic and political conditions have, until recently, hindered any genuine efforts towards bringing the two countries closer, as both sides perceived the West as a more promising partner. This attitude has been shaped by historical factors, such as the formation of the Indian elites under the influence of British political, economic, and military culture, and the reckless admiration of the victors of the Cold War by the Russian elites, which attempted to abandon the Soviet legacy after the collapse of the USSR. Despite declarations of strategic interest in forming a polycentric world and developing bilateral Russian-Indian relations, economic ties have not supported these intentions. However, the conflict in Ukraine and the imposition of Western sanctions have compelled the Russian elites to re-evaluate their priorities. They have been faced with a choice: either to return to a Western orientation, which could lead to internal discontent, or to build stronger ties with China or India. The path chosen will depend on the position of the Indian elites, who have the freedom to take a neutral stance in a conflict far from their borders, and on the outcomes of the Ukrainian crisis.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90574401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-49-64
R. Sharma, G. Atri
India and Russia share a vision of a multipolar world, which is reflected in their cooperation within international organizations and fora such as the United Nations, Russia-India-China (RIC), BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). India has shown greater enthusiasm towards RIC and BRICS than SCO due to its non-founder status and concerns over the group's creation to further China's regional agenda. The expansion of BRICS and a potential free trade agreement pose challenges to India-Russia relations and require more bilateral engagement. Russia should realistically assess the benefits of endorsing China's Belt and Road Initiative while also considering the potential of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) to access West Asian and South Asian markets and mitigate the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy. India and Russia must collaborate to build regional consensus on the INSTC through RIC, BRICS, and SCO platforms. Despite Russia's growing proximity to China, Moscow has not compromised its support for New Delhi on issues such as Kashmir, terrorism, membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), and the United Nations Security Council. In contrast, China continues to question and oppose India on these matters. Similarly, India has maintained friendly ties with Russia and has not succumbed to Western pressure. Cooperation between India and Russia in international organizations has further strengthened their bilateral ties, and they must continue to work together to maintain a multipolar Eurasia, as neither can achieve this goal alone.
{"title":"India and Russia in International Organizations: Motives, Strategies, and Outcomes","authors":"R. Sharma, G. Atri","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-49-64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-49-64","url":null,"abstract":"India and Russia share a vision of a multipolar world, which is reflected in their cooperation within international organizations and fora such as the United Nations, Russia-India-China (RIC), BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). India has shown greater enthusiasm towards RIC and BRICS than SCO due to its non-founder status and concerns over the group's creation to further China's regional agenda. The expansion of BRICS and a potential free trade agreement pose challenges to India-Russia relations and require more bilateral engagement. Russia should realistically assess the benefits of endorsing China's Belt and Road Initiative while also considering the potential of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) to access West Asian and South Asian markets and mitigate the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy. India and Russia must collaborate to build regional consensus on the INSTC through RIC, BRICS, and SCO platforms. Despite Russia's growing proximity to China, Moscow has not compromised its support for New Delhi on issues such as Kashmir, terrorism, membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), and the United Nations Security Council. In contrast, China continues to question and oppose India on these matters. Similarly, India has maintained friendly ties with Russia and has not succumbed to Western pressure. Cooperation between India and Russia in international organizations has further strengthened their bilateral ties, and they must continue to work together to maintain a multipolar Eurasia, as neither can achieve this goal alone.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75129662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-216-234
A. Zakharov
Connectivity has been one of the most challenging issues for developing trade cooperation between Russia and India. Due to the geographic distance separating the two nations, along with the unstable security environment in Afghanistan and border disputes between India and Pakistan, the creation of a direct and shortest transport route has proven difficult, thereby rendering it impossible to implement crucial projects in energy infrastructure.This paper briefly outlines the functioning logistics between Russia and India, which has relied primarily on shipping through the Suez Canal, with an emphasis on the developments in the wake of conflict in Ukraine. The author briefly explores the prospects for maritime connectivity between the Russian Far East and Indian ports, and highlights several challenges for launching a regular Vladivostok-Chennai corridor.The US and European sanctions against the Russian economy, combined with subsequent difficulties in transporting goods by sea, has reinvigorated Russia's efforts to complete the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). This corridor holds significant potential for Russia to expand its reach to India, the Persian Gulf, and East Africa. Additionally, it is believed that the project may facilitate India's connectivity with countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. Therefore, this paper particularly examines the case of the land corridor, exploring its current progress in implementation, the geoeconomic factors involved, existing challenges, and opportunities for compatibility with other initiatives, such as the Europe-Caucasus-Asia Transport Corridor (TRACECA), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Chabahar port.The author argues that, although the implementation of connectivity projects between the two countries will not solve structural problems in their trade relationship, both have a vested interest in promoting infrastructure development for a deeper engagement with new regions. To qualitatively boost Russian-Indian trade, affordable logistical solutions should be developed simultaneously with the resolution of other issues like the settlements for financial transactions, and the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers.
