IN JUNE 1658 the German Jesuit polymath Athanasius Kircher (1602–80), famed throughout Europe for his dazzling array of publications that claimed to unlock all the most urgent scholarly mysteries of his age, sent his most recent works—Ecstatic Journey II (1656) and Examination of Plague (1658)—to Grand Duke Ferdinando II de’ Medici (r. 1621–70), explicitly seeking his patronage. Recalling the long-standing legacy of the Medici family’s support of scholarship for over two centuries, Kircher assured the grand duke that “after the death of Emperor Ferdinand, patron of glorious memory, in no other princely court do they go to lodge more willingly than in that of Your Most Serene Highness.” He was referring to Ferdinand III (r. 1637–57), who bankrolled so many of Kircher’s publications and provided the Jesuit scholar with a handsome stipend until his death in 1657. For decades, Kircher had cultivated Habsburg patronage and developed sustained rela-
{"title":"Etruscan Dreams: Athanasius Kircher, Medici Patronage, and Tuscan Friendships, 1633–1680","authors":"Suzanne Sutherland, P. Findlen, Iva Lelková","doi":"10.1086/699710","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699710","url":null,"abstract":"IN JUNE 1658 the German Jesuit polymath Athanasius Kircher (1602–80), famed throughout Europe for his dazzling array of publications that claimed to unlock all the most urgent scholarly mysteries of his age, sent his most recent works—Ecstatic Journey II (1656) and Examination of Plague (1658)—to Grand Duke Ferdinando II de’ Medici (r. 1621–70), explicitly seeking his patronage. Recalling the long-standing legacy of the Medici family’s support of scholarship for over two centuries, Kircher assured the grand duke that “after the death of Emperor Ferdinand, patron of glorious memory, in no other princely court do they go to lodge more willingly than in that of Your Most Serene Highness.” He was referring to Ferdinand III (r. 1637–57), who bankrolled so many of Kircher’s publications and provided the Jesuit scholar with a handsome stipend until his death in 1657. For decades, Kircher had cultivated Habsburg patronage and developed sustained rela-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"299 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75049679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ALL ENDS WELL in the idyllic hills of the Aminta and Pastor fido. The pastoral stage of the sixteenth century provided an escape from the realities of courtly life and a haven in which even the most dire twists and turns of plot could be resolved into a perky lieto fine. The tragic protagonist of Torquato Tasso’s Aminta, spurned by his beloved, flings himself from a cliff, but in the end he brushes it off, having landed serendipitously in some brush. Battista Guarini’s characters in the Pastor fido are hurled toward a collective tragic fate until they discover a family secret, at which point everything is resolved. Yet the pastoral stage, despite its happy resolutions, is by no means a carefree locus: in both Tasso and Guarini’s plays, darkness and death tinge every scene, displaying the morbid underbelly of the golden pastoral surface and the shadows that lurk in the hillsides. Monsters figure prominently in both the Aminta and Pastor fido. Each play features a satyr—part man, part beast—in crisis, touched by love, but unable to ever be himself loved. As satyrs they are the most visible manifestations of monstrosity but are by no means the only ones. In both works, love is proclaimed as a monstrous force, the worst the world has to offer. It is love that perverts, deprives, and pushes characters toward the inhuman, or the less-than-human. Tasso and Guarini’s vocabulary choices cement the monstrous into language: both plays are lit-
{"title":"Monsters of the Pastoral Stage and the Nature of the Unnatural","authors":"Karen T. Raizen","doi":"10.1086/699614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699614","url":null,"abstract":"ALL ENDS WELL in the idyllic hills of the Aminta and Pastor fido. The pastoral stage of the sixteenth century provided an escape from the realities of courtly life and a haven in which even the most dire twists and turns of plot could be resolved into a perky lieto fine. The tragic protagonist of Torquato Tasso’s Aminta, spurned by his beloved, flings himself from a cliff, but in the end he brushes it off, having landed serendipitously in some brush. Battista Guarini’s characters in the Pastor