LUDOVICO ARIOSTO ’S ORLANDO FURIOSO was and still is one of the most celebrated works of sixteenth-century Italian culture, largely due to its capacity to combine fantastic adventures with poignant reflections on central issues of its time. With its clever mix of lovestruck paladins, brave women warriors, and magical elements, the poem—which appeared in three editions in 1516, 1521, and 1532, and quickly becamewhat inmodern termswould be dubbed a blockbuster—voices some of the most pressing concerns of contemporary society. The Orlando furioso is also one of the most studied works of the Italian Renaissance, and canto 37 in particular has received significant scholarly attention in recent years. A tale about misogyny, it is one of four episodes Ariosto added to the third edition of his poem. Most of the attention to this canto has been motivated by the
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IN QUANTO DISCIPLINA , la storia dell ’ arte si struttura a partire da Vasari per mezzo di nozioni come scuola, popolo o nazione. Indipendentemente dalle de fi nizioni identitarie dei singoli gruppi, il concetto di primitivo è maggiormente legato alle caratteristiche di chi attribuisce questo valore, rispetto invece alle caratteristiche di colui a cui viene attribuito: i pittori italiani del Duecento e Trecento sono considerati primitivi in un ’ ottica della teoria artistica del Cinquecento; il primitivismo fi ammingo del Trecento è tale nell ’ ottica del classicismo rinascimentale italiano; l ’ arte tribale africana, dalla prospettiva del surrealismo francese; e la cultura ame-rinda, dal punto di vista del modernismo del Novecento. Pertanto si vede che la classi fi cazione di primitivo, nella storia dell ’ arte, si presenta come un costrutto culturale spesso utilizzato a favore di un ’ organizzazione cronologica degli eventi storici e di una comprensione comparativa dei con fi ni culturali.
{"title":"Primitivismo e francofilia nella critica di Lionello Venturi","authors":"Fernanda Marinho","doi":"10.1086/718971","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/718971","url":null,"abstract":"IN QUANTO DISCIPLINA , la storia dell ’ arte si struttura a partire da Vasari per mezzo di nozioni come scuola, popolo o nazione. Indipendentemente dalle de fi nizioni identitarie dei singoli gruppi, il concetto di primitivo è maggiormente legato alle caratteristiche di chi attribuisce questo valore, rispetto invece alle caratteristiche di colui a cui viene attribuito: i pittori italiani del Duecento e Trecento sono considerati primitivi in un ’ ottica della teoria artistica del Cinquecento; il primitivismo fi ammingo del Trecento è tale nell ’ ottica del classicismo rinascimentale italiano; l ’ arte tribale africana, dalla prospettiva del surrealismo francese; e la cultura ame-rinda, dal punto di vista del modernismo del Novecento. Pertanto si vede che la classi fi cazione di primitivo, nella storia dell ’ arte, si presenta come un costrutto culturale spesso utilizzato a favore di un ’ organizzazione cronologica degli eventi storici e di una comprensione comparativa dei con fi ni culturali.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74584334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THROUGHOUT THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES , theMedici family used a wide range of means to assert its authority over the Florentine state. Artistic and literary patronage and collecting, in particular, played a key role in the consolidation of the family’s status and power through the formation of a highly prestigious core estate, which we can still partially admire in Florence and many other Tuscan centers. As has been frequently argued, the splendor of the art and palaces that the Medici left behind was aimed precisely at constructing an image of legitimacy and stability that did not in fact exist until the reign of Duke Cosimo I (r. 1537–69). Among the Medici possessions, one group of precious objects, buildings, and lands acquired over time a special value asmarkers of dynastic identity: these were the properties amassed by Cosimo il Vecchio (1389–1464) and especially Lorenzo il Magnifico
