Pub Date : 2023-03-08DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-52-86
Gaining international recognition for the White Movement was the most important foreign policy task of the Russian non–Bolshevik diplomacy. The article traces the evolving discourse of career diplomats considering this issue at different stages of the civil war. It shows their deep patriotism, professionalism, and persistency in carrying out the task. However, when the allies did not share the slogans of the White Movement, the possibilities for finding common ground were very limited. At the first stage (summer-autumn 1918), diplomats were cautious about the claims for recognition of numerous Russian non–Bolshevik governments. In the second stage (1918 – 1919), the issue of recognition played a unique role – participation of Russian representatives in the peace conference, and therefore in determining the configuration of the post-war world, depended on its success. The resolve of the diplomats to defend the Russia’s national interests did not suit foreign powers, who did not share the movement's slogan about restoring a united and indivisible Russia, its power, and its position in the world. At the third stage (spring-summer 1920), diplomats, loosing hope for military victory of the White Movement in the civil war, withdrew from the direct involvement in seeking international recognition for the Movement. However, they provided all possible technical support to the head of the Department of External Relations of the Wrangel Government, Peter B. Struve, who assumed this mission. France's recognition of the Sevastopol authorities in the summer of 1920 was limited, did not involve active military assistance, and caused justified skepticism in diplomatic circles.
{"title":"Russian Non-Bolshevik Diplomacy and the Issue of International Recognition of the White Movement in 1918-1920","authors":"","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-52-86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-52-86","url":null,"abstract":"Gaining international recognition for the White Movement was the most important foreign policy task of the Russian non–Bolshevik diplomacy. The article traces the evolving discourse of career diplomats considering this issue at different stages of the civil war. It shows their deep patriotism, professionalism, and persistency in carrying out the task. However, when the allies did not share the slogans of the White Movement, the possibilities for finding common ground were very limited. At the first stage (summer-autumn 1918), diplomats were cautious about the claims for recognition of numerous Russian non–Bolshevik governments. In the second stage (1918 – 1919), the issue of recognition played a unique role – participation of Russian representatives in the peace conference, and therefore in determining the configuration of the post-war world, depended on its success. The resolve of the diplomats to defend the Russia’s national interests did not suit foreign powers, who did not share the movement's slogan about restoring a united and indivisible Russia, its power, and its position in the world. At the third stage (spring-summer 1920), diplomats, loosing hope for military victory of the White Movement in the civil war, withdrew from the direct involvement in seeking international recognition for the Movement. However, they provided all possible technical support to the head of the Department of External Relations of the Wrangel Government, Peter B. Struve, who assumed this mission. France's recognition of the Sevastopol authorities in the summer of 1920 was limited, did not involve active military assistance, and caused justified skepticism in diplomatic circles.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90800512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-08DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-87-105
G. G. Tsidenkov
Historiography of the famine in Soviet Russia and Ukraine 1921-23. includes a large number of scholar papers covering foreign humanitarian aid to starving population in the context of the work of such large organizations as the American Relief Administration, the Nansen Committee, etc. At the same time, there are practically no articles and thesis which fully describe the assistance to the Soviet starving from individual states and national aid committees. The purpose of this article is to highlight and summarize the main aspects of the activities of the Dutch charitable and public organizations on the territory of Soviet Russia and the Ukrainian SSR during the famine of 1921-23 on the basis of documents from the Russian central and regional archives, as well as the National Archives of Sweden, whose data are first introduced into the scientific circulation. Despite the absence of diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and the Netherlands, representatives of almost all sectors of Dutch society took part in that activities. The collected data allow us to identify four main channels for the receipt of Dutch humanitarian aid in the areas affected by crop failure:1) Pro-government and public charitable organizations (the Red Cross of the Netherlands, the Dutch branch of the International Union "Save the Children"), which provided aid to the population in Volga region, Crimea and in Ukraine. In addition to sending humanitarian supplies, the Dutch Red Cross equipped its own expedition to Samara province;2) Associations of trade unions of the Second International, which participated in the financing of an independent expedition of the "International Federation of Trade Unions" to the Chuvash Autonomous Region;3) communist trade unions and associations of the Netherlands, acting through the organization "International Workers' Aid", which took part in the restoration of the Soviet national economy, and also maintained numerous orphanages in Soviet Russia;4) Religious societies of Dutch Mennonite Protestants, which sent humanitarian aid to the places of settlement of their co-religionists, where, at the insistence of the Soviet government, they provided aid to all those in need, regardless of religion.All the activities of various Dutch organizations and individual citizens in Soviet Russia and the Ukraine showed the readiness of the population and political forces of the Netherlands to maintain close contacts and interaction between our peoples, regardless of the official relations of states and political differences.
