Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-28-57
V. T. Yungblud, A. I. Sennikov
At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions. This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises. The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.
1979年底，在伊朗最高领袖阿亚图拉·r·霍梅尼(Ayatollah R. Khomeini)的支持者于11月4日占领美国驻德黑兰大使馆以及随后于12月25日在阿富汗部署苏联军队之后，美国遇到了重新调整其中东战略的迫切需要。面对伊朗和阿富汗危机带来的挑战，美国的分析、情报和军事机构利用各种资源寻找可行的解决方案。本研究深入探讨了库尔德因素作为塑造区域景观的潜在工具的考虑。美国国家安全委员会(NSC)、国务院、中央情报局(CIA)和美国国防部都仔细审查了库尔德运动，评估了其促进美国利益的前景。根据从国务院、国家安全委员会和中央情报局获得的文件，本文追踪了美国关于库尔德运动的政策演变，以及在伊朗和阿富汗危机最关键阶段，它在实现华盛顿战略目标方面的作用。该分析强调了对阿富汗和伊朗事件的初步评估的根本缺陷，将它们误解为苏联将影响力扩展到波斯湾地区的战略中经过深思熟虑的举动。这种误解是卡特政府未能利用库尔德人作为对抗霍梅尼政权的力量的主要原因，也是卡特政府错误地认识到伊朗政治政权的脆弱性的主要原因。华盛顿与德黑兰关系的不一致阻碍了在阿富汗-伊朗问题上形成连贯一致的方针。
{"title":"The Kurdish Movement’s Factor in US Politics at the Peak of Iran and Afghanistan Crises, 1979 – January 1981","authors":"V. T. Yungblud, A. I. Sennikov","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-28-57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-28-57","url":null,"abstract":"At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions. This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises. The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"133 14","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-7-27
A. S. Khodnev
The article delves into the historical context of cross-border radio broadcasting during the 1930s by the League of Nations (LN) and the significant impact of Switzerland's neutrality as the host country on this international organization. Drawing from the recently digitized and accessible LN archive in Geneva, this narrative unveils a minor conflict of interest that evolved into a notable political crisis, marking an international legal precedent by showcasing the influence wielded by a smaller host nation upon a global organization. The architects of the League of Nations envisioned Geneva as an ideal hub for the organization's activities, complete with modern communication technologies for global outreach. However, Switzerland's neutral stance posed an obstacle to the establishment of the League's radio broadcasting infrastructure. Recognizing the absence of robust emergency communications, transport links, and the absence of a dedicated radio station in Geneva during the mid-1920s, the LN sought an agreement with the Radio-Swiss station. Consequently, the LN's own radio station, Radio-Nations, commenced broadcasting on February 2, 1932, coinciding with the start of the Conference on the Reduction and Limitation of Arms. By May 1938, amidst mounting tensions in Europe, Switzerland chose to assert complete neutrality within the League. Discussions within the Federal Council revolved around the possibility of suspending the agreement made on May 21, 1930, along with the support for Radio-Nations. Unexpectedly, on November 3, 1938, the LN leadership in Geneva expressed a desire to re-evaluate the 1930 convention. The outbreak of World War II drastically reshaped the relationship between the LN and Radio-Nations. Switzerland decided against entering into a new agreement with the LN, leading to the closure of Radio-Nations on February 2, 1942. Maintaining the nation's neutrality, the Swiss government vigilantly observed the unfolding events during the war. During the peak of Nazi Germany's advances, Bern adopted stringent measures against the LN, upholding a resolute diplomatic stance. However, the Swiss stance toward the LN and the division of Radio-Nations’ ownership gradually shifted from 1943, culminating in the resolution of several financial matters. Ultimately, in 1947, the LN's liquidation commission transferred the remaining assets of Radio-Nations and its radio waves to the United Nations.