在整个15和16世纪，美第奇家族使用了各种各样的手段来维护其对佛罗伦萨国家的权威。特别是艺术和文学赞助和收藏，在巩固家族地位和权力方面发挥了关键作用，通过形成一个高度享有声望的核心产业，我们仍然可以在佛罗伦萨和许多其他托斯卡纳中心部分欣赏到这一点。正如人们经常争论的那样，美第奇家族留下的艺术和宫殿的辉煌正是为了建立一种合法性和稳定性的形象，这种形象直到科西莫一世公爵(1537-69)统治时期才真正存在。在美第奇家族的财产中，有一组珍贵的物品、建筑和土地随着时间的推移获得了特殊的价值，成为王朝身份的标志:这些是科西莫·维奇奥(1389-1464)，尤其是洛伦佐·马尼菲格诺(Lorenzo il Magnifico)积累的财产
{"title":"Dynastic Conflicts and European Politics in the Transmission of the Medici Inheritance","authors":"Guido Rebecchini","doi":"10.1086/718721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/718721","url":null,"abstract":"THROUGHOUT THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES , theMedici family used a wide range of means to assert its authority over the Florentine state. Artistic and literary patronage and collecting, in particular, played a key role in the consolidation of the family’s status and power through the formation of a highly prestigious core estate, which we can still partially admire in Florence and many other Tuscan centers. As has been frequently argued, the splendor of the art and palaces that the Medici left behind was aimed precisely at constructing an image of legitimacy and stability that did not in fact exist until the reign of Duke Cosimo I (r. 1537–69). Among the Medici possessions, one group of precious objects, buildings, and lands acquired over time a special value asmarkers of dynastic identity: these were the properties amassed by Cosimo il Vecchio (1389–1464) and especially Lorenzo il Magnifico","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90535047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
TODAY, THE NETHERLANDISH HUMANIST Dominicus Lampsonius (fig. 1) is generally known for his two published texts on art: the biography of his friend and teacher Lambert Lombard, printed in Bruges in 1565, and the verse inscriptions he composed to accompany twenty-three engraved portraits of Netherlandish painters, which appeared in 1572 under the title Pictorum aliquot celebrium Germaniae inferioris effigies. During his lifetime, however, Lampsoniuswas celebrated as a polymath who studied classical languages at the University of Leuven, trained as a painter, and distinguished himself as Latin secretary to the English cardinal Reginald Pole as well as three successive prince-bishops of Liège. He also became a central figure in a community of artists, poets, and publishers who began to address the history of Netherlandish art following the publication of Giorgio Vasari’s seminal Lives of the Artists, first printed in Florence in 1550, which almost completely excluded northern artists from its history. On October 30, 1564, Lampsonius wrote a letter to Vasari, initiating an epistolary exchange that lasted approximately half a year. None of Vasari’s responses to
今天，荷兰人文主义者多米尼乌斯·兰普索尼乌斯(图1)以他出版的两本艺术著作而闻名:1565年在布鲁日印刷的他的朋友和老师兰伯特·伦巴第的传记，以及他为23幅荷兰画家的雕刻肖像所写的题词，这些题词于1572年以“Pictorum ali”的标题出现。然而，在他的一生中，兰普森尼乌斯被誉为一个博学的人，他在鲁汶大学学习古典语言，接受过绘画训练，并作为英国红衣主教雷金纳德·波尔的拉丁语秘书以及连续三任li日的主教而出名。1550年，乔治·瓦萨里(Giorgio Vasari)开创性的《艺术家的生活》(Lives of the artists)在佛罗伦萨首次出版，几乎完全将北方艺术家排除在历史之外，之后，他成为了一个由艺术家、诗人和出版商组成的团体的核心人物，他们开始关注荷兰艺术史。1564年10月30日，兰普索尼斯给瓦萨里写了一封信，开始了一段持续了大约半年的书信交流。瓦萨里没有回应
{"title":"Dominicus Lampsonius, Giorgio Vasari, and the Print as Work of Art","authors":"Edward H. Wouk","doi":"10.1086/718895","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/718895","url":null,"abstract":"TODAY, THE NETHERLANDISH HUMANIST Dominicus Lampsonius (fig. 1) is generally known for his two published texts on art: the biography of his friend and teacher Lambert Lombard, printed in Bruges in 1565, and the verse inscriptions he composed to accompany twenty-three engraved portraits of Netherlandish painters, which appeared in 1572 under the title Pictorum aliquot celebrium Germaniae inferioris effigies. During his lifetime, however, Lampsoniuswas celebrated as a polymath who studied classical languages at the University of Leuven, trained as a painter, and distinguished himself as Latin secretary to the English cardinal Reginald Pole as well as three successive prince-bishops of Liège. He also became a central figure in a community of artists, poets, and publishers who began to address the history of Netherlandish art