{"title":"Humanitarian Aid of the Red Cross and Other Public Organizations of the Netherlands To Soviet Russia During the Famine of 1921–1923","authors":"G. G. Tsidenkov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-87-105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-87-105","url":null,"abstract":"Historiography of the famine in Soviet Russia and Ukraine 1921-23. includes a large number of scholar papers covering foreign humanitarian aid to starving population in the context of the work of such large organizations as the American Relief Administration, the Nansen Committee, etc. At the same time, there are practically no articles and thesis which fully describe the assistance to the Soviet starving from individual states and national aid committees. The purpose of this article is to highlight and summarize the main aspects of the activities of the Dutch charitable and public organizations on the territory of Soviet Russia and the Ukrainian SSR during the famine of 1921-23 on the basis of documents from the Russian central and regional archives, as well as the National Archives of Sweden, whose data are first introduced into the scientific circulation. Despite the absence of diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and the Netherlands, representatives of almost all sectors of Dutch society took part in that activities. The collected data allow us to identify four main channels for the receipt of Dutch humanitarian aid in the areas affected by crop failure:1) Pro-government and public charitable organizations (the Red Cross of the Netherlands, the Dutch branch of the International Union \"Save the Children\"), which provided aid to the population in Volga region, Crimea and in Ukraine. In addition to sending humanitarian supplies, the Dutch Red Cross equipped its own expedition to Samara province;2) Associations of trade unions of the Second International, which participated in the financing of an independent expedition of the \"International Federation of Trade Unions\" to the Chuvash Autonomous Region;3) communist trade unions and associations of the Netherlands, acting through the organization \"International Workers' Aid\", which took part in the restoration of the Soviet national economy, and also maintained numerous orphanages in Soviet Russia;4) Religious societies of Dutch Mennonite Protestants, which sent humanitarian aid to the places of settlement of their co-religionists, where, at the insistence of the Soviet government, they provided aid to all those in need, regardless of religion.All the activities of various Dutch organizations and individual citizens in Soviet Russia and the Ukraine showed the readiness of the population and political forces of the Netherlands to maintain close contacts and interaction between our peoples, regardless of the official relations of states and political differences.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90249633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-08DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-7-28
L. Ivonina
The 16th–first half of the 17th century was a vital period for the emergence of international law, sovereignty, and the modern international system. European sovereigns also started considering at that time what today would be termed humanitarian issues in foreign policy. They relied in this mostly on the contemporary theological thought and the nascent “Law of Nations,” which fostered a discourse opposing the extremes of government (tyranny). The article analyzes one of the most vivid examples of such humanitarian foreign policy – foreign intervention by the Lord Protector of the English Republic, Oliver Cromwell, in the Duchy of Savoy in 1655 to protect the Waldensian Protestants, who suffered persecution there. Contrary to the modern historiography, the article argues that Cromwell did not abandon all other state considerations in questioning the conclusion of the Anglo-French alliance against Spain to stop the repression against the Waldensians. Cromwell’s humanitarian policy was carried out in line with Realpolitik. Aware of the complicated domestic political situation in France and of the goals of French foreign policy, he was sure that Prime Minister Cardinal Mazarin was unlikely to give up the alliance with London in response to the London’s support of the Protestant subjects of the Duke of Savoy. Cromwellian Foreign Policy in SavoyPiedmont demonstrates one of the most significant cases of implementing the humanitarian principles in international relations. At the same time, Oliver Cromwell did not infringe upon the interests of his own country. On the contrary, despite the financial costs of maintaining special embassies and a fleet in the Mediterranean and creating the Waldensian Relief Fund, the support of the persecuted in Piedmont demonstrated the strength and authority of the English state.
