THE SCHOLARLY ATTENTION that has been traditionally afforded to Italian artist Benvenuto Cellini (1500–71) eluded Barucco, his beloved and oft-mentioned dog. The sole bibliographical source at our disposal concerning Cellini’s dog is the artist’s celebrated autobiography, La vita di Benvenuto di Maestro Giovanni Cellini fiorentino scritta per lui medesimo in Firenze, composed in Florence between 1558 and 1566 and not printed until 1728.While the autobiography has been extensively studied by Cellini scholars, the episodes related to Cellini’s pet still await their scholarly due. Apart from an insightful footnote by Lorenzo Bellotto in his 1996 edition of Cellini’s Vita, there has only been silence about what function this animal with the intriguing name might have in Cellini’s life, writings, and art.
意大利艺术家本韦努托·切利尼(Benvenuto Cellini, 1500-71年)的学术地位历来受到重视，但他的爱犬巴鲁科(Barucco)却被忽视了。我们所掌握的关于切利尼的狗的唯一参考文献来源是这位艺术家著名的自传《佛罗伦萨大师乔瓦尼·切利尼的生活》(La vita di Benvenuto di Maestro Giovanni Cellini fiorentino scritta per lui medidesimo in Firenze)，该书于1558年至1566年在佛罗伦萨创作，直到1728年才出版。虽然切利尼的学者们对这本自传进行了广泛的研究，但与切利尼的宠物有关的章节仍有待学术研究。除了洛伦佐·贝洛托在1996年出版的切利尼的《维塔》中有一个深刻的脚注外，对于这种有着有趣名字的动物在切利尼的生活、写作和艺术中可能发挥的作用，人们一直保持沉默。
{"title":"Cellini’s Dog","authors":"Sefy Hendler","doi":"10.1086/724250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724250","url":null,"abstract":"THE SCHOLARLY ATTENTION that has been traditionally afforded to Italian artist Benvenuto Cellini (1500–71) eluded Barucco, his beloved and oft-mentioned dog. The sole bibliographical source at our disposal concerning Cellini’s dog is the artist’s celebrated autobiography, La vita di Benvenuto di Maestro Giovanni Cellini fiorentino scritta per lui medesimo in Firenze, composed in Florence between 1558 and 1566 and not printed until 1728.While the autobiography has been extensively studied by Cellini scholars, the episodes related to Cellini’s pet still await their scholarly due. Apart from an insightful footnote by Lorenzo Bellotto in his 1996 edition of Cellini’s Vita, there has only been silence about what function this animal with the intriguing name might have in Cellini’s life, writings, and art.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"109 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87707700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN THE BIBLIOTECA NAZIONALE BRAIDENSE , in Milan, there is a sumptuously illuminated choir book made in the early decades of the quattrocento very likely for the Camaldolese monastery of San Mattia di Murano in Venice. This manuscript—hereafter called the Milan Gradual—contains ninety-four folios, of which sixteen have painted historiated initials, and has been attributed to Cristoforo Cortese and his workshop. Cortese was the leading Venetian illuminator of the early fifteenth century and was responsible for numerous commissions for a variety of patrons including both monastic and secular ones. Upon opening the leather-bound cover, one sees a full-page initial A with the image of a soul being
{"title":"Parchment, Gilding, and God: Gold Leaf and Divine Connection in a Camaldolese Choir Book","authors":"Stephanie Azzarello","doi":"10.1086/724251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724251","url":null,"abstract":"IN THE BIBLIOTECA NAZIONALE BRAIDENSE , in Milan, there is a sumptuously illuminated choir book made in the early decades of the quattrocento very likely for the Camaldolese monastery of San Mattia di Murano in Venice. This manuscript—hereafter called the Milan Gradual—contains ninety-four folios, of which sixteen have painted historiated initials, and has been attributed to Cristoforo Cortese and his workshop. Cortese was the leading Venetian illuminator of the early fifteenth century and was responsible for numerous commissions for a variety of patrons including both monastic and secular ones. Upon opening the leather-bound cover, one sees a full-page initial A with the image of a soul being","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"53 1","pages":"145 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87764004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the Gaze and “gl’idoli altrui”: Vision and Loss in Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata","authors":"A. Hicks-Bartlett","doi":"10.1086/724226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724226","url":null,"abstract":"liberata","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"82 1","pages":"63 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88757531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN HIS REVOLUTIONARY TREATISE ON PAINTING , Alberti called upon painters not merely to pursue a generic ideal of naturalism—one already conventional by the time he wrote—but to ground their techniques of image making more rigorously in the optics of visual perception. The novelty of this aim surely accounts for the novelty of Alberti’s installation of the ambivalent figure of Narcissus as the inventor of painting, for which no precedent has been found in ancient or medieval sources. In the opening pages of the second book of the treatise, Alberti wrote, “I used to say among my friends that the inventor of painting was Narcissus, who according to the opinion of poets was turned into a flower. Because painting is the flower of all the arts, all of the tale of Narcissus is relevant to this subject. What else would you call the act of painting but a similar embracing of the surface of the pool by the means of art?” Much has been written about this slippery passage. In Ovid’s telling, the beautiful youth Narcissus rejected relations with admirers of both sexes; in the retribution enacted by the goddess Nemesis, when Narcissus sought isolation and rest in a cool grove, he became inflamed with love for his own reflection, which he saw for the first time in an