following the publication of Giorgio Vasari’s seminal Lives of the Artists, first printed in Florence in 1550, which almost completely excluded northern artists from its history. On October 30, 1564, Lampsonius wrote a letter to Vasari, initiating an epistolary exchange that lasted approximately half a year. None of Vasari’s responses to","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87562822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The cover for our fall issue features one of Europe’s patron saints at the beginning of her career, long before she had become a household name even in her native Siena. In a panel from what was once part of a predella by the Sienese artist Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’ Landi (1447–ca. 1500), the founders of three orders vie for the attention of the young Caterina Benincasa: Dominic, Francis, and Augustine (fig. 1). Coyly reaching around Augustine to hand Caterina the lily that represents the Dominican order, Saint Dominic is clearly the winner, and perhaps for good reason. The large family of the future saint lived in Fontebranda, just below the towering church of San Domenico, and Catherine would have spent her childhood watching the friars go in and out the nearby gate of Sant’Ansano. As Catherine’s confessor and hagiographer Raymond of Capua put it, at one point she tried to leave, too, in search of a hermitage—but was found out and forced to return home, where her insistence on a religious life was met with similar obstinacy on the part of her parents, who wanted her married. Neroccio’s small panel, like that of what may have been the adjacent scene of Catherine’s mystical marriage to Christ, gives us a rather spacious setting for this encounter with three saints. Caterina kneels on the colorfully tiled floor of a long and narrow chapel that houses an altar and an imposing wardrobe. Behind her opens an inviting loggia that seems to offer a quiet cortile, while the room itself is framed by large reddish pillars and a pediment. But Catherine’s encounter with her prospective mentors happened not in a convent, of which Neroccio’s architecture is reminiscent, but in her home, possibly in the small room where she had proposed to lock herself up as a way of resisting her parents’ demands—and more easily accessing the spiritual life she preferred. Caterina’s choice of the Dominican order nonetheless did not lead her to cloister herself as a nun but to take on themission of a tertiary, living
我们秋季刊的封面描绘了一位欧洲守护神在她职业生涯初期的形象，那时她甚至在她的家乡锡耶纳都还没有成为家喻户晓的名字。在锡耶纳艺术家尼罗乔·迪·巴尔托洛梅奥·德·兰蒂(1447-ca。1500年)，三个修会的创始人争夺年轻的卡特琳娜·贝宁卡萨的注意:多米尼克、弗朗西斯和奥古斯丁(图1)。圣多米尼克羞怯地向奥古斯丁伸出手，递给卡特琳娜代表多米尼加修会的百合花，显然是获胜者，也许有充分的理由。这位未来圣徒的大家庭住在丰特布兰达，就在高耸的圣多梅尼科教堂下面，凯瑟琳小时候可能是看着修士们进出附近的圣安萨诺大门的。正如凯瑟琳的忏悔者和圣徒传记作者雷蒙德(Raymond of Capua)所说，有一次她也试图离开，去寻找一个隐居的地方——但被发现了，她被迫回家，在那里，她对宗教生活的坚持遭到了她父母同样的固执，他们想让她结婚。尼罗西奥的小画板，就像凯瑟琳与基督的神秘婚姻的相邻场景一样，为我们提供了一个相当宽敞的背景来描述这三位圣徒的相遇。卡特琳娜跪在一个又长又窄的小教堂的彩色瓷砖地板上，里面有一个祭坛和一个雄伟的衣橱。在她身后打开了一个诱人的凉廊，似乎提供了一个安静的走廊，而房间本身是由红色的大柱子和一个山墙构成的。但凯瑟琳与她未来导师的相遇并不是发生在修道院，而是发生在她的家里，可能是在她提议把自己锁起来的小房间里，作为一种抵制父母要求的方式——更容易进入她喜欢的精神生活。尽管如此，卡特琳娜选择加入多明尼加修道会并没有让她自己成为一名修女，而是承担了第三种生活的使命
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Jane Tylus","doi":"10.1086/716429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716429","url":null,"abstract":"The cover for our fall issue features one of Europe’s patron saints at the beginning of her career, long before she had become a household name even in her native Siena. In a panel from what was once part of a predella by the Sienese artist Neroccio di Bartolomeo de’ Landi (1447–ca. 1500), the founders of three orders vie for the attention of the young Caterina Benincasa: Dominic, Francis, and Augustine (fig. 1). Coyly reaching around Augustine to hand Caterina the lily that represents the Dominican order, Saint Dominic is clearly the winner, and perhaps for good reason. The large family of the future saint lived in Fontebranda, just below the towering church of San Domenico, and Catherine would have spent her childhood watching the friars go in and out the nearby gate of Sant’Ansano. As Catherine’s confessor and hagiographer Raymond of Capua put it, at one point she tried to