Pub Date : 2023-09-18DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-7-33
L. V. Deriglazova, A. M. Pogorelskaya
The article aims to reveal particularities of cancel culture in politics and international relations using methods of sociology and conflict theory. Deriving from previous research of cancel culture, authors define cancel culture as non-institutionalized form of social control that is implemented through mass mobilization in social media. After informal pressure the formal punishment could follow against those who break norms or behavior expectations. As a kind of social control cancel culture could contribute to overcoming gap between manifested values and social practices, preserving social order and fighting elitism and inequality. At the same time cancel culture could be used as instrument of unfair competition, political struggle and suppression of opinions. Comparison of cancel culture cases in the USA, United Kingdom and Russia allows to conclude that the scale and effectiveness of collective actions depend on national context, different systems of norms and values and cultural practices to react on violation of values and norms. In politics and international relations cancel culture manifests as an addition to actions of formal political institutions, and it aims to undermine authority and reputation of a politician. It is important that in politics and international relations cancel culture is an instrument of informal control, which follows formal sanctions. Conclusions about the nature of cancel culture as an instrument of politics helps to understand better its functions in regard to attempts to “cancel” Russia. Cancel culture adds to formal sanctions and aims to isolate the country, to undermine its legitimacy as international actor. In regard to Russia the efforts are made to “cancel” it on two levels: formal – by sanctions and informal – via rejection to cooperate coming from various professional communities. In both cases countries and respective communities have their own understanding of norms and acceptable means and tools, and thus cancel culture becomes a toll of collective punishment. International relations lack universal understanding of norms and single center of political power, so that causes selective usage of instruments to impact, and thus cancel culture becomes an instrument of political struggle.
{"title":"The Impact of Cancel Culture on Politics and International Relations","authors":"L. V. Deriglazova, A. M. Pogorelskaya","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-7-33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-7-33","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to reveal particularities of cancel culture in politics and international relations using methods of sociology and conflict theory. Deriving from previous research of cancel culture, authors define cancel culture as non-institutionalized form of social control that is implemented through mass mobilization in social media. After informal pressure the formal punishment could follow against those who break norms or behavior expectations. As a kind of social control cancel culture could contribute to overcoming gap between manifested values and social practices, preserving social order and fighting elitism and inequality. At the same time cancel culture could be used as instrument of unfair competition, political struggle and suppression of opinions. Comparison of cancel culture cases in the USA, United Kingdom and Russia allows to conclude that the scale and effectiveness of collective actions depend on national context, different systems of norms and values and cultural practices to react on violation of values and norms. In politics and international relations cancel culture manifests as an addition to actions of formal political institutions, and it aims to undermine authority and reputation of a politician. It is important that in politics and international relations cancel culture is an instrument of informal control, which follows formal sanctions. Conclusions about the nature of cancel culture as an instrument of politics helps to understand better its functions in regard to attempts to “cancel” Russia. Cancel culture adds to formal sanctions and aims to isolate the country, to undermine its legitimacy as international actor. In regard to Russia the efforts are made to “cancel” it on two levels: formal – by sanctions and informal – via rejection to cooperate coming from various professional communities. In both cases countries and respective communities have their own understanding of norms and acceptable means and tools, and thus cancel culture becomes a toll of collective punishment. International relations lack universal understanding of norms and single center of political power, so that causes selective usage of instruments to impact, and thus cancel culture becomes an instrument of political struggle.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135207633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-222-243
L. V. Shkvarya
This article examines the foreign trade relations between the Russian Federation and the states of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC) in the 21st century. It considers the development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation with Middle Eastern states, particularly the Arabian monarchies, as an essential direction for enhancing Russia's integration into the global economic system in the context of increasing anti-Russian sanctions. The study's relevance lies in the Russian Federation's need to intensify foreign trade and investment cooperation with friendly states under the current circumstances. The research holds theoretical and practical significance for understanding the characteristics, challenges, and future development of bilateral trade relations with Gulf states.The article aims to analyze the current state of mutual trade between the Russian Federation and GCC countries from 2000 to 2021 and identify the main factors influencing the dynamics and effectiveness of this trade. It establishes that trade and economic cooperation between both sides are founded on a stable objective basis, characterized by similarities and proximity in economic potential levels between the Russian Federation and the GCC countries as a collective business entity, considering individual country characteristics. The economic foundations and mutual benefits remain a priority for further cooperation. Trade volumes, both in goods and services, have shown steady growth, particularly in the past 5-6 years, although there are significant differentiations among countries. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) remains Russia's primary trading partner within the GCC. However, trade flows between Russia and the UAE, as well as other Gulf states, are imbalanced, with Russian exports to the Arabian monarchies significantly exceeding imports from the region. The commodity structure of bilateral trade also requires improvement, offering opportunities for both parties to enhance efficiency. The author suggests that future efforts should focus on developing trade in areas that contribute to economic diversification, the establishment of foundations for "green energy" and other promising sectors, and continuous enhancement of the regulatory framework for cooperation.The analysis draws on data from the UNCTAD international database, ensuring the formulation of reliable and well-founded conclusions. The research utilizes various methods, including comparative analysis, statistical analysis, factor analysis, as well as historical, institutional, and causal approaches.