{"title":"Caravaggio, Alberti, and Narcissan Disegno","authors":"Estelle Lingo","doi":"10.1086/724227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724227","url":null,"abstract":"IN HIS REVOLUTIONARY TREATISE ON PAINTING , Alberti called upon painters not merely to pursue a generic ideal of naturalism—one already conventional by the time he wrote—but to ground their techniques of image making more rigorously in the optics of visual perception. The novelty of this aim surely accounts for the novelty of Alberti’s installation of the ambivalent figure of Narcissus as the inventor of painting, for which no precedent has been found in ancient or medieval sources. In the opening pages of the second book of the treatise, Alberti wrote, “I used to say among my friends that the inventor of painting was Narcissus, who according to the opinion of poets was turned into a flower. Because painting is the flower of all the arts, all of the tale of Narcissus is relevant to this subject. What else would you call the act of painting but a similar embracing of the surface of the pool by the means of art?” Much has been written about this slippery passage. In Ovid’s telling, the beautiful youth Narcissus rejected relations with admirers of both sexes; in the retribution enacted by the goddess Nemesis, when Narcissus sought isolation and rest in a cool grove, he became inflamed with love for his own reflection, which he saw for the first time in an","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"35 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73809586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE IMAGE PLACED ON AN ALTAR was typically frontal, symmetrical, and self-evident. Giotto himself did not violate this rule. Seeing as such was not problematized by altarpieces involving standing or enthroned figures facing forward. Off the altar, and especially in narrative scenes on the walls of church naves or chapels, Giotto and his followers edged beholders intomore dynamic ways of looking. In the cycles at Assisi and Padua, or in the narrow chapels of Santa Croce, one is always shifting about to get the best angles on the scenes. The Presentation of Mary in the Temple by Taddeo Gaddi in the Baroncelli Chapel in Santa Croce (1328–38; fig. 1) as well as the updated version by Giovanni daMilano in the Rinuccini Chapel in the same church (ca. 1370; seefig. 5 below) are both in the lower register of scenes. To see the scenes in the upper registers, however, one has to crane one’s neck. Seeing better is a narrative theme in many of these scenes. Observing, witnessing, and contemplating, and point of view and viewing angle, are concerns shared by figures in the fictive scenes and the spectator in reality looking at the paintings. Perspective itself correlates virtual and real beholding, so intensifying the thematization of seeing in the paintings. A perspectival construction posits a viewer who serves as the basis for the calculation of the foreshortenings. A real viewer of the painting, aware that the composition has been determined by this imaginary viewer, sees a picture of viewing itself. Perspectives in fourteenth-century pictures were not mathematically generated but only estimated. Cennino Cennini at the end of that century described a simple way to create the illusion that depicted buildings and interior spaces possessed depth, involving the angling of architectural elements upward, downward, or sideways
{"title":"The Whisperers: Invidious Perspectives in Trecento Painting","authors":"Christopher S. Wood","doi":"10.1086/724249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724249","url":null,"abstract":"THE IMAGE PLACED ON AN ALTAR was typically frontal, symmetrical, and self-evident. Giotto himself did not violate this rule. Seeing as such was not problematized by altarpieces involving standing or enthroned figures facing forward. Off the altar, and especially in narrative scenes on the walls of church naves or chapels, Giotto and his followers edged beholders intomore dynamic ways of looking. In the cycles at Assisi and Padua, or in the narrow chapels of Santa Croce, one is always shifting about to get the best angles on the scenes. The Presentation of Mary in the Temple by Taddeo Gaddi in the Baroncelli Chapel in Santa Croce (1328–38; fig. 1) as well as the updated version by Giovanni daMilano in the Rinuccini Chapel in the same church (ca. 1370; seefig. 