leave, too, in search of a hermitage—but was found out and forced to return home, where her insistence on a religious life was met with similar obstinacy on the part of her parents, who wanted her married. Neroccio’s small panel, like that of what may have been the adjacent scene of Catherine’s mystical marriage to Christ, gives us a rather spacious setting for this encounter with three saints. Caterina kneels on the colorfully tiled floor of a long and narrow chapel that houses an altar and an imposing wardrobe. Behind her opens an inviting loggia that seems to offer a quiet cortile, while the room itself is framed by large reddish pillars and a pediment. But Catherine’s encounter with her prospective mentors happened not in a convent, of which Neroccio’s architecture is reminiscent, but in her home, possibly in the small room where she had proposed to lock herself up as a way of resisting her parents’ demands—and more easily accessing the spiritual life she preferred. Caterina’s choice of the Dominican order nonetheless did not lead her to cloister herself as a nun but to take on themission of a tertiary, living","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73916442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
COMMENTANDO L’ORAZIONE DI BENEDETTO VARCHI in morte del capitano Stefano Colonna, nel 1548, un anonimo diarista fiorentino non usa mezzi termini: l’Accademia Fiorentina è una “setta” di eretici, un luogo in cui “quasi tutti prendevano simili riti nel luterano.” Questo breve passaggio dà la misura della diffusione, nella Firenze degli anni Quaranta, di quella spiritualità filo-protestante che si esprime nel Beneficio di Cristo, livre de chevet degli “spirituali,” il gruppo legato a vario titolo a Reginald Pole e a Marcantonio Flaminio attivo nel quinto decennio del Cinquecento. Si tratta, com’è noto, di un testo eclettico e stratificato, che raccoglie apporti dottrinali di varia natura (Juan de Valdés, ma anche Calvino ed Erasmo), incentrato sulla dottrina della giustificazione per sola fede: il
在评论斯特凡诺·科隆纳上尉1548年去世时的演讲时，一位不愿透露细节的佛罗伦萨记者:佛罗伦萨学院是一个异教徒的“教派”，“几乎每个人都在路德教举行类似的仪式”。这篇简短的文章展示了20世纪40年代在佛罗伦萨传播的一种以基督的利益、“精神主义者”的livre de chevet为代表的信奉新教的精神主义的程度。如你所知，这是一份折衷的、分层的文本，它汇集了各种各样的理论贡献(胡安·德·瓦尔德斯，但也包括卡尔维诺和伊拉斯谟)，其基础是纯粹信仰的正规化原则
{"title":"Letture “spirituali” di Petrarca all’Accademia Fiorentina","authors":"S. Vatteroni","doi":"10.1086/716491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716491","url":null,"abstract":"COMMENTANDO L’ORAZIONE DI BENEDETTO VARCHI in morte del capitano Stefano Colonna, nel 1548, un anonimo diarista fiorentino non usa mezzi termini: l’Accademia Fiorentina è una “setta” di eretici, un luogo in cui “quasi tutti prendevano simili riti nel luterano.” Questo breve passaggio dà la misura della diffusione, nella Firenze degli anni Quaranta, di quella spiritualità filo-protestante che si esprime nel Beneficio di Cristo, livre de chevet degli “spirituali,” il gruppo legato a vario titolo a Reginald Pole e a Marcantonio Flaminio attivo nel quinto decennio del Cinquecento. Si tratta, com’è noto, di un testo eclettico e stratificato, che raccoglie apporti dottrinali di varia natura (Juan de Valdés, ma anche Calvino ed Erasmo), incentrato sulla dottrina della giustificazione per sola fede: il","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89861554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE FIFTH TALE OF DAY 7 in Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron features a woman rebelling against her jealous husband, who has confined her in their home. From a structural viewpoint,Decameron 7.5 could be considered the very center of the collection’s feminist worldview. It is the central story set in the womb-like Valley ofWomen, the topic is the tricks thatwomen play upon their husbands, and the narrator is Fiammetta, whom Boccaccio often presents as an embodiment of a female perspective. The story begins with the brigata’s unanimous praise of the previous tale’s protagonist for having done to an evil man (her jealous husband) exactly what he deserved (defaming him and inciting an attack upon him).Whatever appreciation for women’s autonomy this reaction seems to suggest, however, is shattered by the intrusion, in midsentence, of this day’s ruler—il re: “Posto aveva fine la Lauretta al suo ragionamento; e avendo già ciascun commendata la donna che ella bene avesse fatto e come a quel cattivo si conveniva, il re, per non perder tempo, verso la Fiammetta voltatosi, piacevolmente il carico le ’mpose del novellare.” Day 7, after all, is not a