{"title":"Russia’s Foreign Trade with the GCC Countries: Dynamics, Characteristics and Opportunities","authors":"L. V. Shkvarya","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-222-243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-222-243","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the foreign trade relations between the Russian Federation and the states of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC) in the 21st century. It considers the development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation with Middle Eastern states, particularly the Arabian monarchies, as an essential direction for enhancing Russia's integration into the global economic system in the context of increasing anti-Russian sanctions. The study's relevance lies in the Russian Federation's need to intensify foreign trade and investment cooperation with friendly states under the current circumstances. The research holds theoretical and practical significance for understanding the characteristics, challenges, and future development of bilateral trade relations with Gulf states.The article aims to analyze the current state of mutual trade between the Russian Federation and GCC countries from 2000 to 2021 and identify the main factors influencing the dynamics and effectiveness of this trade. It establishes that trade and economic cooperation between both sides are founded on a stable objective basis, characterized by similarities and proximity in economic potential levels between the Russian Federation and the GCC countries as a collective business entity, considering individual country characteristics. The economic foundations and mutual benefits remain a priority for further cooperation. Trade volumes, both in goods and services, have shown steady growth, particularly in the past 5-6 years, although there are significant differentiations among countries. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) remains Russia's primary trading partner within the GCC. However, trade flows between Russia and the UAE, as well as other Gulf states, are imbalanced, with Russian exports to the Arabian monarchies significantly exceeding imports from the region. The commodity structure of bilateral trade also requires improvement, offering opportunities for both parties to enhance efficiency. The author suggests that future efforts should focus on developing trade in areas that contribute to economic diversification, the establishment of foundations for \"green energy\" and other promising sectors, and continuous enhancement of the regulatory framework for cooperation.The analysis draws on data from the UNCTAD international database, ensuring the formulation of reliable and well-founded conclusions. The research utilizes various methods, including comparative analysis, statistical analysis, factor analysis, as well as historical, institutional, and causal approaches.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82410251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-244-262
N. Artamonov, A. Kurbatskii
The paper examines the factors that contribute to the outperformance of mutual funds in relation to the market, with a particular emphasis on the macroeconomic indicators as the key variables of interest. The paper begins by providing a comprehensive literature review on various factors that can impact the performance of mutual funds. The discussion encompasses a wide range of topics, including skill presence, diseconomies of scale, and other challenges associated with generating excess returns for investors.In the second part of the paper, an empirical analysis is conducted using actively managed US mutual funds to establish a relationship between fund performance and macro-variables, specifically focusing on term and credit spreads. Furthermore, the study considers different returns on positive and negative changes in spreads. The sample consists of funds that primarily invest in various sectors within the United States, with the Standard and Poor's 500 (S&P 500) serving as the benchmark. To assess the performance of funds with active strategies, panel data models are applied, with the excess return over the benchmark as the dependent variable. Different subperiods, including the financial crisis and the COVID-19 period, are examined. Notably, the impact of variables during the pandemic period differs significantly from other subperiods. The findings indicate that positive and negative changes in the spread between corporate bond yields have significant and positive effects across almost all periods, which has practical implications for potential investors. It suggests that active professional portfolio managers have been successful in uncertain periods. To control for external shocks and funds' cross-correlation, double-clustered standard errors are employed, and a series of robustness checks confirm the stability of the results.
