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Urartian Cult of the Stelae and New Discoveries at Aznavurtepe and Yeşilalıç (Ashotakert) 乌拉提亚人对石碑的崇拜和在阿兹纳沃特佩和Yeşilalıç的新发现(Ashotakert)
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341327
Rıfat Kuvanç, Kenan Işık, Bülent Genç, Erkan Konyar

The Urartian Kingdom is recognized for its idiosyncratic religious architecture and ritual practices. Tower-temples (susi) at the peak of citadels, dedicated to the “national” god Ḫaldi, constitute the most essential element of religious architecture. Additionally, cult areas with an altar and uninscribed stelae on pedestals, best known from Erzincan/Altıntepe, demonstrate that there were different types of sanctuaries in the Urartian world. Veneration of stelae is also known from depictions in seal-impressions. Recent discoveries of an open-air sanctuary with stelae at Varto/Kayalıdere and uninscribed stelae at Aznavurtepe and Yeşilalıç bear witness to the wide distribution of this cult. Although discoveries at Altıntepe and Varto/Kayalıdere led to an association of stelae with funerary cults, inscriptions that speak of Ḫaldi worship in front of stelae (pulusi) strongly suggest that stelae sanctuaries on the slopes of citadels must be related with the Ḫaldi cult, in whose name susi and temple complexes (É.BÁRA) were built in citadels.

乌拉提亚王国以其独特的宗教建筑和仪式而闻名。塔式神庙(susi)在城堡的顶峰,献给“国家”神Ḫaldi,构成了宗教建筑的最基本元素。此外,有祭坛和基座上未刻石碑的邪教区域,最著名的是Erzincan/Altıntepe,表明乌拉提亚世界有不同类型的避难所。对石碑的崇敬也可以从篆刻的描绘中得知。最近在Varto(网址:Kayalıdere)和Aznavurtepe(网址:Yeşilalıç)发现的露天神庙中有石碑,而在Aznavurtepe(网址:Yeşilalıç)发现的未刻石碑证明了这一邪教的广泛分布。虽然Altıntepe和Varto/Kayalıdere的发现将石碑与丧葬仪式联系在一起,但碑文中提到的在石碑前的Ḫaldi崇拜(pulusi)强烈表明,在城堡斜坡上的石碑避难所一定与Ḫaldi崇拜有关,以其名义susi和寺庙建筑群(É.BÁRA)建在城堡里。
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引用次数: 0
Marduk’s Basket and the Heavenly Treasury: Comparing Charity in the Dialogue of Pessimism and Sirach 马杜克的篮子与天库:悲观主义与西拉赫对话中的慈善比较
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341322
Andrew Geist
The article treats the value of economic generosity (usātu) in the Babylonian Dialogue of Pessimism and compares it to almsgiving in the biblical book of Sirach. It attempts to resolve a longstanding obscurity: whether usātu is placed in Marduk’s “ring” (kippatu) or “basket” (qappatu). External evidence suggests that, while both readings have support and a similar theological significance, the reading “basket” (qappatu) is preferable and should be related to the temple quppu, “cash box,” used for collecting donations. The article then addresses the relevance of mortality to the Dialogue’s discussion of doing usātu. Appeal to other Akkadian wisdom literature suggests that doing usātu was connected with a reward of extra life. An analysis of the theological structure of usātu in the Dialogue and Akkadian wisdom literature leads to a comparison with the theology of almsgiving and the heavenly treasury in Ben Sira and other Second Temple Jewish literature.