fido are hurled toward a collective tragic fate until they discover a family secret, at which point everything is resolved. Yet the pastoral stage, despite its happy resolutions, is by no means a carefree locus: in both Tasso and Guarini’s plays, darkness and death tinge every scene, displaying the morbid underbelly of the golden pastoral surface and the shadows that lurk in the hillsides. Monsters figure prominently in both the Aminta and Pastor fido. Each play features a satyr—part man, part beast—in crisis, touched by love, but unable to ever be himself loved. As satyrs they are the most visible manifestations of monstrosity but are by no means the only ones. In both works, love is proclaimed as a monstrous force, the worst the world has to offer. It is love that perverts, deprives, and pushes characters toward the inhuman, or the less-than-human. Tasso and Guarini’s vocabulary choices cement the monstrous into language: both plays are lit-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"33 1","pages":"423 - 446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86074895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE FAMOUS LETTER WRITTEN BY THE SIENESE HUMANIST , philologist, politician, and—later—bishop Claudio Tolomei in 1542 and published in 1547 contains a vast program of at least twenty-four books to be published by a network of learned men in Rome dealing with ancient Roman architecture and its contexts andmeanings. While this letter has been reprinted several times and referenced often, few have taken seriously what Tolomei originally wrote. For instance, he claims that the entire program could be finished in less than three years. However, modern research has accepted only one book and two related groups of archaeological drawings after tombstones and sarcophagi as resulting from the work of Tolomei’s network. Recent research instead suggests that Tolomei was right and that not only can large numbers of still understudied sources be traced to his network but also many of the famous early printed books on Roman antiquity can be as well. Following the systematic order of Tolomei’s letter, this article will give a preliminary overview of those sources and books which can be attributed—even still somewhat hypothetically—to Tolomei’s network of artists and scholars, given that they fit so well into the program’s descriptions. They should therefore be seen as concrete re-
{"title":"Tolomei’s Project for a Planned Renaissance of Roman Architecture—Unfinished?","authors":"B. Kulawik","doi":"10.1086/699757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699757","url":null,"abstract":"THE FAMOUS LETTER WRITTEN BY THE SIENESE HUMANIST , philologist, politician, and—later—bishop Claudio Tolomei in 1542 and published in 1547 contains a vast program of at least twenty-four books to be published by a network of learned men in Rome dealing with ancient Roman architecture and its contexts andmeanings. While this letter has been reprinted several times and referenced often, few have taken seriously what Tolomei originally wrote. For instance, he claims that the entire program could be finished in less than three years. However, modern research has accepted only one book and two related groups of archaeological drawings after tombstones and sarcophagi as resulting from the work of Tolomei’s network. Recent research instead suggests that Tolomei was right and that not only can large numbers of still understudied sources be traced to his network but also many of the famous early printed books on Roman antiquity can be as well. Following the systematic order of Tolomei’s letter, this article will give a preliminary overview of those sources and books which can be attributed—even still somewhat hypothetically—to Tolomei’s network of artists and scholars, given that they fit so well into the program’s descriptions. They should therefore be seen as concrete re-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"275 - 297"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75570939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