{"title":"Excess Return of US Mutual Funds","authors":"N. Artamonov, A. Kurbatskii","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-244-262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-244-262","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the factors that contribute to the outperformance of mutual funds in relation to the market, with a particular emphasis on the macroeconomic indicators as the key variables of interest. The paper begins by providing a comprehensive literature review on various factors that can impact the performance of mutual funds. The discussion encompasses a wide range of topics, including skill presence, diseconomies of scale, and other challenges associated with generating excess returns for investors.In the second part of the paper, an empirical analysis is conducted using actively managed US mutual funds to establish a relationship between fund performance and macro-variables, specifically focusing on term and credit spreads. Furthermore, the study considers different returns on positive and negative changes in spreads. The sample consists of funds that primarily invest in various sectors within the United States, with the Standard and Poor's 500 (S&P 500) serving as the benchmark. To assess the performance of funds with active strategies, panel data models are applied, with the excess return over the benchmark as the dependent variable. Different subperiods, including the financial crisis and the COVID-19 period, are examined. Notably, the impact of variables during the pandemic period differs significantly from other subperiods. The findings indicate that positive and negative changes in the spread between corporate bond yields have significant and positive effects across almost all periods, which has practical implications for potential investors. It suggests that active professional portfolio managers have been successful in uncertain periods. To control for external shocks and funds' cross-correlation, double-clustered standard errors are employed, and a series of robustness checks confirm the stability of the results.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91015795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-263-297
M. Reshchikova
This paper addresses the effectiveness of a state-supported startup ecosystem in India in the context of economic and social development challenges. By conducting a detailed study of Indian entrepreneurs, investors, and relevant government documents pertaining to startup ecosystem development programs, as well as reports from research and analytical centers providing key industry indicators, the author concludes that the current startup ecosystem in India, despite several achievements, lacks effectiveness due to persistent challenges of administrative and regulatory nature, as well as socio-economic factors. The unprecedented growth witnessed in this sector in 2021 has highlighted existing problems, demonstrating the inability to establish a sustainable support mechanism for startups while disregarding the limitations that hinder the entrepreneurial and consumer potential of the Indian economy. The findings of this research showcase the immense potential of the Indian startup industry, which undoubtedly serves as a driving force for economic development in India, despite its vulnerability to certain elements. The experiences of India, including the challenges encountered in building a robust startup ecosystem, can provide valuable insights for other countries such as Russia.
{"title":"Drivers and Limitations of the Indian Startup Industry","authors":"M. Reshchikova","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-263-297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-263-297","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the effectiveness of a state-supported startup ecosystem in India in the context of economic and social development challenges. By conducting a detailed study of Indian entrepreneurs, investors, and relevant government documents pertaining to startup ecosystem development programs, as well as reports from research and analytical centers providing key industry indicators, the author concludes that the current startup ecosystem in India, despite several achievements, lacks effectiveness due to persistent challenges of administrative and regulatory nature, as well as socio-economic factors. The unprecedented growth witnessed in this sector in 2021 has highlighted existing problems, demonstrating the inability to establish a sustainable support mechanism for startups while disregarding the limitations that hinder the entrepreneurial and consumer potential of the Indian economy. The findings of this research showcase the immense potential of the Indian startup industry, which undoubtedly serves as a driving force for economic development in India, despite its vulnerability to certain elements. The experiences of India, including the challenges encountered in building a robust startup ecosystem, can provide valuable insights for other countries such as Russia.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88443189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-199-221
E. Kudryavtseva
This research article examines the development of trade in Crimea and Novorossiya following their incorporation into Russia. In the early 19th century, the grain trade in these regions had yet to gain momentum due to their limited development. However, ports in Feodosia, Taganrog, and Odessa regularly received ships from Constantinople and the Greek islands, while the port of Sevastopol primarily served military purposes. In 1821, under the decree of Alexander I, a port was established in Kerch to serve as an outpost at the entrance to the Sea of Azov and initiate trade relations with the mountain peoples along the Caucasian coast of the Black Sea. The Russian authorities faced challenges such as arms smuggling and the flourishing slave trade during this period. Establishing trade relations between Crimea and Circassia was intended to promote peaceful interactions with the inhabitants of the Caucasian coast. To facilitate this, the Stewardship of Trade with the Circassians and Abazians was established, regulating ship dispatch to the Caucasian coast and overseeing the operations of markets in Kerch and Bugaz. Relations with the highland communities proved difficult, as they frequently captured Russian ship crews and demanded ransoms. Even after the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829, when these territories became part of the Russian Empire, the local populations resisted submission to the new government, just as they had resisted the authority of the Turkish Sultan previously.