在乔瓦尼·薄伽丘的《十日谈》中，第七天的第五个故事讲述了一个女人反抗她嫉妒的丈夫，他把她关在家里。从结构的角度来看，《十日谈7.5》可以被认为是该系列女权主义世界观的核心。它的中心故事发生在子宫般的女人谷，主题是女人对丈夫的诡计，叙述者是菲亚梅塔，薄伽丘经常把她描绘成女性视角的化身。故事开始时，brigata一致赞扬前一个故事的主人公，因为他对一个邪恶的人(她嫉妒的丈夫)做了他应得的事情(诽谤他并煽动对他的攻击)。然而，无论这种反应似乎暗示着对女性自主权的赞赏，它都被当今统治者的插话粉碎了:“Posto aveva fine la Lauretta al suo ragionamento;他说:“我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是说，我的意思是我的意思。”第7天，毕竟不是一个
{"title":"An Inside View: Gendered Perspectives on Freedom in Decameron 7.5","authors":"Brittany Asaro","doi":"10.1086/716238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716238","url":null,"abstract":"THE FIFTH TALE OF DAY 7 in Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron features a woman rebelling against her jealous husband, who has confined her in their home. From a structural viewpoint,Decameron 7.5 could be considered the very center of the collection’s feminist worldview. It is the central story set in the womb-like Valley ofWomen, the topic is the tricks thatwomen play upon their husbands, and the narrator is Fiammetta, whom Boccaccio often presents as an embodiment of a female perspective. The story begins with the brigata’s unanimous praise of the previous tale’s protagonist for having done to an evil man (her jealous husband) exactly what he deserved (defaming him and inciting an attack upon him).Whatever appreciation for women’s autonomy this reaction seems to suggest, however, is shattered by the intrusion, in midsentence, of this day’s ruler—il re: “Posto aveva fine la Lauretta al suo ragionamento; e avendo già ciascun commendata la donna che ella bene avesse fatto e come a quel cattivo si conveniva, il re, per non perder tempo, verso la Fiammetta voltatosi, piacevolmente il carico le ’mpose del novellare.” Day 7, after all, is not a","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89877292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ON THE EVE OF THE YEAR 1600 , Giovambattista Vecchietti (1552–1619)— former papal envoy, scholar, and agent of oriental books—found himself at an impasse on the Island of Hormuz. In order to continue on his journey to India where he hoped “to try his luck and settle down financially once and for all,” Vecchietti had to pay the island’s Portuguese governor a passage tax that he deemed unreasonable. While wealthier travelers like merchants from Venice or Florentine Jesuits with powerful patrons could pass without delay, Vecchietti was traveling on borrowed money in 1599. Not quite able or, at any rate, not quite willing to pay a hefty
{"title":"Judeo-Persian Tobit and G. B. Vecchietti: Exile and Writing between Florence and the Persianate World","authors":"Mahnaz Yousefzadeh","doi":"10.1086/716218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716218","url":null,"abstract":"ON THE EVE OF THE YEAR 1600 , Giovambattista Vecchietti (1552–1619)— former papal envoy, scholar, and agent of oriental books—found himself at an impasse on the Island of Hormuz. In order to continue on his journey to India where he hoped “to try his luck and settle down financially once and for all,” Vecchietti had to pay the island’s Portuguese governor a passage tax that he deemed unreasonable. While wealthier travelers like merchants from Venice or Florentine Jesuits with powerful patrons could pass without delay, Vecchietti was traveling on borrowed money in 1599. Not quite able or, at any rate, not quite willing to pay a hefty","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84953570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A RELIEF PANEL OF ST. SEBASTIAN , produced in early sixteenth-century Deruta, is well known among historians of material culture as the earliest known example of Italian lusterware. This claim is made possible by the unusually prominent date inscription on the lower section of the piece: July 14, 