THE EARLY MODERN MAXIM “either a husband or a convent wall” (aut maritus, autmurus), or its Venetian variant, omonacarsi, o maritarsi, seemingly defined the options available to respectable women by the establishment of social and spatial proximities. Those relationships were intended to delimit and defend a woman’s honor and, by extension, that of her family. Historians, however, have increasingly recognized the permeability of both boundaries, particularly the convent wall. Scholarship has also shown that a third respectable space for women existed well before and after the Council of Trent’s claustration of all female religious, in the form of a lay religious life. Bound by the profession of simple vows, usually
近代早期的格言“要么嫁给丈夫，要么嫁给修道院的墙”(aut maritus, autmurus)，或者它的威尼斯变体“omonacarsi, o maritarsi”，似乎通过建立社会和空间上的接近性，定义了受人尊敬的女性的选择。这些关系的目的是划定和捍卫一个女人的荣誉，并延伸到她的家庭。然而，历史学家越来越多地认识到这两个边界的渗透性，特别是修道院的墙壁。学术研究也表明，第三个受人尊敬的女性空间早在特伦特会议将所有女性宗教人士隔离之前和之后就存在了，以一种世俗宗教生活的形式存在。通常被简单的誓言所束缚
{"title":"Ties That Unbind: Proximities, Pizzochere, and Women’s Social Options in Early Modern Venice","authors":"J. McFarland","doi":"10.1086/716280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716280","url":null,"abstract":"THE EARLY MODERN MAXIM “either a husband or a convent wall” (aut maritus, autmurus), or its Venetian variant, omonacarsi, o maritarsi, seemingly defined the options available to respectable women by the establishment of social and spatial proximities. Those relationships were intended to delimit and defend a woman’s honor and, by extension, that of her family. Historians, however, have increasingly recognized the permeability of both boundaries, particularly the convent wall. Scholarship has also shown that a third respectable space for women existed well before and after the Council of Trent’s claustration of all female religious, in the form of a lay religious life. Bound by the profession of simple vows, usually","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78453183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
AT THE BEGINNING OF A LONG SERMON on the virtues of the Virgin Mary, part of a cycle of sermons for Lent delivered in Siena at the Piazza del Campo in 1427, the Franciscan preacher Bernardino da Siena (1380–1444) appealed to his female listeners: “Do you remember what Esther did, who never strove to appear more beautiful than she was to KingAhasuerus? (Esther 2). She did not do as you women do: to you one cannot say with truth that you are honest ladies (madonne Oneste), but dishonest Ladies (madonne Disoneste).” Bernardino offered the image of Esther as an exemplum of modesty and chastity, a role model for young girls. The reference to Queen Esther was mentioned in the context of a discussion on the importance of female modesty when the preacher was warning his female listeners against the dangers of vanity. Associations between Queen Esther and the Virgin were evident, as the discussion about her was part of a sermon about the VirginMary and her virtues. Moreover, there was an emphasis on the former’s discretion, as she did not pretend to King Ahasuerus to be more beautiful than she was. Fifteenth-century Florence witnessed the emergence of Queen Esther as a popular subject in Renaissance culture. Preachers, authors, and artists invoked Esther and her story, offering multilayered interpretations of this biblical queen. In this article, I explore the increasing frequency of allusions to Esther in Florentine culture and propose
1427年，方济各会传教士贝纳迪诺·达·锡耶纳(1380-1444)在锡耶纳坎波广场(Piazza del Campo)举行的四旬斋布道会上，在一篇关于圣母玛利亚美德的长篇布道开始时，他向女性听众发出呼吁:“你们还记得以斯帖做了什么吗?她从来没有努力让自己在亚哈威鲁王面前显得比她更美丽。”(以斯帖记第2章)她所做的不像你们女人所做的:对你们不能说你们是诚实的女人，而是不诚实的女人。”贝纳迪诺将埃斯特的形象塑造为谦虚和贞洁的典范，是年轻女孩的榜样。当牧师警告他的女性听众提防虚荣的危险时，在讨论女性谦虚的重要性时，提到了以斯帖王后。王后以斯帖和圣母之间的联系是显而易见的，因为关于她的讨论是关于圣母玛利亚和她的美德的布道的一部分。此外，亚哈随鲁王强调她的谨慎，因为她没有在亚哈随鲁王面前假装比自己更美丽。15世纪的佛罗伦萨见证了以斯帖王后在文艺复兴文化中的流行。传教士、作家和艺术家们援引以斯帖和她的故事，对这位圣经女王进行了多层次的解读。在这篇文章中，我探讨了以斯帖在佛罗伦萨文化中越来越多的典故，并提出