{"title":"Russian Black Sea Trade in Early 19th Century E.P. Kudryavtseva","authors":"E. Kudryavtseva","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-199-221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-199-221","url":null,"abstract":"This research article examines the development of trade in Crimea and Novorossiya following their incorporation into Russia. In the early 19th century, the grain trade in these regions had yet to gain momentum due to their limited development. However, ports in Feodosia, Taganrog, and Odessa regularly received ships from Constantinople and the Greek islands, while the port of Sevastopol primarily served military purposes. In 1821, under the decree of Alexander I, a port was established in Kerch to serve as an outpost at the entrance to the Sea of Azov and initiate trade relations with the mountain peoples along the Caucasian coast of the Black Sea. The Russian authorities faced challenges such as arms smuggling and the flourishing slave trade during this period. Establishing trade relations between Crimea and Circassia was intended to promote peaceful interactions with the inhabitants of the Caucasian coast. To facilitate this, the Stewardship of Trade with the Circassians and Abazians was established, regulating ship dispatch to the Caucasian coast and overseeing the operations of markets in Kerch and Bugaz. Relations with the highland communities proved difficult, as they frequently captured Russian ship crews and demanded ransoms. Even after the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829, when these territories became part of the Russian Empire, the local populations resisted submission to the new government, just as they had resisted the authority of the Turkish Sultan previously.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86150082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"The fascinating world of high-grade historical analysis\" (About V.O. Pechatnov's book History and Politics)","authors":"V. Yungblud","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-298-314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-298-314","url":null,"abstract":"Book review: Pechatnov V.O. 2022. History and politics. Moscow: Publishing house \"Aspect Press\". 542 p.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80588491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-109-137
D. Mikhaylov
This article examines the efforts of Nicolas Sarkozy, the President of the European Union (EU) at the time, in facilitating negotiations between Moscow and Tbilisi during the Georgia conflict in August-September 2008. While Sarkozy's primary objective was to end the bloodshed promptly, his strategic goals also encompassed preventing Georgia from falling back into Russia's sphere of influence and demonstrating the EU's capacity to independently resolve crises in the post-Soviet region.Sarkozy successfully persuaded Moscow and Tbilisi to accept his mediation, known as the "good offices," to normalize the situation in South Ossetia. Additionally, he garnered support from the United States and the EU, positioning himself as a representative of the entire "collective West" in dialogue with Russia. Confronted with the parties' entrenched positions, the French President occasionally resorted to altering the content of his proposed "six-point" peace plan without prior agreement, ultimately impacting the quality of the resulting agreements. These differing interpretations continue to hinder the reconciliation efforts between Moscow and Tbilisi.Through Sarkozy's mediation, a full-scale crisis in relations between Russia and the West was averted in August 2008. Significantly, Sarkozy was the first to officially articulate the threat of suspending all interaction between the "collective West" and Moscow if Russia employed military means to oppose EU and NATO expansion in the post-Soviet space. This article sheds light on Sarkozy's role in resolving the Georgia conflict while highlighting his strong stance against Russia's actions and aspirations in the region.