5 below) are both in the lower register of scenes. To see the scenes in the upper registers, however, one has to crane one’s neck. Seeing better is a narrative theme in many of these scenes. Observing, witnessing, and contemplating, and point of view and viewing angle, are concerns shared by figures in the fictive scenes and the spectator in reality looking at the paintings. Perspective itself correlates virtual and real beholding, so intensifying the thematization of seeing in the paintings. A perspectival construction posits a viewer who serves as the basis for the calculation of the foreshortenings. A real viewer of the painting, aware that the composition has been determined by this imaginary viewer, sees a picture of viewing itself. Perspectives in fourteenth-century pictures were not mathematically generated but only estimated. Cennino Cennini at the end of that century described a simple way to create the illusion that depicted buildings and interior spaces possessed depth, involving the angling of architectural elements upward, downward, or sideways","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"109 1","pages":"3 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88055976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE GENRE OF BOOKS known as isolari (books of islands) enjoyed remarkable popularity among European and Mediterranean readers between the fi fteenth and seventeenth centuries. The genre, born circa 1420 with Cristoforo Buondelmonti ’ s account of the Aegean archipelago entitled Liber insularum archipelagi , examines individual islands in turn via heterogeneous assemblages of text and image. The period when the genre took shape was an important one for geographical thought and cartography: techniques for map projection and the plotting of locations via an abstract coordinate grid were being newly elaborated and applied, thanks to the rediscovery of Ptolemy ’ s Geography by Italian humanists around the turn of the fi fteenth century. Yet the isolari largely eschew these quantitative and technical approaches, instead presenting their subject matter through miscellaneous collec-tions of maps and navigational aids, travel narratives and advice for wayfarers, ar-chaeology and epigraphy, poetry and mythology, ancient history and current events, natural history and ethnography. The success of the isolari thus poses a challenge to teleological narratives suggesting that the rediscovery of Ptolemy ’ s Geography swiftly ushered in a broad and decisive shift toward quantitative approaches to mapping; for much of the early modern period the hybrid isolario
在15世纪到17世纪之间，被称为“孤岛书”的书籍类型在欧洲和地中海地区的读者中非常受欢迎。这种体裁大约诞生于1420年，由Cristoforo Buondelmonti对爱琴海群岛的描述，名为《Liber insularum archipelago》，通过文本和图像的异类组合依次考察单个岛屿。这一流派形成的时期是地理思想和制图学的重要时期:由于15世纪初意大利人文主义者重新发现了托勒密的《地理学》，地图投影技术和通过抽象坐标网格绘制位置的技术得到了新的阐述和应用。然而，《世界史》在很大程度上避开了这些定量和技术方法，而是通过各种各样的地图和导航工具、旅行叙述和给旅行者的建议、考古和碑文、诗歌和神话、古代史和时事、自然史和民族志来呈现它们的主题。因此，《地形图》的成功对目的论的叙述提出了挑战，这表明托勒密《地理学》的重新发现迅速引领了向定量制图方法的广泛而决定性的转变;在近代早期的大部分时间里，混合型孤立体
{"title":"Islands in Flux: Migration and Ecological Change in Early Modern Isolari (Books of Islands)","authors":"James K. Coleman","doi":"10.1086/724248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724248","url":null,"abstract":"THE GENRE OF BOOKS known as isolari (books of islands) enjoyed remarkable popularity among European and Mediterranean readers between the fi fteenth and seventeenth centuries. The genre, born circa 1420 with Cristoforo Buondelmonti ’ s account of the Aegean archipelago entitled Liber insularum archipelagi , examines individual islands in turn via heterogeneous assemblages of text and image. The period when the genre took shape was an important one for geographical thought and cartography: techniques for map projection and the plotting of locations via an abstract coordinate grid were being newly elaborated and applied, thanks to the rediscovery of Ptolemy ’ s Geography by Italian humanists around the turn of the fi fteenth century. Yet the isolari largely eschew these quantitative and technical approaches, instead presenting their subject matter through miscellaneous collec-tions of maps and navigational aids, travel narratives and advice for wayfarers, ar-chaeology and epigraphy, poetry and mythology, ancient history and current events, natural history and ethnography. The success of the isolari thus poses a challenge to teleological narratives suggesting that the rediscovery of Ptolemy ’ s Geography swiftly ushered in a broad and decisive shift toward quantitative approaches to mapping; for much of the early modern period the hybrid isolario","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"91 - 108"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80413796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
AGNOLO BRONZINO ’S (1503–72) Portrait of Lodovico Capponi (1534–1614) in the Frick Collection in New York is one of the few portraits by the master in which the sitter has been securely identified (fig.1). Yet, like Bronzino’s other works, in the literature the painting is considered enigmatic and its dating varies considerably, ranging from 1548 to 1559, while mostly given a generic customary dating of 1550–55. Actually, the smooth and sophisticated brush and the reusing of details that characterize Bronzino’s oeuvre throughout make it difficult to establish an objective chronology and distinguish a neat stylistic development. Likewise, the overt idealization of his sitters’ traits makes it hard to grasp their age. Thus, in the critical literature the estimate of Lodovico Capponi’s age, as well as that of other sitters, diverges considerably. Lodovico is represented almost life size in three-quarter length, as a proud, selfassured young aristocrat, luxuriously dressed in the colors of the Capponi coat of arms. He wears a black taffeta jerkin adorned with velvet stripes on top and white satin braghe alla sivigliana below, and he stands in front of a radiant green hanging. In his left hand he holds a pair of gloves, and in his right hand is either a cameo or miniature portrait of a woman discretely blocked off from the beholder’s view by his index finger, while on its frame is written sorte (fate, fortune).