{"title":"Lost in Broadcasting: League of Nations, International Broadcasting and Swiss Neutrality","authors":"A. S. Khodnev","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-7-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-7-27","url":null,"abstract":"The article delves into the historical context of cross-border radio broadcasting during the 1930s by the League of Nations (LN) and the significant impact of Switzerland's neutrality as the host country on this international organization. Drawing from the recently digitized and accessible LN archive in Geneva, this narrative unveils a minor conflict of interest that evolved into a notable political crisis, marking an international legal precedent by showcasing the influence wielded by a smaller host nation upon a global organization. The architects of the League of Nations envisioned Geneva as an ideal hub for the organization's activities, complete with modern communication technologies for global outreach. However, Switzerland's neutral stance posed an obstacle to the establishment of the League's radio broadcasting infrastructure. Recognizing the absence of robust emergency communications, transport links, and the absence of a dedicated radio station in Geneva during the mid-1920s, the LN sought an agreement with the Radio-Swiss station. Consequently, the LN's own radio station, Radio-Nations, commenced broadcasting on February 2, 1932, coinciding with the start of the Conference on the Reduction and Limitation of Arms. By May 1938, amidst mounting tensions in Europe, Switzerland chose to assert complete neutrality within the League. Discussions within the Federal Council revolved around the possibility of suspending the agreement made on May 21, 1930, along with the support for Radio-Nations. Unexpectedly, on November 3, 1938, the LN leadership in Geneva expressed a desire to re-evaluate the 1930 convention. The outbreak of World War II drastically reshaped the relationship between the LN and Radio-Nations. Switzerland decided against entering into a new agreement with the LN, leading to the closure of Radio-Nations on February 2, 1942. Maintaining the nation's neutrality, the Swiss government vigilantly observed the unfolding events during the war. During the peak of Nazi Germany's advances, Bern adopted stringent measures against the LN, upholding a resolute diplomatic stance. However, the Swiss stance toward the LN and the division of Radio-Nations’ ownership gradually shifted from 1943, culminating in the resolution of several financial matters. Ultimately, in 1947, the LN's liquidation commission transferred the remaining assets of Radio-Nations and its radio waves to the United Nations.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"132 25","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-105-125
T. A. Vorotnikova
The article examines the political potential of Latin American countries in bolstering their influence within the Indo-Pacific region (IP). It delves into the Indo-Pacific concept, championed internationally by India and Japan, as an alternative viewpoint in contrast to the predominant orientation towards China as the regional leader in the Asia-Pacific region. Carlos Exudé's "Peripheral Realism" provides the theoretical framework for the study, although Latin American states strive to move beyond their peripheral status. The focus is on four Pacific coastal countries in Latin America: Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Chile. It identifies key areas of cooperation between these nations and major players in the IP such as India, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Chile and Peru have established a more robust transpacific partnership compared to their neighbors. However, Mexico possesses a significant advantage due to its unique geographical position intersecting the Atlantic and Pacific routes.Colombia, along with Mexico, Chile, and Peru, formed the Pacific Alliance, an integration association that emphasizes closer ties with Asian countries. Over its decade-long existence, this Alliance has significantly increased in both economic and political significance. The article highlights the pivotal role of this alliance in fostering Asian-Latin American trade and entrepreneurship. The study also delves into the prospects of integrating the two regions by extending the reach of Pacific economic megablocks (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, Trans-Pacific Partnership) to Latin America. After the ratification of the TPP by Mexico, Peru, and Chile, an agreement that unites all four Pacific Ocean continents for the first time emerged. The advent of the RCEP, which includes powerful economies such as China, South Korea, and Japan, demonstrates a clear global shift from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from West to East. The inclusion of Latin American countries in these processes is poised to advance their regional and global interests on the international stage.