文章论述了巴比伦悲观主义对话中经济慷慨(usātu)的价值,并将其与圣经《西拉赫书》中的施舍进行了比较。它试图解决一个长期以来的模糊问题:usātu是被放在马尔杜克的“戒指”(kippatu)还是“篮子”(qappatu)中。外部证据表明,虽然这两种阅读都有支持和相似的神学意义,但阅读“篮子”(qappatu)更可取,并且应该与用于收集捐款的寺庙quppu“钱箱”有关。然后,这篇文章谈到了死亡率与对话关于做我们的讨论的相关性。对其他阿卡德智慧文献的呼吁表明,做usātu与额外生命的奖励有关。通过对《对话》和阿卡德智慧文学中usātu的神学结构的分析,可以将其与本·西拉和其他第二圣殿犹太文学中的施舍和天库神学进行比较。
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引用次数: 0
The Hittite ‘Theogony’ or Song of Going Forth (CTH 344): Stratification of Mythical Traditions 赫梯人的“神权”或前进之歌(公元344年):神话传统的分层
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341324
Christian Zgoll
The present paper deals with the controversially discussed relationships between the gods Alalu, Anu, Kumarbi, and Tarḫunnaš in the Hittite Song of Going Forth (CTH 344). On the basis of a new philological analysis, of comparisons with theogonies or succession myths in other ancient cultures and on the background of considerations on the cross-cultural stratification of various mythical traditions in the surviving Hittite text, various proposals on the genealogical relationship of the deities in question are weighed against each other and reasons are presented for the plausibility of the proposed new translation and general reconstruction that the divine kingship always passes from father to son within a single genealogical line.
本文论述了备受争议的阿拉鲁神、阿奴神、库马尔比神和塔尔神之间的关系ḫunnaš在赫梯人的《前进之歌》(CTH344)中。在新的文献学分析、与其他古代文化中的神或继承神话的比较以及对现存赫梯文本中各种神话传统的跨文化分层的思考背景下,对有关神的系谱关系的各种建议进行了权衡,并提出了新译本的合理性和一般重建的理由,即神的王权总是在一个系谱线内从父亲传给儿子。
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引用次数: 0
Thinking with Clay: Procreation and the Ceramic Paradigm in Israelite Religion 用泥土思考:生殖与以色列宗教中的陶瓷范式
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341323
Kerry M. Sonia
The cross-cultural connection between ceramic production and the creation of humans in the ancient Near East offers a new lens through which to examine biblical discourse about procreation and subject formation. The physical properties of clay make it an effective discursive tool in ancient Near Eastern texts, including the Hebrew Bible, for conceptualizing the processes that form and shape the human. Adopting a materialist approach, this article argues that biblical writers are not simply thinking about clay in relation to procreation and subject formation, but are thinking with it – that the raw materials, technologies, and objects of ceramic production helped to generate the ideologies and ritual processes that shape the human from gestation to birth and into early childhood. Material culture from ancient Israel supports this assessment. The manufacture of Judean Pillar Figurines out of clay and their apparent association with childbirth and the nurture of young children further suggest the prevalence of the ceramic paradigm in ancient religious ideology and ritual.
古代近东陶瓷生产和人类创造之间的跨文化联系为审视圣经中关于生育和主体形成的话语提供了一个新的视角。粘土的物理特性使其成为包括《希伯来圣经》在内的古代近东文本中一种有效的话语工具,用于概念化形成和塑造人类的过程。本文采用唯物主义的方法,认为圣经作者并不是简单地将粘土与生育和主体形成联系起来思考,而是与之一起思考——陶瓷生产的原材料、技术和物体帮助产生了从怀孕到出生和幼儿期塑造人类的意识形态和仪式过程。来自古代以色列的物质文化支持这一评估。用粘土制造的犹太柱雕像及其与分娩和养育幼儿的明显联系进一步表明了陶瓷范式在古代宗教意识形态和仪式中的普遍性。
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引用次数: 0
Remarks on Mesopotamian Divine Epithets and Their Use in Incantations and Incantation-Prayers 美索不达米亚神墓志及其在咒语和咒语祈祷中的应用
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341321
Manuela Ceccarelli
Divine epithets are short nouns, adjectives, and participles which are in apposition to the actual name of a deity or which even replace it. Since incantations and incantation-prayers must be effective, they are enhanced by a variety of strategies. Divine epithets can be understood as strategies used to improve the effectiveness of ritual speeches. They evoke divine qualities that are relevant for a particular context and allow for a more effective interaction with the deities. Divine epithets may also refer to successful mythical deeds of the gods which provide positive analogies for the present situation and, therefore, guarantee the achievement of the supplicant’s request.