{"title":"Nicolas Sarkozy's Role in the 2008 Georgia Conflict: The \"United West\" Confronting Russia","authors":"D. Mikhaylov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-109-137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-109-137","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the efforts of Nicolas Sarkozy, the President of the European Union (EU) at the time, in facilitating negotiations between Moscow and Tbilisi during the Georgia conflict in August-September 2008. While Sarkozy's primary objective was to end the bloodshed promptly, his strategic goals also encompassed preventing Georgia from falling back into Russia's sphere of influence and demonstrating the EU's capacity to independently resolve crises in the post-Soviet region.Sarkozy successfully persuaded Moscow and Tbilisi to accept his mediation, known as the \"good offices,\" to normalize the situation in South Ossetia. Additionally, he garnered support from the United States and the EU, positioning himself as a representative of the entire \"collective West\" in dialogue with Russia. Confronted with the parties' entrenched positions, the French President occasionally resorted to altering the content of his proposed \"six-point\" peace plan without prior agreement, ultimately impacting the quality of the resulting agreements. These differing interpretations continue to hinder the reconciliation efforts between Moscow and Tbilisi.Through Sarkozy's mediation, a full-scale crisis in relations between Russia and the West was averted in August 2008. Significantly, Sarkozy was the first to officially articulate the threat of suspending all interaction between the \"collective West\" and Moscow if Russia employed military means to oppose EU and NATO expansion in the post-Soviet space. This article sheds light on Sarkozy's role in resolving the Georgia conflict while highlighting his strong stance against Russia's actions and aspirations in the region.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74974618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-138-152
O. Krasnyak, P. V. Shaternikov
This article examines the diplomacy of small states, focusing on the case of TimorLeste. It analyzes the foreign policy strategies of small states, which encompass bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, engagement in international organizations and global governance, and the utilization of public diplomacy. These diplomatic tools enable small states to pursue their foreign policy objectives despite their limited resources, while also fostering cooperative relationships with larger powers. Diplomacy is regarded as a universal mechanism through which small states like Timor-Leste can integrate into the global international relations system.Given the inherent limitations of small states in contesting with major and middle powers, they seek to enhance their international influence through collective actions, such as forming or joining coalitions in international organizations or intergovernmental forums. Additionally, small states employ public diplomacy to draw attention to their issues and needs, thereby reducing their reliance on greater powers and forging more advantageous collaborations with other states. Strategies such as imitation and balancing, participation in coalitions, promotion of international initiatives, provision of expertise, and adherence to the principles of international law are utilized to cultivate a positive image of small states as responsible actors in international relations and reliable partners.The article concludes that Timor-Leste has been successful in maintaining bilateral and multilateral relations and actively participating in international organizations. However, it faces systemic challenges in effectively employing public diplomacy mechanisms. These challenges can be attributed to underdeveloped national public institutions and the enduring influence of greater powers, which affect not only Timor-Leste but also the wider region.
{"title":"The Diplomacy of Small States: Exploring Opportunities and Limitations in the Case of Timor-Leste","authors":"O. Krasnyak, P. V. Shaternikov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-138-152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-138-152","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the diplomacy of small states, focusing on the case of TimorLeste. It analyzes the foreign policy strategies of small states, which encompass bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, engagement in international organizations and global governance, and the utilization of public diplomacy. These diplomatic tools enable small states to pursue their foreign policy objectives despite their limited resources, while also fostering cooperative relationships with larger powers. Diplomacy is regarded as a universal mechanism through which small states like Timor-Leste can integrate into the global international relations system.Given the inherent limitations of small states in contesting with major and middle powers, they seek to enhance their international influence through collective actions, such as forming or joining coalitions in international organizations or intergovernmental forums. Additionally, small states employ public diplomacy to draw attention to their issues and needs, thereby reducing their reliance on greater powers and forging more advantageous collaborations with other states. Strategies such as imitation and balancing, participation in coalitions, promotion of international initiatives, provision of expertise, and adherence to the principles of international law are utilized to cultivate a positive image of small states as responsible actors in international relations and reliable partners.The article concludes that Timor-Leste has been successful in maintaining bilateral and multilateral relations and actively participating in international organizations. However, it faces systemic challenges in effectively employing public diplomacy mechanisms. These challenges can be attributed to underdeveloped national public institutions and the enduring influence of greater powers, which affect not only Timor-Leste but also the wider region.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74119234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-180-198
O. Leonova, J. Khatri
This article aims to analyze the historical trajectory and current state of relations between India and the United States, spanning from India's independence in 1947 to the present, with a focus on identifying key stages of development, outcomes, and prospects. The establishment of a strategic partnership between the two countries has evolved through various phases, driven by economic, political, and ideological factors. However, certain limitations hinder the further deepening of this partnership, including disagreements on international political issues, India's pursuit of an independent foreign policy and reluctance to assume a subordinate role, inadequate US support on critical matters, and India's continued cooperation with Russia. Conversely, factors stimulating the growth of the strategic partnership encompass India's robust economic growth, its potential role as a counterbalance to China's expanding influence in Asia, shared interests in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, mutual concerns about regional security, recent progress in nuclear policy agreements, and expanding avenues for cooperation in diverse domains. The article further examines the unique characteristics of India's relationship with the United States, which shape the nature of their existing strategic partnership, such as the shifting focus from the political and strategic realm to economic interactions, India's commitment to maintaining "strategic autonomy" and non-alignment in its deepening cooperation, its ability to differentiate between political partnership and economic collaboration, and the preservation of a multi-vector foreign policy approach. Based on the analysis, the authors assert that while a strategic military and political alliance between the two powers is unlikely in the near future, their relationship will continue to evolve within the framework of a strategic partnership. The findings of this study will provide insights for policymakers in the South and Southeast Asia region to anticipate developments and adjust their policies accordingly.