{"title":"The “State Interest” and Humanitarian Diplomacy of Oliver Cromwell","authors":"L. Ivonina","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-7-28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-7-28","url":null,"abstract":"The 16th–first half of the 17th century was a vital period for the emergence of international law, sovereignty, and the modern international system. European sovereigns also started considering at that time what today would be termed humanitarian issues in foreign policy. They relied in this mostly on the contemporary theological thought and the nascent “Law of Nations,” which fostered a discourse opposing the extremes of government (tyranny). The article analyzes one of the most vivid examples of such humanitarian foreign policy – foreign intervention by the Lord Protector of the English Republic, Oliver Cromwell, in the Duchy of Savoy in 1655 to protect the Waldensian Protestants, who suffered persecution there. Contrary to the modern historiography, the article argues that Cromwell did not abandon all other state considerations in questioning the conclusion of the Anglo-French alliance against Spain to stop the repression against the Waldensians. Cromwell’s humanitarian policy was carried out in line with Realpolitik. Aware of the complicated domestic political situation in France and of the goals of French foreign policy, he was sure that Prime Minister Cardinal Mazarin was unlikely to give up the alliance with London in response to the London’s support of the Protestant subjects of the Duke of Savoy. Cromwellian Foreign Policy in SavoyPiedmont demonstrates one of the most significant cases of implementing the humanitarian principles in international relations. At the same time, Oliver Cromwell did not infringe upon the interests of his own country. On the contrary, despite the financial costs of maintaining special embassies and a fleet in the Mediterranean and creating the Waldensian Relief Fund, the support of the persecuted in Piedmont demonstrated the strength and authority of the English state.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77372303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-08DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-29-51
The article studies the tradition of exchanging gifts during diplomatic negotiations for marriage using a historical reconstruction of the trip of the English Prince Charles Stuart to Madrid in 1623 to negotiate his marriage with the Spanish Infanta Maria as a crucial case. The heir to the English throne personally arrived in Madrid «incognito» to speed up the negotiations. These circumstances created problems for the Spanish side because the reception ceremony was not developed for such a case. Besides, the «incognito» trip complicated the question of exchanging gifts. Later, such trips of monarchs would become a common practice. However, this case was one of the first precedents which forced the existing ceremonial procedure of gift exchange to undergo modifications. The article focuses on functions of exchanging gifts during marriage negotiations and studies the effects of an «incognito» trip on the course of the negotiations.The research is based on the letters of king James and his son Charles and eyewitness reports from the English and Spanish sides. The article claims that Prince Charles’ trip «incognito» changed the traditional procedure of exchanging gifts: the exchange happened before the prince’s departure and was initiated by the Spanish side. Nevertheless, this ritual has not lost its symbolism and significance in the rhetoric of negotiations. Gifts were used as a means of communication, an indicator of the influence of states and the way of their self-presentation.