{"title":"Pacific Pumas in Indian Jungle: Place of Latin America in Indo-Pacific","authors":"T. A. Vorotnikova","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-105-125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-105-125","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the political potential of Latin American countries in bolstering their influence within the Indo-Pacific region (IP). It delves into the Indo-Pacific concept, championed internationally by India and Japan, as an alternative viewpoint in contrast to the predominant orientation towards China as the regional leader in the Asia-Pacific region. Carlos Exudé's \"Peripheral Realism\" provides the theoretical framework for the study, although Latin American states strive to move beyond their peripheral status. The focus is on four Pacific coastal countries in Latin America: Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Chile. It identifies key areas of cooperation between these nations and major players in the IP such as India, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Chile and Peru have established a more robust transpacific partnership compared to their neighbors. However, Mexico possesses a significant advantage due to its unique geographical position intersecting the Atlantic and Pacific routes.Colombia, along with Mexico, Chile, and Peru, formed the Pacific Alliance, an integration association that emphasizes closer ties with Asian countries. Over its decade-long existence, this Alliance has significantly increased in both economic and political significance. The article highlights the pivotal role of this alliance in fostering Asian-Latin American trade and entrepreneurship. The study also delves into the prospects of integrating the two regions by extending the reach of Pacific economic megablocks (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, Trans-Pacific Partnership) to Latin America. After the ratification of the TPP by Mexico, Peru, and Chile, an agreement that unites all four Pacific Ocean continents for the first time emerged. The advent of the RCEP, which includes powerful economies such as China, South Korea, and Japan, demonstrates a clear global shift from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from West to East. The inclusion of Latin American countries in these processes is poised to advance their regional and global interests on the international stage.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"132 23","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-189-196
D. A. Maryasis
Book review: Essa A. 2023. Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between Israel and India. London. Pluto Press.
书评:Essa A. 2023。敌对的家园:以色列和印度之间的新联盟。伦敦。冥王星的新闻。
{"title":"Zionism influencing Hindutva","authors":"D. A. Maryasis","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-189-196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-189-196","url":null,"abstract":"Book review: Essa A. 2023. Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between Israel and India. London. Pluto Press.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"132 22","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-126-154
I. D. Loshkariov, I. S. Kopyttsev
Recent years have seen a substantial increase in remittances from diaspora communities to their home countries, prompting developing economies to establish and enhance institutional mechanisms. These mechanisms aim to channel and leverage the emotional connections of emigrants to their native lands for economic purposes. This article concentrates on the influence of migrant remittances on the formulation of diaspora policies in Africa. It closely examines two clusters encompassing a total of 8 states recognized as leaders in terms of migrant remittances’ share in GDP and their absolute value, respectively. The article evaluates three primary categories of tools and practices that structure diaspora cooperation: formal institutional means, economic tools, and socio-cultural practices. The research applies a neo-institutional approach, conceiving diaspora policy as a network of interconnected practices across various spheres. By comparing cases within and between these clusters, it demonstrates diverse approaches to developing diaspora cooperation mechanisms. Additionally, the authors outline the most promising pathways for advancing diaspora policies while identifying existing barriers. They advocate for the establishment of distinct platforms for diaspora representation, deepening cooperation between origin and host states, and extending certain diaspora policy mechanisms to subnational and supranational levels. However, the development of diaspora politics in the examined cases is impeded by insufficient resources, weak state institutions, and state reluctance to cede control over their population's interaction with external actors. Despite the prevalent notion that the evolution of diaspora cooperation mechanisms correlates with the volume of migrant remittances, empirical analysis within the African context exposes the explanatory limitations of such a model.
{"title":"Migrant remittances and diaspora policies in Africa","authors":"I. D. Loshkariov, I. S. Kopyttsev","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-126-154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-126-154","url":null,"abstract":"Recent years have seen a substantial increase in remittances from diaspora communities to their home countries, prompting developing economies to establish and enhance institutional mechanisms. These mechanisms aim to channel and leverage the emotional connections of emigrants to their native lands for economic purposes. This article concentrates on the influence of migrant remittances on the formulation of diaspora policies in Africa. It closely examines two clusters encompassing a total of 8 states recognized as leaders in terms of migrant remittances’ share in GDP and their absolute value, respectively. The article evaluates three primary categories of tools and practices that structure diaspora cooperation: formal institutional means, economic tools, and socio-cultural practices. The research applies a neo-institutional approach, conceiving diaspora policy as a network of interconnected practices across various spheres. By comparing cases within and between these clusters, it demonstrates diverse approaches to developing diaspora cooperation mechanisms. Additionally, the authors outline the most promising pathways for advancing diaspora policies while identifying existing barriers. They advocate for the establishment of distinct platforms for diaspora representation, deepening cooperation between origin and host states, and extending certain diaspora policy mechanisms to subnational and supranational levels. However, the development of diaspora politics in the examined cases is impeded by insufficient resources, weak state institutions, and state reluctance to cede control over their population's interaction with external actors. Despite the prevalent notion that the evolution of diaspora cooperation mechanisms correlates with the volume of migrant remittances, empirical analysis within the African context exposes the explanatory limitations of such a model.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"133 13","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-155-188