神的绰号是简短的名词、形容词和分词,它们与神的实际名字相对立,甚至取代它。因为咒语和咒语祈祷必须是有效的,所以它们可以通过各种策略得到增强。神的称呼可以被理解为一种策略,用来提高仪式演讲的有效性。它们唤起了与特定环境相关的神圣品质,并允许与神进行更有效的互动。神圣的称号也可以指神的成功的神话事迹,为目前的情况提供积极的类比,因此,保证实现恳求者的请求。
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引用次数: 0
Toward the Reconstruction of a Sacred Landscape of the Judean Highlands 走向犹太高地神圣景观的重建
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341317
A. Burke
At least a dozen biblical toponyms for sites and landscape features in ancient Judah’s highlands bear divine name elements that were most common during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. In light of archaeological evidence from many of these sites, it is suggested that they were first settled as part of a settlement influx in the highlands during the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000–1550 BCE), following a reemergence of urbanism and a return of economic development that occurred under Amorite aegis. The cultic orientation of these sites may be suggested by reference to ritual traditions at Mari during the Middle Bronze Age but especially Ugarit during the Late Bronze Age. Such evidence may also serve to elucidate the various enduring cultic associations that persisted in connection with these locations during the Iron Age, as preserved in various biblical traditions.
至少有十几个圣经中关于古犹大高地遗址和景观特征的地名带有青铜时代中后期最常见的神名元素。根据其中许多遗址的考古证据,有人认为,它们最初是在青铜时代中期(约公元前2000年至1550年)作为高地移民潮的一部分而定居的,当时城市主义重新兴起,经济发展在阿摩利人的庇护下回归。这些遗址的文化方向可以参考青铜时代中期马里的仪式传统,尤其是青铜时代晚期的乌加里特。这些证据也可能有助于阐明铁器时代与这些地方相关的各种持久的邪教协会,这些协会保存在各种圣经传统中。
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引用次数: 0
Let Praise of Aššur Not Be Forgotten: Temple Heterarchies and the Limits of Royal Patronage in the Neo-Assyrian Empire 不要忘记Aššur的赞美:神庙的等级制度和在新亚述帝国的皇室赞助的限制
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341320
Shana Zaia
Understanding how the numerous temples in the Neo-Assyrian Empire situated themselves within the imperial network is challenging, largely because of a bias in the official sources towards a few temples, especially that of Aššur. Revealing the relationships between the less-attested temples necessitates not only moving beyond the top of the hierarchy but also doing away with hierarchies almost entirely, as they both limit the possible connections and are impossible to build for the majority of known temples. Because there are myriad ways of organizing temples relative to one another, this paper proposes heterarchies as a more effective framework for understanding the changing dynamics of cultic landscapes. This study uses royal patronage (or its absence) as its barometer, establishing a typology that ranges from temples operating entirely independently of imperial support to those that actively seek it, and demonstrating how heterarchies can expose different perspectives of power, status, and affinities amongst institutions. Ultimately, a heterarchical approach shows that the relationships established by royal patronage were not straightforward, homogenous, or stable, and that the ways in which temple and state interacted with one another affected both “vertical” and “horizontal” positioning of temples within the cultic landscape of the empire.
了解新亚述帝国的众多寺庙如何在帝国网络中定位是一项挑战,这主要是因为官方来源对少数寺庙的偏见,尤其是阿舒尔的寺庙。揭示未经证实的寺庙之间的关系不仅需要超越等级制度的顶端,还需要几乎完全废除等级制度,因为它们都限制了可能的联系,而且不可能为大多数已知的寺庙建造。由于寺庙之间有无数种相对的组织方式,本文提出了异质结构作为一个更有效的框架来理解邪教景观的动态变化。这项研究以皇室赞助(或不赞助)为晴雨表,建立了一种类型学,从完全独立于皇室支持运作的寺庙到积极寻求皇室支持的寺庙,并展示了异质政府如何从不同的角度揭示权力、地位和机构间的亲缘关系。最终,一种异质的方法表明,王室赞助建立的关系并不简单、同质或稳定,寺庙和国家之间的互动方式影响了寺庙在帝国邪教景观中的“垂直”和“水平”定位。
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引用次数: 1
הַמַּבּוּל מַיִם, “The Well of Waters”: Yahweh’s Fresh Water Reservoir beneath His Mountain-Palace “水之井”:耶和华山宫下的淡水库
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341319
Danielle Sarlo
The Noahic Deluge is commonly understood to have resulted from the infiltration of chaos waters into the ordered universe from two sources: one situated above the Rāqîaˁ and one underground. This interpretation does not find support in the HB and contradicts the precepts of the cosmological worldview of the ANE. According to Gen 6:17 Yahweh uses one single source of water to flood the land, referred to as הַמַּבּוּל מַיִם, “the well of waters.” There was a common belief in the ANE that there was a vast reservoir of fresh water in the underworld on the eastern horizon, beneath the palace of the sun god. The waters of Life (Ḥayya/Ea) therein, which must be distinguished from the saline primordial waters of chaos, were used for divine judgement. In spite of the consensus view that the chaos waters were permitted to enter the cosmos, not only during the Deluge but every time it rained, it is more likely that Yahweh lifted the waters of the well beneath his mountain-palace to execute justice and restore order to the land.