{"title":"Charles, the Prince of Wales at the Court of Philip IV of Spain: the «Incognito» Trip and the Problem of Exchanging Gifts","authors":"","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-29-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-1-88-29-51","url":null,"abstract":"The article studies the tradition of exchanging gifts during diplomatic negotiations for marriage using a historical reconstruction of the trip of the English Prince Charles Stuart to Madrid in 1623 to negotiate his marriage with the Spanish Infanta Maria as a crucial case. The heir to the English throne personally arrived in Madrid «incognito» to speed up the negotiations. These circumstances created problems for the Spanish side because the reception ceremony was not developed for such a case. Besides, the «incognito» trip complicated the question of exchanging gifts. Later, such trips of monarchs would become a common practice. However, this case was one of the first precedents which forced the existing ceremonial procedure of gift exchange to undergo modifications. The article focuses on functions of exchanging gifts during marriage negotiations and studies the effects of an «incognito» trip on the course of the negotiations.The research is based on the letters of king James and his son Charles and eyewitness reports from the English and Spanish sides. The article claims that Prince Charles’ trip «incognito» changed the traditional procedure of exchanging gifts: the exchange happened before the prince’s departure and was initiated by the Spanish side. Nevertheless, this ritual has not lost its symbolism and significance in the rhetoric of negotiations. Gifts were used as a means of communication, an indicator of the influence of states and the way of their self-presentation.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90720694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nurbani Adine Gustianti, Rianne Octa Syahrani Anne, Gregory Henry Erari
Fenomena kekerasan seksual terhadap anak semakin sering terjadi dan menjadi global hampir di berbagai negara. Kasus kekerasan seksual terhadap anak terus meningkat dari waktu ke waktu. Peningkatan tersebut tidak hanya dari segi kuantitas atau jumlah kasus yang terjadi, bahkan juga dari kualitas. Thailand merupakan salah satu negara dengan jumlah kasus pariwisata seks anak terbesar di dunia. Prostitusi di Thailand bermain peran dalam perekonomian negara. Ironisnya sebagian besar pendapatan nasional Thailand berasal dari sektor pariwisata seks. Persoalan Human Security di Thailand telah menyebabkan turunnya citra negara Thailand akibat banyaknya perspektif dan respon yang buruk mengenai isu kekerasan seksual ini. Adapun penyebabnya yaitu karena sejarah yang turun temurun sejak zaman Ayuthya (1350-1767), masalah ekonomi, budaya masyarakat, tingkat kemiskinan, sehingga kasus kekerasan seksual terhadap anak maupun perempuan di Thailand masih terus berjalan hingga saat ini. Peneliti menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-analisis yang dimana mengumpulkan berbagai studi kepustakaan, menyusun, menginterpretasikan data, yang kemudian dianalisis untuk mendapatkan data yang valid. Dengan menggunakan konsep Human Security dan Organisasi Internasional untuk menganalisis respon dari United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) yang berada dibawah naungan PBB yang mementingkan berbagai isu terkait hak anak-anak sangat diperlukan dalam membantu pemerintahan Thailand dalam menangani kasus kekerasan anak yang terjadi di Thailand. Kemudian hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa berdasarkan respon dari UNICEF dan melalui beberapa program pengendalian Remote Sexual Assault belum sepenuhnya dapat meminimalisir kekerasan seksual terhadap anak-anak di Thailand.
{"title":"REMOTE SEXUAL ASSAULT DI THAILAND: ANALISIS BERDASARKAN RESPON UNICEF","authors":"Nurbani Adine Gustianti, Rianne Octa Syahrani Anne, Gregory Henry Erari","doi":"10.24252/rir.v4i2.32626","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v4i2.32626","url":null,"abstract":"Fenomena kekerasan seksual terhadap anak semakin sering terjadi dan menjadi global hampir di berbagai negara. Kasus kekerasan seksual terhadap anak terus meningkat dari waktu ke waktu. Peningkatan tersebut tidak hanya dari segi kuantitas atau jumlah kasus yang terjadi, bahkan juga dari kualitas. Thailand merupakan salah satu negara dengan jumlah kasus pariwisata seks anak terbesar di dunia. Prostitusi di Thailand bermain peran dalam perekonomian negara. Ironisnya sebagian besar pendapatan nasional Thailand berasal dari sektor pariwisata seks. Persoalan Human Security di Thailand telah menyebabkan turunnya citra negara Thailand akibat banyaknya perspektif dan respon yang buruk mengenai isu