V. I. Bartenev
The last decade has seen an increasing focus on the involvement of the private sector in international sustainable development, particularly in high-risk jurisdictions. This involvement encompasses a broad spectrum, incorporating innovative private sector instruments—now acknowledged as ODA-eligible by the OECD—as well as traditional tools of external official support to developing countries, which remain the primary contributors to ODA flows. This literature review aims to consolidate the academic exploration of the enduring classic foreign aid tools' impact on the political risks associated with foreign direct investment (FDI), and identifies prevalent limitations while suggesting approaches to overcome these challenges.The first section delineates the central theme and rationale behind the literature selection process, utilizing the Google Scholar database to contextualize the research within a comprehensive framework. The subsequent section categorizes and compares the most relevant studies based on formal criteria and methodological parameters. Sections three and four critically assess the scholarly contributions in conceptualizing the mitigating influence of foreign aid in general, focusing on its impact on specific political risks such as expropriation, terrorism, and corruption. The concluding section delves into studies that explore foreign aid and foreign direct investment flows from China, the largest non-Western donor.A bibliometric analysis reveals a noteworthy disparity between research attention and policymaking focus on the subject matter. Notably, the selected papers fail to comprehensively cover the full spectrum of primary extra-legal and legal-governmental political risks for transnational businesses. Scholars' assessments of foreign aid's mitigating effect often lack differentiation between grants and loans or between flows directed to different sectors, as well as the distinction between aid routed through public institutions and bypassing them. Notably absent is a comprehensive analysis encompassing the complete range of 'established' Western and emerging non-Western aid providers, or an exploration of aid flows from non-OECD countries other than China. Most research focuses on Africa and fails to differentiate between recipients based on fragility, income levels, or other relevant categorizations. Moreover, the researchers have yet to delve into data post the COVID-19 outbreak, a critical period that significantly altered perceptions of political risk, foreign aid, and FDI flows. The literature review illuminates a research gap awaiting substantial exploration.
{"title":"Foreign Aid’s Effect on Political Risks for Foreign Direct Investment: A Literature Review","authors":"V. I. Bartenev","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-155-188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-155-188","url":null,"abstract":"The last decade has seen an increasing focus on the involvement of the private sector in international sustainable development, particularly in high-risk jurisdictions. This involvement encompasses a broad spectrum, incorporating innovative private sector instruments—now acknowledged as ODA-eligible by the OECD—as well as traditional tools of external official support to developing countries, which remain the primary contributors to ODA flows. This literature review aims to consolidate the academic exploration of the enduring classic foreign aid tools' impact on the political risks associated with foreign direct investment (FDI), and identifies prevalent limitations while suggesting approaches to overcome these challenges.The first section delineates the central theme and rationale behind the literature selection process, utilizing the Google Scholar database to contextualize the research within a comprehensive framework. The subsequent section categorizes and compares the most relevant studies based on formal criteria and methodological parameters. Sections three and four critically assess the scholarly contributions in conceptualizing the mitigating influence of foreign aid in general, focusing on its impact on specific political risks such as expropriation, terrorism, and corruption. The concluding section delves into studies that explore foreign aid and foreign direct investment flows from China, the largest non-Western donor.A bibliometric analysis reveals a noteworthy disparity between research attention and policymaking focus on the subject matter. Notably, the selected papers fail to comprehensively cover the full spectrum of primary extra-legal and legal-governmental political risks for transnational businesses. Scholars' assessments of foreign aid's mitigating effect often lack differentiation between grants and loans or between flows directed to different sectors, as well as the distinction between aid routed through public institutions and bypassing them. Notably absent is a comprehensive analysis encompassing the complete range of 'established' Western and emerging non-Western aid providers, or an exploration of aid flows from non-OECD countries other than China. Most research focuses on Africa and fails to differentiate between recipients based on fragility, income levels, or other relevant categorizations. Moreover, the researchers have yet to delve into data post the COVID-19 outbreak, a critical period that significantly altered perceptions of political risk, foreign aid, and FDI flows. The literature review illuminates a research gap awaiting substantial exploration.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"133 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-77-104
R. A. Aliev
The paper examines water security in the Caspian region and the management of transboundary rivers for sustainable development. It analyzes the potential impacts of building dams on upper river courses on the region's water resources, particularly addressing concerns about environmental implications due to pollution from sources like sewage and agricultural fertilizers. It further investigates planned dam projects and their potential climate and ecological effects on the Caspian Sea and surrounding regions. The paper discusses the idea of desalination as a means to tackle water shortages but underscores its limitations in the closed hydrological system of the Caspian Sea. The primary focus lies in establishing effective management strategies for shared water resources. It introduces a novel perspective by considering these rivers and the Caspian Sea as an integrated water system, emphasizing the far-reaching consequences that excessive dam construction could pose to the overall hydrological balance. Collaboration and international agreements are crucial to navigate this challenge.The paper's significance lies in its innovative approach to water management, addressing the complex interplay between water, energy, food, and the environment in the region.