{"title":"Strategic Partnership between India and the United States: Examining Driving and Restraining Forces","authors":"O. Leonova, J. Khatri","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-180-198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-180-198","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to analyze the historical trajectory and current state of relations between India and the United States, spanning from India's independence in 1947 to the present, with a focus on identifying key stages of development, outcomes, and prospects. The establishment of a strategic partnership between the two countries has evolved through various phases, driven by economic, political, and ideological factors. However, certain limitations hinder the further deepening of this partnership, including disagreements on international political issues, India's pursuit of an independent foreign policy and reluctance to assume a subordinate role, inadequate US support on critical matters, and India's continued cooperation with Russia. Conversely, factors stimulating the growth of the strategic partnership encompass India's robust economic growth, its potential role as a counterbalance to China's expanding influence in Asia, shared interests in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, mutual concerns about regional security, recent progress in nuclear policy agreements, and expanding avenues for cooperation in diverse domains. The article further examines the unique characteristics of India's relationship with the United States, which shape the nature of their existing strategic partnership, such as the shifting focus from the political and strategic realm to economic interactions, India's commitment to maintaining \"strategic autonomy\" and non-alignment in its deepening cooperation, its ability to differentiate between political partnership and economic collaboration, and the preservation of a multi-vector foreign policy approach. Based on the analysis, the authors assert that while a strategic military and political alliance between the two powers is unlikely in the near future, their relationship will continue to evolve within the framework of a strategic partnership. The findings of this study will provide insights for policymakers in the South and Southeast Asia region to anticipate developments and adjust their policies accordingly.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80311372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-02DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-3-90-81-108
R. Franco
The article examines the Soviet responses to the Lausanne Process, which took place from May to November 1923. The process involved the trial of Russian émigrés Moritz Conradi and Arkadii Polunin, who were accused of murdering Vatslav Vatslavovich Vorovskii, the Soviet representative in Italy and head of the delegation to the Lausanne Conference, on May 10, 1923. The acquittal of Conradi and Polunin by a Swiss jury on November 16, 1923, under the verdict of "not guilty," as they were seen as avenging victims of Soviet repression, had a significant impact on the Russian emigration. While the historiography increasingly recognizes the role of various Russian émigrés in turning the trial into a denunciation of Bolshevism, little is known about the Soviet government's response to Vorovskii's killing and the efforts of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) to participate in the legal proceedings. By analyzing unpublished letters written by Soviet government officials found in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and considering the international context of 1923, this study aligns with the historiographic trend that emphasizes collective leadership and institutional autonomy in Soviet foreign policy decisions following Lenin's increasing isolation in late 1922. The research demonstrates that when the Swiss government prevented the Soviet counterpart from participating as a legal party in the process, Moscow resorted to non-traditional foreign projections, which encompassed actions beyond formal diplomacy, and even involved non-communist actors to present the USSR in a positive and "objective" light at Lausanne. However, the bureaucratic complexities of the Soviet state hindered success in court. Thus, the handling of the Lausanne Process by the prosecution serves as an illustrative example of how post-Civil War Soviet institutions operated in relation to one another, characterized by intricate dynamics and an entrenched bureaucracy, far from the alleged "totalitarian" tendencies.
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