{"title":"Bride, Court Lady, Oriental Princess, Virgin Mary, Jewess: The Many Faces of Queen Esther in Early Modern Florence","authors":"N. Ben-Aryeh Debby","doi":"10.1086/716239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716239","url":null,"abstract":"AT THE BEGINNING OF A LONG SERMON on the virtues of the Virgin Mary, part of a cycle of sermons for Lent delivered in Siena at the Piazza del Campo in 1427, the Franciscan preacher Bernardino da Siena (1380–1444) appealed to his female listeners: “Do you remember what Esther did, who never strove to appear more beautiful than she was to KingAhasuerus? (Esther 2). She did not do as you women do: to you one cannot say with truth that you are honest ladies (madonne Oneste), but dishonest Ladies (madonne Disoneste).” Bernardino offered the image of Esther as an exemplum of modesty and chastity, a role model for young girls. The reference to Queen Esther was mentioned in the context of a discussion on the importance of female modesty when the preacher was warning his female listeners against the dangers of vanity. Associations between Queen Esther and the Virgin were evident, as the discussion about her was part of a sermon about the VirginMary and her virtues. Moreover, there was an emphasis on the former’s discretion, as she did not pretend to King Ahasuerus to be more beautiful than she was. Fifteenth-century Florence witnessed the emergence of Queen Esther as a popular subject in Renaissance culture. Preachers, authors, and artists invoked Esther and her story, offering multilayered interpretations of this biblical queen. In this article, I explore the increasing frequency of allusions to Esther in Florentine culture and propose","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79541420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE INVITATION TO WHICH THIS ARTICLE RESPONDS has provided a unique—hopefully, once in a lifetime—opportunity to rethink familiar material in the light of new questions and priorities. The papal conclaves of 1523–1775, which have been a focus of some of my recent research, would seem to offer one of the closest parallels in the lives of early modern Italians to conditions many of us have experienced globally in 2020–21. Then, as now, lockdown prevailed, quite literally for cardinals shut away behind secure doors. Other Romans also were subjected to curfews and assorted restrictions on movement or activity for a variety of reasons, notably to prevent the violent disorder which could rock Rome during conclaves. The hiatus created by a conclave could go on for months (72 days in 1549–50, 113 in 1559, 130 in 1669–70, 151 in 1691, and 180 in 1740 are some of the longer examples). Statues sometimes toppled during that time; released prisoners roamed the streets; plagues even occasionally stalked the land. Sede Vacante—the period
{"title":"Papal Rome in Lockdown: Proximities, Temporalities, and Emotions during the Im/mobility of the Conclave","authors":"M. Pattenden","doi":"10.1086/716240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716240","url":null,"abstract":"THE INVITATION TO WHICH THIS ARTICLE RESPONDS has provided a unique—hopefully, once in a lifetime—opportunity to rethink familiar material in the light of new questions and priorities. The papal conclaves of 1523–1775, which have been a focus of some of my recent research, would seem to offer one of the closest parallels in the lives of early modern Italians to conditions many of us have experienced globally in 2020–21. Then, as now, lockdown prevailed, quite literally for cardinals shut away behind secure doors. Other Romans also were subjected to curfews and assorted restrictions on movement or activity for a variety of reasons, notably to prevent the violent disorder which could rock Rome during conclaves. The hiatus created by a conclave could go on for months (72 days in 1549–50, 113 in 1559, 130 in 1669–70, 151 in 1691, and 180 in 1740 are some of the longer examples). Statues sometimes toppled during that time; released prisoners roamed the streets; plagues even occasionally stalked the land. Sede Vacante—the period","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86829319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
FROM ITS INITIAL PRESENTATION as the cause of the war between Rome and Carthage, envy, invidia, plays a pervasive and wide-ranging role with respect to Petrarch’s unfinished Africa. This reading of Petrarch’s epic charts the workings within and around the poem of invidious rivalries among military chiefs, geopolitical entities, and poets. In the first category, primarily between the adversaries in the Second Punic War, Hannibal and Scipio, but not without a glance at Alexander, the iconic world conqueror. In the second category the rivalry is between Rome and Carthage and their successive geopolitical antagonists, Christianity and Islam. For in the view of history narrated in the poem, envy and related vices figure in the representation of the military, ideological, and cultural war between East and West— perhaps the subject of early modern European epic narrative. In the last category,