HOW IS MICHELANGELO presented in the biographies of other artists in Giorgio Vasari’s Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors and Architects? While Vasari’s 1550 and 1568 biographies of Michelangelo have been amply studied, less attention has been paid to the many references to the sculptor elsewhere in the Vite. References to Michelangelo in other biographies address a wide variety of subjects: artists who studied his work, Michelangelo’s evaluation of the work of other artists, his friendships and collaborations, antagonists who sought to thwart him, artists who influenced his work, and Vasari’s occasional disagreements with him. Although Vasari touches on some of these topics in the Life of Michelangelo, the individual biographies, taken together, provide a much fuller account of the rhythm of Michelangelo’s life and the nature of the artistic circles in which he moved. As this essay will demonstrate, a close examination of these references can provide considerable information about artistic practice in Renaissance Italy. The Michelangelo invoked throughout the other lives notably augments the “divino Michelagnolo” extolled in the sculptor’s own vita. Many of the stories about Michelangelo reported in other biographies are well known. My interest lies less in recalling them than in exploring the allusions as a group and showing how they contribute to the synchronic structure of the Lives. While it would be an exaggeration to say that the references to Michelangelo form a narrative, they do form a tendentious accumulation. Subjects recur and often appear in clusters over the course of two or more biographies: there may not be a
{"title":"The Function of Michelangelo in Vasari’s Lives","authors":"Deborah Parker","doi":"10.1086/697048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697048","url":null,"abstract":"HOW IS MICHELANGELO presented in the biographies of other artists in Giorgio Vasari’s Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors and Architects? While Vasari’s 1550 and 1568 biographies of Michelangelo have been amply studied, less attention has been paid to the many references to the sculptor elsewhere in the Vite. References to Michelangelo in other biographies address a wide variety of subjects: artists who studied his work, Michelangelo’s evaluation of the work of other artists, his friendships and collaborations, antagonists who sought to thwart him, artists who influenced his work, and Vasari’s occasional disagreements with him. Although Vasari touches on some of these topics in the Life of Michelangelo, the individual biographies, taken together, provide a much fuller account of the rhythm of Michelangelo’s life and the nature of the artistic circles in which he moved. As this essay will demonstrate, a close examination of these references can provide considerable information about artistic practice in Renaissance Italy. The Michelangelo invoked throughout the other lives notably augments the “divino Michelagnolo” extolled in the sculptor’s own vita. Many of the stories about Michelangelo reported in other biographies are well known. My interest lies less in recalling them than in exploring the allusions as a group and showing how they contribute to the synchronic structure of the Lives. While it would be an exaggeration to say that the references to Michelangelo form a narrative, they do form a tendentious accumulation. Subjects recur and often appear in clusters over the course of two or more biographies: there may not be a","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"43 1","pages":"137 - 157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83828286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THIS ESSAY IS THE FIRST INVESTIGATION of a rare sixteenth-century Ottoman genealogical scroll that is archived in the Laurentian Library in Florence, the Subhat-al-Akhbar. The scroll’s preface identifies the author as Shafii al-Sharif, who addresses Sultan Süleyman as the sitting padshah, or king of kings. No reliable historiographical or biographical information on the production or provenance of al-Sharif ’s scroll exists. Three later versions of Subhat-al-Akhbar from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that are based on al-Sharif ’s are preserved in theViennaNational Library and theMetropolitanMuseum inNewYork. An early example of the genealogy of Ottoman rulers, al-Sharif ’s Laurentian scroll was produced