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Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-58-76
G. G. Makarevich
The article examines the phenomenon of "Islamic socialism" in Pakistan and its impact on the nation's current domestic and foreign policies. Employing critical theory, the author delves into an analysis of the political class's objectives and how the environmental context influenced the political process, offering insights into the perceptions held by higher echelons. The application of elite theory allows for a deconstruction of the Pakistani statehood, unveiling the specific social groups shaping developmental trajectories. By leveraging historical sociology in international relations, the article investigates the influence of historical underpinnings on the decision-making of social groups, shedding light on their endeavors to construct the past for political purposes. The study meticulously traces the origins of "Islamic socialism," exploring the discourse's evolution in the initial decades following the country's independence. It identifies the driving forces that led the state leadership to adopt the model of "Islamic socialism." Focused on the tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977), the article examines the implementation of the "Islamic socialism" policy and the subsequent reasons for its failure, culminating in a military coup. The author contends that the principles of "Islamic socialism" introduced in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy retained relevance even after its rejection. Conclusively, the article posits that the "Islamic socialism" constructed by Pakistani elites, often viewed through an orientalist lens, emerged not only as a response to the crisis in Pakistani statehood but paradoxically, became a crucial driver in shaping Islamabad's foreign policy determinants. Notably, this development forged integral relationships with China and the Islamic world, evolving into pivotal imperatives in Pakistan's grand strategy. This study highlights the interplay between "Islamic socialism," the crisis in Pakistani statehood, and its unforeseen impact on foreign policy, ultimately forming the bedrock for Islamabad's strategic engagements with China and the Islamic world.
{"title":"«Islamic Socialism» in Pakistan: Evolution, Implementation and Legacy in Domestic and Foreign Policy","authors":"G. G. Makarevich","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-58-76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-58-76","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the phenomenon of \"Islamic socialism\" in Pakistan and its impact on the nation's current domestic and foreign policies. Employing critical theory, the author delves into an analysis of the political class's objectives and how the environmental context influenced the political process, offering insights into the perceptions held by higher echelons. The application of elite theory allows for a deconstruction of the Pakistani statehood, unveiling the specific social groups shaping developmental trajectories. By leveraging historical sociology in international relations, the article investigates the influence of historical underpinnings on the decision-making of social groups, shedding light on their endeavors to construct the past for political purposes. The study meticulously traces the origins of \"Islamic socialism,\" exploring the discourse's evolution in the initial decades following the country's independence. It identifies the driving forces that led the state leadership to adopt the model of \"Islamic socialism.\" Focused on the tenure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977), the article examines the implementation of the \"Islamic socialism\" policy and the subsequent reasons for its failure, culminating in a military coup. The author contends that the principles of \"Islamic socialism\" introduced in Pakistan's domestic and foreign policy retained relevance even after its rejection. Conclusively, the article posits that the \"Islamic socialism\" constructed by Pakistani elites, often viewed through an orientalist lens, emerged not only as a response to the crisis in Pakistani statehood but paradoxically, became a crucial driver in shaping Islamabad's foreign policy determinants. Notably, this development forged integral relationships with China and the Islamic world, evolving into pivotal imperatives in Pakistan's grand strategy. This study highlights the interplay between \"Islamic socialism,\" the crisis in Pakistani statehood, and its unforeseen impact on foreign policy, ultimately forming the bedrock for Islamabad's strategic engagements with China and the Islamic world.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"133 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-91-106
A. I. Pozharov, S. A. Karyukin
This article delves into the intricate domain of the European Union's intelligence apparatus, notably, the European Union Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN). Employing a historiographical analysis of both domestic and international literature, the authors synthesize insights from Russian and foreign scholars concerning the genesis of intelligence operations in a unified Europe, focusing on their structural attributes. Furthermore, this study seeks to evaluate the contemporary state and potential directions of the EU's intelligence activities, considering both their functional and institutional dimensions.