{"title":"The Oblique Glance of the Muse: Invidious Rivalry, Culture Wars, and Disputed Epic Authority in Petrarch’s Africa","authors":"Ronald L. Martinez","doi":"10.1086/713516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713516","url":null,"abstract":"FROM ITS INITIAL PRESENTATION as the cause of the war between Rome and Carthage, envy, invidia, plays a pervasive and wide-ranging role with respect to Petrarch’s unfinished Africa. This reading of Petrarch’s epic charts the workings within and around the poem of invidious rivalries among military chiefs, geopolitical entities, and poets. In the first category, primarily between the adversaries in the Second Punic War, Hannibal and Scipio, but not without a glance at Alexander, the iconic world conqueror. In the second category the rivalry is between Rome and Carthage and their successive geopolitical antagonists, Christianity and Islam. For in the view of history narrated in the poem, envy and related vices figure in the representation of the military, ideological, and cultural war between East and West— perhaps the subject of early modern European epic narrative. In the last category,","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86417629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN LATE MEDIEVAL and early modern Italy, Jews interacted with Christians on many levels, despite the restrictions imposed on them by Christian religious and secular authorities. They actively partook in Italian Renaissance society and culture, facilitating with their capital economic endeavors, procuring rare and exotic goods for their Christian neighbors and rulers, acting as cultural intermediaries of scientific and occult knowledge, and enriching the intellectual discourse of the
{"title":"Jewish Magic in the Syncretic Renaissance: Baking a Pizza for the Bogeyman","authors":"Alessia Bellusci","doi":"10.1086/713592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713592","url":null,"abstract":"IN LATE MEDIEVAL and early modern Italy, Jews interacted with Christians on many levels, despite the restrictions imposed on them by Christian religious and secular authorities. They actively partook in Italian Renaissance society and culture, facilitating with their capital economic endeavors, procuring rare and exotic goods for their Christian neighbors and rulers, acting as cultural intermediaries of scientific and occult knowledge, and enriching the intellectual discourse of the","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74103203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The painting from the Berenson collection for this issue’s cover offers a discomfiting image: Bonifacio’s Head of Hasdrubal Brought to Hannibal (fig. 1). Based on Livy’s account of the Second Punic War, the work, painted in Venice in the 1540s, alludes to a dramatic moment in the Carthaginians’ Italian campaign. Hannibal retreated to southern Italy while his brother Hasdrubal continued the fight to the east, where he is defeated and decapitated by victorious Roman troops near theMetauro river in the Marche. The victorious general orders two captives to carry the head to Hannibal’s camp in Puglia, and Bonifacio portrays the arrival of the prisoners, still in chains; in the fantastic geography of the panel, the Romans’ camp is situated improbably nearby, and amountain looms in the background that seems better suited to the Alps than the Appenines around Metauro. While a messenger describes the battle that cost Hasdrubal his life, Hannibal raises his arms in horror and surprise as he and his soldiers gaze at the head that lies unceremoniously on the ground before them. As Vincenzo Mancini notes in his description of the painting for the Berenson catalogue, the Carthaginians are dressed in distinctively Turkish armor—a rather common motif in a period when conflict was high between the Ottomans and the Venetian republic where Bonifacio was painting. But the sixteenth century was hardly the first time that a depiction of the historical conflict of Carthage and Rome was mediated through hostilities closer to home. In the opening essay to this issue, Ronald Martinez focuses on Petrarch’s epic Africa, the poem that earned Petrarch his laurel wreath from Robert of Naples in 1341, despite its unfinished state. Its hero is the Roman general Scipio Africanus, who battled both Hannibal and Hasdrubal during the Second Punic War. Suggesting that we should read the poem’s multifaceted themes through the prism of envy, Martinez observes that Petrarch’s Carthaginians, envious of Rome’s prosperity, aremodeled in part on contemporary Muslims envious of the Christian nations to their west—and are perennially concerned lest their holdings in Jerusalem and the Middle East slip from their hands. Hasdrubal appears only fleetingly in Petrarch’s epic, but it’s surely not insignificant that he’s the very first character to appear after a lengthy proem. Scipio has just driven