{"title":"Shafii al-Sharif’s Subhat-al-Akhbar in the Medici Collection: Visualizing Royal Genealogy in the Persico-Islamic and the Medici Courts","authors":"Mahnaz Yousefzadeh","doi":"10.1086/697075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697075","url":null,"abstract":"THIS ESSAY IS THE FIRST INVESTIGATION of a rare sixteenth-century Ottoman genealogical scroll that is archived in the Laurentian Library in Florence, the Subhat-al-Akhbar. The scroll’s preface identifies the author as Shafii al-Sharif, who addresses Sultan Süleyman as the sitting padshah, or king of kings. No reliable historiographical or biographical information on the production or provenance of al-Sharif ’s scroll exists. Three later versions of Subhat-al-Akhbar from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that are based on al-Sharif ’s are preserved in theViennaNational Library and theMetropolitanMuseum inNewYork. An early example of the genealogy of Ottoman rulers, al-Sharif ’s Laurentian scroll was produced","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"159 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80519734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE ELEVENTH SESSION OF THE FIFTH LATERAN COUNCIL (1512–17), held on December 19, 1516, convened to address the subject of proper preaching in an attempt to suppress the proliferation of prophecies from clerics, mendicant preachers, and itinerant hermits claiming to have had a revelation from God. The council labeled such interpretations false prophecies, arguing that they misled laypeople and strayed from scripture. The decree Supernae majestatis praesidio stated: “Anumber of [preachers] are no longer preaching the way of the Lord in virtue and are not expounding the Gospel, as is their duty, but rather invented miracles, new and false prophecies and other frivolities hardly distinguishable from old wives’ tales.” Preachers’ claims to the status of modern prophets to sanction their heterodox views deeply disturbed the Roman curia. At the same time, churchmen such as Giles of Viterbo and Thomas Cajetan, who were involved in drafting the decree on preaching, believed in the reality of true prophecy. Thus, in its generalized attempt to rein in unauthorized biblical interpretation, the council pushed for preachers to
{"title":"“False Prophecies,” Scripture, and the Crisis of Mediation in Early Modern Rome: Sebastiano del Piombo’s Borgherini Chapel in San Pietro in Montorio","authors":"M. Libina","doi":"10.1086/697079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697079","url":null,"abstract":"THE ELEVENTH SESSION OF THE FIFTH LATERAN COUNCIL (1512–17), held on December 19, 1516, convened to address the subject of proper preaching in an attempt to suppress the proliferation of prophecies from clerics, mendicant preachers, and itinerant hermits claiming to have had a revelation from God. The council labeled such interpretations false prophecies, arguing that they misled laypeople and strayed from scripture. The decree Supernae majestatis praesidio stated: “Anumber of [preachers] are no longer preaching the way of the Lord in virtue and are not expounding the Gospel, as is their duty, but rather invented miracles, new and false prophecies and other frivolities hardly distinguishable from old wives’ tales.” Preachers’ claims to the status of modern prophets to sanction their heterodox views deeply disturbed the Roman curia. At the same time, churchmen such as Giles of Viterbo and Thomas Cajetan, who were involved in drafting the decree on preaching, believed in the reality of true prophecy. Thus, in its generalized attempt to rein in unauthorized biblical interpretation, the council pushed for preachers to","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"67 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86801866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ONE OF MY CURRENT RESEARCH PROJECTS centers on architectural authorship. Through issues of authorship of a single building I came to reconsider the relationship of body and building in Renaissance architecture by devising the categories of Tektonikon and Surfacescape and exploring their implications— categories to be studied in the course of this essay. It is this train of thought that I present here as a lightly edited version of the Agnes Mongan lecture as it was delivered at I Tatti in 2016. The building at issue is the Pazzi Chapel in Florence. Before my research, it was regarded as the defining work of Brunelleschi, the “inventor” of Renaissance architecture. Emblematic of the entire Renaissance movement, it was considered a high point in architectural history. Thus, the chapel was made the frontispiece of the Heydenreich-Lotz quattrocento volume of the canonical Pelican History of architecture in its original 1970s edition. It also appeared on the cover of the box for the book and on the dust jacket as well. The chapel received