Noahic Deluge通常被认为是混沌水从两个来源渗入有序宇宙的结果:一个位于Rāqîaˁ之上,另一个位于地下。这一解释在HB中没有得到支持,并与ANE的宇宙学世界观相矛盾。根据Gen 6:17,耶和华使用一个单一的水源来淹没土地,被称为מַּבּוּ“水之井”。ANE中有一种普遍的信仰,认为在东方地平线上的太阳神宫殿下面的地下世界里有一个巨大的淡水库。生命之水(Ḥayya/Ea),必须与混乱的盐水原始水区分开来,用于神圣的审判。尽管人们普遍认为,混乱的水被允许进入宇宙,不仅在洪水期间,而且在每次下雨时,耶和华更有可能举起他山下宫殿的水,以执行正义,恢复土地秩序。
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引用次数: 0
Lament and Ritual Weeping in the “Negative Confession” of the Babylonian Akītu Festival 巴比伦ak<e:1>图节“消极告白”中的哀歌与仪式哭泣
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341318
S. Mirelman
This study seeks to contextualise the king’s “negative confession,” which took place in the spring Akītu Festival of Babylon, within the established norms of Mesopotamian ritual practice. The king’s humiliation is situated within the contexts of status reversal, lament and ritual weeping. The study includes a comparative almanac of the Akkadian prayer and/or exclamation known as šigû.
本研究试图在美索不达米亚仪式实践的既定规范范围内,将国王在巴比伦春季阿基图节上的“消极忏悔”置于背景中。国王的羞辱是在地位逆转、哀叹和仪式哭泣的背景下发生的。这项研究包括一本阿卡德祈祷和/或感叹的比较年鉴,称为šigû。
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引用次数: 1
Between City, King, and Empire: Will the Real “Lady of Byblos” Please Stand Up? 在城市、国王和帝国之间:真正的“比布鲁斯夫人”会站起来吗?
IF 0.1 3区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-04-16 DOI: 10.1163/15692124-12341316
M. Stahl
Who was the goddess known anciently as the “Lady of Byblos”? Typically, scholars have tried to answer this question by identifying the goddess’s “true” proper name. By contrast, this article emphasizes the goddess’s primary identification by the city of Byblos as a social-political community in order to analyze the Lady of Byblos’s role in shaping Late Bronze Age Byblos’s political landscape, which included imperial, royal, and collective modes of governance. The goddess’s place in Byblos’s political-religious economy thus serves as a fruitful case study for better conceptualizing through the lens of religion the complex range of potential interactions in the ancient world between centralizing and decentralizing political forces as parts of a single social-political system. In this way, the Lady of Byblos may “stand up” not only as an integral member of Byblos’s social order and religious life, but also as an example of the fundamental role that deities played in shaping ancient political realities.
谁是古代被称为“比布鲁斯女神”的女神?通常,学者们试图通过确定女神的“真实”专有名称来回答这个问题。相比之下,本文强调女神作为比布鲁斯城的社会政治共同体的主要身份,以分析比布鲁斯夫人在塑造青铜时代晚期比布鲁斯的政治格局中所起的作用,其中包括帝国,王室和集体治理模式。女神在比布鲁斯政治-宗教经济中的地位因此成为一个富有成效的案例研究,通过宗教的视角更好地概念化古代世界中作为单一社会-政治体系组成部分的集中和分散政治力量之间复杂的潜在相互作用。这样,比布鲁斯夫人不仅可以作为比布鲁斯社会秩序和宗教生活中不可或缺的一员“站起来”,而且可以作为神在塑造古代政治现实中所起的基本作用的一个例子。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions
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