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Jane Tylus","doi":"10.1086/713517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713517","url":null,"abstract":"The painting from the Berenson collection for this issue’s cover offers a discomfiting image: Bonifacio’s Head of Hasdrubal Brought to Hannibal (fig. 1). Based on Livy’s account of the Second Punic War, the work, painted in Venice in the 1540s, alludes to a dramatic moment in the Carthaginians’ Italian campaign. Hannibal retreated to southern Italy while his brother Hasdrubal continued the fight to the east, where he is defeated and decapitated by victorious Roman troops near theMetauro river in the Marche. The victorious general orders two captives to carry the head to Hannibal’s camp in Puglia, and Bonifacio portrays the arrival of the prisoners, still in chains; in the fantastic geography of the panel, the Romans’ camp is situated improbably nearby, and amountain looms in the background that seems better suited to the Alps than the Appenines around Metauro. While a messenger describes the battle that cost Hasdrubal his life, Hannibal raises his arms in horror and surprise as he and his soldiers gaze at the head that lies unceremoniously on the ground before them. As Vincenzo Mancini notes in his description of the painting for the Berenson catalogue, the Carthaginians are dressed in distinctively Turkish armor—a rather common motif in a period when conflict was high between the Ottomans and the Venetian republic where Bonifacio was painting. But the sixteenth century was hardly the first time that a depiction of the historical conflict of Carthage and Rome was mediated through hostilities closer to home. In the opening essay to this issue, Ronald Martinez focuses on Petrarch’s epic Africa, the poem that earned Petrarch his laurel wreath from Robert of Naples in 1341, despite its unfinished state. Its hero is the Roman general Scipio Africanus, who battled both Hannibal and Hasdrubal during the Second Punic War. Suggesting that we should read the poem’s multifaceted themes through the prism of envy, Martinez observes that Petrarch’s Carthaginians, envious of Rome’s prosperity, aremodeled in part on contemporary Muslims envious of the Christian nations to their west—and are perennially concerned lest their holdings in Jerusalem and the Middle East slip from their hands. Hasdrubal appears only fleetingly in Petrarch’s epic, but it’s surely not insignificant that he’s the very first character to appear after a lengthy proem. Scipio has just driven","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84166284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
QUOTATIONS in four different to no surprise the beneath shelves when the mad in the Sierra these quotations an unusual trait. Each one is repro-duced twice in the novel, each time openly presented as quotations of another text.
{"title":"The Vanishing of Angelica: Ariosto, Cervantes, and the Economy of Gratitude","authors":"Filippo Petricca","doi":"10.1086/715209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/715209","url":null,"abstract":"QUOTATIONS in four different to no surprise the beneath shelves when the mad in the Sierra these quotations an unusual trait. Each one is repro-duced twice in the novel, each time openly presented as quotations of another text.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85406981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THIS ARTICLE CONCERNS A LETTER dated January 27, 1584, from an unidentifiable Servite friar at SS. Annunziata in Florence to Francesco I de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany (r. 1574–87), at a time when the miraculous image of the Annunciation (figs. 1–4) was being copied by Alessandro Allori. It offers an insider’s glimpse of some of the difficulties that could arise with the unceremonious unveiling of the miraculous image in the church and of how unsettling they could be. It also affords some evidence of Allori’s copying practices and how the questions of likeness and authenticity they involved were viewed at the time. The issues the letter raises, its frantic tone, and the writer’s wish that his identity be eradicated suggest that the problems he aired might undermine the authority of both church and state. Given the international reputation of SantissimaAnnunziata, such unruly behavior threatened to jeopardize order in Florence and beyond.