kekerasan seksual ini. Adapun penyebabnya yaitu karena sejarah yang turun temurun sejak zaman Ayuthya (1350-1767), masalah ekonomi, budaya masyarakat, tingkat kemiskinan, sehingga kasus kekerasan seksual terhadap anak maupun perempuan di Thailand masih terus berjalan hingga saat ini. Peneliti menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-analisis yang dimana mengumpulkan berbagai studi kepustakaan, menyusun, menginterpretasikan data, yang kemudian dianalisis untuk mendapatkan data yang valid. Dengan menggunakan konsep Human Security dan Organisasi Internasional untuk menganalisis respon dari United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) yang berada dibawah naungan PBB yang mementingkan berbagai isu terkait hak anak-anak sangat diperlukan dalam membantu pemerintahan Thailand dalam menangani kasus kekerasan anak yang terjadi di Thailand. Kemudian hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa berdasarkan respon dari UNICEF dan melalui beberapa program pengendalian Remote Sexual Assault belum sepenuhnya dapat meminimalisir kekerasan seksual terhadap anak-anak di Thailand. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80325655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Keberhasilan Cina sejatinya berasal dari resep kebijakan Go Out. Dalam kepemimpinan Xi Jinping mengarsiteki wajah baru Cina dalam pentas kawasan dan dunia lewat promosi kerja sama Belt Road Initative. Kerja sama ini dipandang konvergen dengan kepentingan negara-negara Asia Tenggara, di satu sisi menghendaki adanya kemudahan kerja sama ekonomi, di sisi lain adalah kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur. Tulisan ini berangkat dalam kaca mata diplomasi infrastruktur, bahwa promosi kerja sama yang ditawarkan oleh Cina terhadap Indonesia, Malaysia, dan Filipina sepenuhnya tidak sekedar kerja sama biasa, tetapi upaya pemerintahan Beijing dalam membangun citra hegemonis Cina di kawasan Asia Tenggara berdasarkan motif geoekonomi, sementara di sisi komersial kehadiran BRI tidak lain sebagai kelanjutan kebijakan Go Out, yakni intenasionalisasi BUMN dalam hubungan kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur.
{"title":"AMBISI EKSPANSI BISNIS DAN POLITIK STRATEGIS CINA DI ASIA TENGGARA MELALUI BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: TINJAUAN DIPLOMASI INFRASTRUKTUR","authors":"Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai","doi":"10.24252/rir.v4i2.35041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v4i2.35041","url":null,"abstract":"Keberhasilan Cina sejatinya berasal dari resep kebijakan Go Out. Dalam kepemimpinan Xi Jinping mengarsiteki wajah baru Cina dalam pentas kawasan dan dunia lewat promosi kerja sama Belt Road Initative. Kerja sama ini dipandang konvergen dengan kepentingan negara-negara Asia Tenggara, di satu sisi menghendaki adanya kemudahan kerja sama ekonomi, di sisi lain adalah kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur. Tulisan ini berangkat dalam kaca mata diplomasi infrastruktur, bahwa promosi kerja sama yang ditawarkan oleh Cina terhadap Indonesia, Malaysia, dan Filipina sepenuhnya tidak sekedar kerja sama biasa, tetapi upaya pemerintahan Beijing dalam membangun citra hegemonis Cina di kawasan Asia Tenggara berdasarkan motif geoekonomi, sementara di sisi komersial kehadiran BRI tidak lain sebagai kelanjutan kebijakan Go Out, yakni intenasionalisasi BUMN dalam hubungan kerja sama pembangunan infrastruktur.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77464388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. Azhiim, G. R. Bastari, N. Zahara, Semmy Tyar Armandha, Dicky Adiatma, Xandra Leonora
Artikel ini mengkaji kebermanfaatan komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin negara pada KTT G20 tahun 2020 di Riyadh, Arab Saudi, bagi pembangunan nasional Indonesia. Metode analisis yang diaplikasikan dalam kajian ini terdiri dari analisis pemetaan, analisis teks kualitatif, dan analisis diskursus kritis. Melalui ketiga rangkaian metode analisis tersebut, kajian ini menghasilkan tiga identifikasi utama. Pertama, identifikasi komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin G20 Riyadh yang secara substansial memuat agenda pembangunan. Kedua, identifikasi komitmen G20 Arab Saudi yang seiring dan sejalan dengan prioritas pembangunan Indonesia. Ketiga, identifikasi komitmen bidang pembangunan yang memuat urgensi untuk diimplementasikan melalui diplomasi. Ketiga identifikasi tersebut setidaknya mengindikasikan dua hal. Pertama, ‘sinkronisasi’, yaitu penyesuaian antara agenda global dengan kebijakan, baik kebijakan yang telah ditetapkan maupun kebijakan yang dirumuskan. Kedua, adanya penyeimbangan kepentingan nasional dengan nilai-nilai yang dianggap sebagai Kebaikan Bersama Global.