{"title":"Institutional Study of the European Union Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN)","authors":"A. I. Pozharov, S. A. Karyukin","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-91-106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-91-106","url":null,"abstract":"This article delves into the intricate domain of the European Union's intelligence apparatus, notably, the European Union Intelligence and Situation Centre (EU INTCEN). Employing a historiographical analysis of both domestic and international literature, the authors synthesize insights from Russian and foreign scholars concerning the genesis of intelligence operations in a unified Europe, focusing on their structural attributes. Furthermore, this study seeks to evaluate the contemporary state and potential directions of the EU's intelligence activities, considering both their functional and institutional dimensions.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135063183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-72-90
M. Y. Kucherov, I. V. Vokhmintsev, I. D. Kravchuk, V. Y. Andriukhin, M. A. Fedotov, A. A. Tokarev
The January 2022 protests in Kazakhstan drew global attention to the country's foreign policy orientations. This research investigates the focal states and international organizations prioritized by Kazakhstan during Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's presidency, spanning from March 20, 2019, when Tokayev assumed office, to December 31, 2022, marking the end of data collection. Employing content analysis and discourse analysis as primary methods, this study examines data from diverse sources, including the official website of Kazakhstan's President, his social media profiles, and relevant media outlets. The analysis encompasses mentions of countries, their leaders, and international organizations across three languages: Russian, Kazakh, and English. Key findings include Tokayev's frequent references to Russia (223 mentions) and China (95 mentions), while the United Nations (UN) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) receive the highest number of mentions among international organizations (178 and 102, respectively). Remarkably, Tokayev predominantly communicates in Russian when addressing foreign policy matters. In general, public discourse aligns closely with Kazakhstan's doctrinal discourse. However, notable discrepancies arise. Despite the Foreign Policy Concept's indication of Kazakhstan's intent to strengthen its strategic partnership with the United States, Tokayev's limited mentions of the United States (33 in total) suggest a distinct trend.
{"title":"Foreign Policy Preferences of Kazakhstan after 2022","authors":"M. Y. Kucherov, I. V. Vokhmintsev, I. D. Kravchuk, V. Y. Andriukhin, M. A. Fedotov, A. A. Tokarev","doi":"10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-72-90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-4-91-72-90","url":null,"abstract":"The January 2022 protests in Kazakhstan drew global attention to the country's foreign policy orientations. This research investigates the focal states and international organizations prioritized by Kazakhstan during Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's presidency, spanning from March 20, 2019, when Tokayev assumed office, to December 31, 2022, marking the end of data collection. Employing content analysis and discourse analysis as primary methods, this study examines data from diverse sources, including the official website of Kazakhstan's President, his social media profiles, and relevant media outlets. The analysis encompasses mentions of countries, their leaders, and international organizations across three languages: Russian, Kazakh, and English. Key findings include Tokayev's frequent references to Russia (223 mentions) and China (95 mentions), while the United Nations (UN) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) receive the highest number of mentions among international organizations (178 and 102, respectively). Remarkably, Tokayev predominantly communicates in Russian when addressing foreign policy matters. In general, public discourse aligns closely with Kazakhstan's doctrinal discourse. However, notable discrepancies arise. Despite the Foreign Policy Concept's indication of Kazakhstan's intent to strengthen its strategic partnership with the United States, Tokayev's limited mentions of the United States (33 in total) suggest a distinct trend.","PeriodicalId":42127,"journal":{"name":"MGIMO Review of International Relations","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135060606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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