{"title":"Disorders at the Grand Duke’s Shrine of Santissima Annunziata","authors":"S. B. Butters","doi":"10.1086/713682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713682","url":null,"abstract":"THIS ARTICLE CONCERNS A LETTER dated January 27, 1584, from an unidentifiable Servite friar at SS. Annunziata in Florence to Francesco I de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany (r. 1574–87), at a time when the miraculous image of the Annunciation (figs. 1–4) was being copied by Alessandro Allori. It offers an insider’s glimpse of some of the difficulties that could arise with the unceremonious unveiling of the miraculous image in the church and of how unsettling they could be. It also affords some evidence of Allori’s copying practices and how the questions of likeness and authenticity they involved were viewed at the time. The issues the letter raises, its frantic tone, and the writer’s wish that his identity be eradicated suggest that the problems he aired might undermine the authority of both church and state. Given the international reputation of SantissimaAnnunziata, such unruly behavior threatened to jeopardize order in Florence and beyond.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83283215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“IF PAINTERS WERE OBLIGED TO WHITEWASH entire scenes every time slight flaws in a finger or an eye were pointed out to them, the whole story would be very slow to emerge.” So wrote Galileo Galilei in 1624, conceding in the interest of preserving the grand structure of the heliocentric world system a small error on the part of Nicolas Copernicus. The comparison, typical in its artsy, aggressive tenor, involves what Galileo depicted as a trivial aspect of the orbit of Venus. This letter, however, was largely concerned with another issue, parallax, the variation in the apparent position of an object viewed from different perspective points. Now you see it, and now you don’t: the positional shift that is parallax only appears under certain conditions, and its value as a quantitative index of the size of the cosmos or of the distance of its components was a fluctuating one. Galileo sought to establish and to use this measurement over the course of his career; that story, more than any other account of his research agendas, is filled with gaps and obvious erasures. Rather than the specter of the bare, ruined wall to which
{"title":"And Now You Don’t","authors":"Eileen Reeves","doi":"10.1086/713501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713501","url":null,"abstract":"“IF PAINTERS WERE OBLIGED TO WHITEWASH entire scenes every time slight flaws in a finger or an eye were pointed out to them, the whole story would be very slow to emerge.” So wrote Galileo Galilei in 1624, conceding in the interest of preserving the grand structure of the heliocentric world system a small error on the part of Nicolas Copernicus. The comparison, typical in its artsy, aggressive tenor, involves what Galileo depicted as a trivial aspect of the orbit of Venus. This letter, however, was largely concerned with another issue, parallax, the variation in the apparent position of an object viewed from different perspective points. Now you see it, and now you don’t: the positional shift that is parallax only appears under certain conditions, and its value as a quantitative index of the size of the cosmos or of the distance of its components was a fluctuating one. Galileo sought to establish and to use this measurement over the course of his career; that story, more than any other account of his research agendas, is filled with gaps and obvious erasures. Rather than the specter of the bare, ruined wall to which","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90167844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
FASCINATION WITH THE BRAIN has been long-standing in our culture. The brain’s complexity, its cognitive role, its performance in terms of memory, and its reward system run our lives. And yet this organ is entirely alien to us; we are unaware of its automated mechanism, even though we depend on it for the construction of our self and for the sense of being “human.” Consequently, one can appreciate how brain disease, trauma, and injury might thwart, or at the very least complicate, the way we perceive and interact with our surroundings, for as Roland Puccetti writes, “Where goes a brain, there goes a person.” This essay will examine our continuing cultural and scientific fascinationwith the brain by looking far back into the past at an instance in which an injury at a tournamentmade the issue of craniotomy a capital matter and in the process introduced new medical knowledge on the body’s responses to head injuries. I will use the well-recorded case of Henri II of the house of Valois, king of France from 1547 to 1559, who had his right eye heavily damaged by the splinters of a broken lance during a joust. In the process, it was feared, he also suffered a brain contusion and concussion, although his scalp was not lacerated and there was no penetrating skull fracture.
{"title":"A Royal Accident: Medical Authority and Political Dynamics in 1559","authors":"Valeria Finucci","doi":"10.1086/713500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713500","url":null,"abstract":"FASCINATION WITH THE BRAIN has been long-standing in our culture. The brain’s complexity, its cognitive role, its performance in terms of memory, and its reward system run our lives. And yet this organ is entirely alien to us; we are unaware of its automated mechanism, even though we depend on it for the construction of our self and for the sense of being “human.” Consequently, one can appreciate how brain disease, trauma, and injury might thwart, or at the very least complicate, the way we perceive and interact with our surroundings, for as Roland Puccetti writes, “Where goes a brain, there goes a person.” This essay will examine our continuing cultural and scientific fascinationwith the brain by looking far back into the past at an instance in which an injury at a tournamentmade the issue of craniotomy a capital matter and in the process introduced new medical knowledge on the body’s responses to head injuries. I will use the well-recorded case of Henri II of the house of Valois, king of France from 1547 to 1559, who had his right eye heavily damaged by the splinters of a broken lance during a joust. In the process, it was feared, he also suffered a brain contusion and concussion, although his scalp was not lacerated and there was no penetrating skull fracture.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85913706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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