{"title":"KOMITMEN INDONESIA PADA KTT G20 ARAB SAUDI DAN PEMBANGUNAN NASIONAL: SEBUAH TINJAUAN KOMPREHENSIF","authors":"R. Azhiim, G. R. Bastari, N. Zahara, Semmy Tyar Armandha, Dicky Adiatma, Xandra Leonora","doi":"10.24252/rir.v4i2.29819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/rir.v4i2.29819","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini mengkaji kebermanfaatan komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin negara pada KTT G20 tahun 2020 di Riyadh, Arab Saudi, bagi pembangunan nasional Indonesia. Metode analisis yang diaplikasikan dalam kajian ini terdiri dari analisis pemetaan, analisis teks kualitatif, dan analisis diskursus kritis. Melalui ketiga rangkaian metode analisis tersebut, kajian ini menghasilkan tiga identifikasi utama. Pertama, identifikasi komitmen dalam deklarasi pemimpin G20 Riyadh yang secara substansial memuat agenda pembangunan. Kedua, identifikasi komitmen G20 Arab Saudi yang seiring dan sejalan dengan prioritas pembangunan Indonesia. Ketiga, identifikasi komitmen bidang pembangunan yang memuat urgensi untuk diimplementasikan melalui diplomasi. Ketiga identifikasi tersebut setidaknya mengindikasikan dua hal. Pertama, ‘sinkronisasi’, yaitu penyesuaian antara agenda global dengan kebijakan, baik kebijakan yang telah ditetapkan maupun kebijakan yang dirumuskan. Kedua, adanya penyeimbangan kepentingan nasional dengan nilai-nilai yang dianggap sebagai Kebaikan Bersama Global.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73581393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fadhlan Nur Hakiem, Tania Amelinda Hasanah, Annisa Febrianti Putri Indrasari
ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mencari tahu bagaimana jalan keluar dari permasalahan kudeta militer Myanmar terutama sesama Negara anggota di dalam suatu Kawasan ditinjau dari ada atau tidaknya pergolakan dari berbagai aspek seperti: sosial, ekonomi, politik, pertahanan dan keamanannya. Kejadian pada Februari 2021 lalu, tercatat sebagai kudeta kedua yang terjadi di Myanmar. Dalam menyikapi krisis politik yang terjadi di Myanmar, ASEAN agaknya sulit keluar dari prinsip non-interference yang mana krisis politik yang terjadi di salah satu negara ASEAN menjadi urusan dalam negeri negara yang bersangkutan. ASEAN harus bersikap lebih lembut untuk mengintervensi dan memberikan tekanan melalui sikap tegas seperti ancaman mengeluarkan Myanmar dari ASEAN apabila pemimpin militer tidak bersedia mengakhiri kudeta. Hal itu menjadi tantangan ASEAN, karena stabilitas di wilayah ASEAN akan semakin terganggu apabila penolakan terhadap rekonsiliasi tidak dapat dilakukan di kemudian hari. Penelitian ini akan mengaplikasikan Pendekatan Keamanan Regional dan Pendekatan Human Security yang dirasa tepat untuk diaplikasikan ke dalam penelitian ini. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan jurnal ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan metode library research. Penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pengaruh kudeta militer Myanmar terhadap stabilitas Kawasan ASEAN semakin terasa adanya. ASEAN harus mempelajari bagaimana menerapkan konsep non-intervensi secara lebih fleksibel terhadap isu Myanmar.