{"title":"The International North-South Transport Corridor: The Prospects and Challenges for Connectivity between Russia and India","authors":"A. Zakharov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-216-234","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-216-234","url":null,"abstract":"Connectivity has been one of the most challenging issues for developing trade cooperation between Russia and India. Due to the geographic distance separating the two nations, along with the unstable security environment in Afghanistan and border disputes between India and Pakistan, the creation of a direct and shortest transport route has proven difficult, thereby rendering it impossible to implement crucial projects in energy infrastructure.This paper briefly outlines the functioning logistics between Russia and India, which has relied primarily on shipping through the Suez Canal, with an emphasis on the developments in the wake of conflict in Ukraine. The author briefly explores the prospects for maritime connectivity between the Russian Far East and Indian ports, and highlights several challenges for launching a regular Vladivostok-Chennai corridor.The US and European sanctions against the Russian economy, combined with subsequent difficulties in transporting goods by sea, has reinvigorated Russia's efforts to complete the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). This corridor holds significant potential for Russia to expand its reach to India, the Persian Gulf, and East Africa. Additionally, it is believed that the project may facilitate India's connectivity with countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. Therefore, this paper particularly examines the case of the land corridor, exploring its current progress in implementation, the geoeconomic factors involved, existing challenges, and opportunities for compatibility with other initiatives, such as the Europe-Caucasus-Asia Transport Corridor (TRACECA), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Chabahar port.The author argues that, although the implementation of connectivity projects between the two countries will not solve structural problems in their trade relationship, both have a vested interest in promoting infrastructure development for a deeper engagement with new regions. To qualitatively boost Russian-Indian trade, affordable logistical solutions should be developed simultaneously with the resolution of other issues like the settlements for financial transactions, and the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84913990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-15-32
Nivedita Kapoor
The article explores the ongoing evolution of India's relationship with Russia, using the concept of "uneven multipolarity" and its specific distribution of capabilities. It argues that India's perception of the balance of threats has shifted with respect to China, particularly in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions, which are crucial to India's national security and future power projection ambitions. In the current context of uneven multipolarity, the capabilities of the US and China exceed those of weaker major powers, such as India, Russia, and Japan, without tipping the system into explicit bipolarity. This specific nature of current polarity and India's "China challenge" have led to shifting alignments in its foreign policy.When combined with changes in Russia's external relations, particularly the breakdown of its relations with the West and growing closeness with China, these factors have created particular constraints on New Delhi's partnership with Moscow. Multi-alignment for India represents a choice other than the formation of alliances as a balancing response, but it does introduce a hierarchy in its foreign relations. Under prevailing conditions, it emphasizes the importance of the relationship with the US while diminishing the significance of the relationship with Russia, even as the value of the bilateral partnership is retained in specific ways. These observations are instrumental in the assessment of the present and future trajectory of Indo-Russian ties presented in the article.
{"title":"Multi-alignment under \"Uneven Multipolarity\": India’s Relations with Russia in an Evolving World Order","authors":"Nivedita Kapoor","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-15-32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-15-32","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the ongoing evolution of India's relationship with Russia, using the concept of \"uneven multipolarity\" and its specific distribution of capabilities. It argues that India's perception of the balance of threats has shifted with respect to China, particularly in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions, which are crucial to India's national security and future power projection ambitions. In the current context of uneven multipolarity, the capabilities of the US and China exceed those of weaker major powers, such as India, Russia, and Japan, without tipping the system into explicit bipolarity. This specific nature of current polarity and India's \"China challenge\" have led to shifting alignments in its foreign policy.When combined with changes in Russia's external relations, particularly the breakdown of its relations with the West and growing closeness with China, these factors have created particular constraints on New Delhi's partnership with Moscow. Multi-alignment for India represents a choice other than the formation of alliances as a balancing response, but it does introduce a hierarchy in its foreign relations. Under prevailing conditions, it emphasizes the importance of the relationship with the US while diminishing the significance of the relationship with Russia, even as the value of the bilateral partnership is retained in specific ways. These observations are instrumental in the assessment of the present and future trajectory of Indo-Russian ties presented in the article.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83095698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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