{"title":"“Ricco di tanto ardire”: A Contextual Study of Agnolo Bronzino’s Portrait of Lodovico Capponi","authors":"Sanne Wellen","doi":"10.1086/721692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/721692","url":null,"abstract":"AGNOLO BRONZINO ’S (1503–72) Portrait of Lodovico Capponi (1534–1614) in the Frick Collection in New York is one of the few portraits by the master in which the sitter has been securely identified (fig.1). Yet, like Bronzino’s other works, in the literature the painting is considered enigmatic and its dating varies considerably, ranging from 1548 to 1559, while mostly given a generic customary dating of 1550–55. Actually, the smooth and sophisticated brush and the reusing of details that characterize Bronzino’s oeuvre throughout make it difficult to establish an objective chronology and distinguish a neat stylistic development. Likewise, the overt idealization of his sitters’ traits makes it hard to grasp their age. Thus, in the critical literature the estimate of Lodovico Capponi’s age, as well as that of other sitters, diverges considerably. Lodovico is represented almost life size in three-quarter length, as a proud, selfassured young aristocrat, luxuriously dressed in the colors of the Capponi coat of arms. He wears a black taffeta jerkin adorned with velvet stripes on top and white satin braghe alla sivigliana below, and he stands in front of a radiant green hanging. In his left hand he holds a pair of gloves, and in his right hand is either a cameo or miniature portrait of a woman discretely blocked off from the beholder’s view by his index finger, while on its frame is written sorte (fate, fortune).","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"43 1","pages":"339 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73998512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
DATA LA PENURIA DELLE FONTI ARCHIVISTICHE UNGHERESI, la storiografia considera da tempo l’arte medievale del Regno d’Ungheria un ambito caratterizzato da influenze astratte, stentando a dare un volto e un nome ai mediatori culturali che facilitarono la circolazione di oggetti, forme artistiche, idee e maestri. Uno dei temi maggiormente toccati da tale fenomeno è la transizione tra l’arte medievale e quella rinascimentale, i cui inizi vengono generalmente collocate all’incirca negli ultimi decenni del regno di Mattia Corvino (1458–90), accentuando, tuttavia, la continuità dell’influenza italiana trapiantata dagli Angioini in Ungheria. I discorsi sull’influenza dell’arte fiorentina su quella ungherese sono al centro degli studi di Mária Prokopp, che da decenni occupano una posizione dominante nella storiografia ungherese. Anche se la studiosa si riferisce spesso al presunto ruolo
{"title":"Mercanti come tramite degli scambi culturali nella Firenze del primo Rinascimento: Il caso del Regno d’Ungheria","authors":"Katalin Prajda","doi":"10.1086/721729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/721729","url":null,"abstract":"DATA LA PENURIA DELLE FONTI ARCHIVISTICHE UNGHERESI, la storiografia considera da tempo l’arte medievale del Regno d’Ungheria un ambito caratterizzato da influenze astratte, stentando a dare un volto e un nome ai mediatori culturali che facilitarono la circolazione di oggetti, forme artistiche, idee e maestri. Uno dei temi maggiormente toccati da tale fenomeno è la transizione tra l’arte medievale e quella rinascimentale, i cui inizi vengono generalmente collocate all’incirca negli ultimi decenni del regno di Mattia Corvino (1458–90), accentuando, tuttavia, la continuità dell’influenza italiana trapiantata dagli Angioini in Ungheria. I discorsi sull’influenza dell’arte fiorentina su quella ungherese sono al centro degli studi di Mária Prokopp, che da decenni occupano una posizione dominante nella storiografia ungherese. Anche se la studiosa si riferisce spesso al presunto ruolo","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"96 1","pages":"279 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90389959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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