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{"title":"China Grand Strategy","authors":"U. B. Kudaiarov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-206-217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-206-217","url":null,"abstract":"Book review: Doshi Roshi. 2021. The Long Game: China's Grand Strategy to Displace American Order. The USA: Oxford University Press. 432 p.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88483969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-30DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-166-178
I. Y. Khruleva
The focus of this study is the views of Feofan Prokopovich, a unique Orthodox thinker whose world outlook was shaped by an obvious influence of the ideas of the Protestant and Catholic Enlightenment. Talking about the Enlightenment, modern historiography focuses on the versatility of the phenomenon, preferring to talk about the Enlightenment, including the religious or confessional Enlightenment, aimed at rethinking the role of religion and the church. The Religious Enlightenment was a pan-European phenomenon that embraced Protestantism, Catholicism, Judaism, and Orthodoxy, and grew out of the desire to create an intelligent religion free of superstition and serving society. The intellectual movement of the religious Enlightenment sought to reconcile the natural philosophy of the 17th-18th centuries with a religious worldview, while trying to overcome the extremes of religious fanaticism, on the one hand, and nihilism and godlessness, on the other. The process of forming a new intellectual environment is marked by the coexistence and mutual influence of the most diverse, sometimes poorly compatible traditions, their transformation and modification. Comprehensively arguing the need for unlimited autocracy in Russia, Feofan Prokopovich, nevertheless, actively used the discourse of the Enlightenment in his writings, discussing the problem of the origin of the state, the mode of government, the boundaries of the power of the monarch, the rights and duties of subjects. On the example of Feofan Prokopovich, we can talk about the emergence and rooting of intellectual practices of a new type in Russian everyday life. The integration of Western European ideas and practices into Russian culture was ambiguous, multifaceted and depended on their adaptation to the socio-political space of Russia. Being well acquainted with the works of European authors of the 17th early 18th centuries, he rather took on the formal side of their discussions on socio-political topics, adapted a conceptual glossary that was new for the Russian educated public, which opened up opportunities for talking about politics in a new way.
{"title":"Western European Intellectual Practices of a New Type in Russian Everyday Life at Early 18th Century (case of Feofan Prokopovich)","authors":"I. Y. Khruleva","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-166-178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-166-178","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of this study is the views of Feofan Prokopovich, a unique Orthodox thinker whose world outlook was shaped by an obvious influence of the ideas of the Protestant and Catholic Enlightenment. Talking about the Enlightenment, modern historiography focuses on the versatility of the phenomenon, preferring to talk about the Enlightenment, including the religious or confessional Enlightenment, aimed at rethinking the role of religion and the church. The Religious Enlightenment was a pan-European phenomenon that embraced Protestantism, Catholicism, Judaism, and Orthodoxy, and grew out of the desire to create an intelligent religion free of superstition and serving society. The intellectual movement of the religious Enlightenment sought to reconcile the natural philosophy of the 17th-18th centuries with a religious worldview, while trying to overcome the extremes of religious fanaticism, on the one hand, and nihilism and godlessness, on the other. The process of forming a new intellectual environment is marked by the coexistence and mutual influence of the most diverse, sometimes poorly compatible traditions, their transformation and modification. Comprehensively arguing the need for unlimited autocracy in Russia, Feofan Prokopovich, nevertheless, actively used the discourse of the Enlightenment in his writings, discussing the problem of the origin of the state, the mode of government, the boundaries of the power of the monarch, the rights and duties of subjects. On the example of Feofan Prokopovich, we can talk about the emergence and rooting of intellectual practices of a new type in Russian everyday life. The integration of Western European ideas and practices into Russian culture was ambiguous, multifaceted and depended on their adaptation to the socio-political space of Russia. Being well acquainted with the works of European authors of the 17th early 18th centuries, he rather took on the formal side of their discussions on socio-political topics, adapted a conceptual glossary that was new for the Russian educated public, which opened up opportunities for talking about politics in a new way.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84449489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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