1501. The precision of the date on the panel is striking, given that premodern conceptions of time have often been characterized as organic and imprecise when compared with modern eras. The role played by St. Sebastian as one of the principal intercessors against the plague makes this object particularly intriguing. It is not known whether the inscription marked the end of an outbreak of plague, or perhaps a personal experience of healing in the course of an epidemic. Either way, the enduring nature of the saint’s role for intercession is intensified through reference to a specificmoment in time, shown here by a precise date rather than a visual representation of an event akin to those illustrated on votive panels. To look back on episodes of early modern Italian plague is to see how a
{"title":"A Sense of Time: Experiencing Plague and Quarantine in Early Modern Italy","authors":"J. Crawshaw","doi":"10.1086/716244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716244","url":null,"abstract":"A RELIEF PANEL OF ST. SEBASTIAN , produced in early sixteenth-century Deruta, is well known among historians of material culture as the earliest known example of Italian lusterware. This claim is made possible by the unusually prominent date inscription on the lower section of the piece: July 14, 1501. The precision of the date on the panel is striking, given that premodern conceptions of time have often been characterized as organic and imprecise when compared with modern eras. The role played by St. Sebastian as one of the principal intercessors against the plague makes this object particularly intriguing. It is not known whether the inscription marked the end of an outbreak of plague, or perhaps a personal experience of healing in the course of an epidemic. Either way, the enduring nature of the saint’s role for intercession is intensified through reference to a specificmoment in time, shown here by a precise date rather than a visual representation of an event akin to those illustrated on votive panels. To look back on episodes of early modern Italian plague is to see how a","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73050819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
MICHELANGELO ’S MEETING WITH TOMMASO DE ’ CAVALIERI during the winter of 1532 sparked new levels of creativity: the artist presented Tommaso with a number of exquisitely finished drawings and some of his most refined poems. The Punishment of Tityus, The Rape of Ganymede, and the three versions of The Fall of Phaethon are derived from Ovid’s Metamorphoses. The Phaethon drawings have attracted the greatest amount of critical attention: thismyth is the only one to elicit three different versions, three narrative scenes, as well as a series of notes betweenMichelangelo and Tommaso.While scholars have notedMichelangelo’s incorporation of narrative details derived from Ovid in the drawings, scant attention has been paid to the influence exerted by the Roman poet’s hypercharged rhetoric.
{"title":"Ovidian Influences and Figural Obsessions in Michelangelo’s Fall of Phaethon Drawings","authors":"Deborah Parker","doi":"10.1086/716217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716217","url":null,"abstract":"MICHELANGELO ’S MEETING WITH TOMMASO DE ’ CAVALIERI during the winter of 1532 sparked new levels of creativity: the artist presented Tommaso with a number of exquisitely finished drawings and some of his most refined poems. The Punishment of Tityus, The Rape of Ganymede, and the three versions of The Fall of Phaethon are derived from Ovid’s Metamorphoses. The Phaethon drawings have attracted the greatest amount of critical attention: thismyth is the only one to elicit three different versions, three narrative scenes, as well as a series of notes betweenMichelangelo and Tommaso.While scholars have notedMichelangelo’s incorporation of narrative details derived from Ovid in the drawings, scant attention has been paid to the influence exerted by the Roman poet’s hypercharged rhetoric.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88745383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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