celebrity treatment in other standard textbooks. In H. W. Janson’s widely used survey of the history of art, for example, it is allowed an exceptional four images. Its facade was even depicted on several denominations of Italian banknotes in the late twentieth century (before the Euro). Thus, one can understand why many people, and not only art historians, were sensitive to any questioning of Brunelleschi’s authorship of the chapel, as I was doing in lectures and at conferences beginning in the mid-1990s. Such sensitivity became shock and anger, mainly among Italians, particularly Florentines, when at the invitation of Francesco Dal Co, editor of the prestigious architectural journal Casabella, I published a notorious article in 1996, “Why the Pazzi Chapel Is Not
我目前的一个研究项目是关于建筑创作的。通过单个建筑的作者身份问题，我开始重新考虑文艺复兴时期建筑中身体和建筑的关系，通过设计Tektonikon和Surfacescape的类别，并探索它们的含义——这是本文将要研究的类别。我在这里将这一思路作为艾格尼丝·蒙根(Agnes Mongan) 2016年在I塔蒂(I Tatti)演讲的略微编辑版呈现给大家。争议的建筑是佛罗伦萨的帕齐教堂。在我研究之前，它被认为是文艺复兴建筑的“发明者”布鲁内莱斯基的标志性作品。它是整个文艺复兴运动的象征，被认为是建筑史上的一个高点。因此，这座教堂成为了Heydenreich-Lotz在20世纪70年代原版的鹈鹕建筑历史的四世纪卷的扉页。它也出现在书的盒盖和防尘套上。在其他标准教科书中，这座教堂受到了名人的关注。例如，在h.w.詹森(h.w. Janson)被广泛使用的艺术史调查中，它被允许使用四张特殊的图像。它的正面甚至被描绘在20世纪后期(在欧元出现之前)几种面额的意大利钞票上。因此，人们可以理解为什么许多人，不仅仅是艺术史学家，对布鲁内莱斯基对教堂的作者身份的任何质疑都很敏感，就像我在20世纪90年代中期开始的讲座和会议上所做的那样。当我应著名建筑杂志《Casabella》的编辑弗朗西斯科·达尔(Francesco Dal Co)的邀请，于1996年发表了一篇臭名昭著的文章《为什么帕齐教堂没有》(Why the Pazzi Chapel Is Not)时，这种敏感变成了震惊和愤怒，主要是在意大利人，尤其是佛罗伦萨人当中
{"title":"Tektonikon and Surfacescape: Architecture and the Body in the Italian Renaissance","authors":"M. Trachtenberg","doi":"10.1086/697116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697116","url":null,"abstract":"ONE OF MY CURRENT RESEARCH PROJECTS centers on architectural authorship. Through issues of authorship of a single building I came to reconsider the relationship of body and building in Renaissance architecture by devising the categories of Tektonikon and Surfacescape and exploring their implications— categories to be studied in the course of this essay. It is this train of thought that I present here as a lightly edited version of the Agnes Mongan lecture as it was delivered at I Tatti in 2016. The building at issue is the Pazzi Chapel in Florence. Before my research, it was regarded as the defining work of Brunelleschi, the “inventor” of Renaissance architecture. Emblematic of the entire Renaissance movement, it was considered a high point in architectural history. Thus, the chapel was made the frontispiece of the Heydenreich-Lotz quattrocento volume of the canonical Pelican History of architecture in its original 1970s edition. It also appeared on the cover of the box for the book and on the dust jacket as well. The chapel received celebrity treatment in other standard textbooks. In H. W. Janson’s widely used survey of the history of art, for example, it is allowed an exceptional four images. Its facade was even depicted on several denominations of Italian banknotes in the late twentieth century (before the Euro). Thus, one can understand why many people, and not only art historians, were sensitive to any questioning of Brunelleschi’s authorship of the chapel, as I was doing in lectures and at conferences beginning in the mid-1990s. Such sensitivity became shock and anger, mainly among Italians, particularly Florentines, when at the invitation of Francesco Dal Co, editor of the prestigious architectural journal Casabella, I published a notorious article in 1996, “Why the Pazzi Chapel Is Not","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"266 1","pages":"7 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77163354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The cover for this issue features a predella panel from the Berenson collection by the Sienese artist Matteo di Giovanni of a young Augustine in elegant dress, eyes closed, a book in his hand (fig. 1). We find him in desolate terrain, albeit marked by an elaborate architectural structure emitting from one of its windows a heavenly light. Kneeling in prayer not far from her son is Augustine’s mother, Monica, her gaze steadily focused on the drowsy young man. In this quasi-mystical space— the stony slabs make one think of Jerome’s or Anthony’s time in the desert—Matteo gives us the moment just before Augustine’s eyes fall on the passage from Paul’s letter to the Romans, in which the apostle counsels his readers to “put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh in its concupiscence” (Rom. 13: 13–4). This is thus the setting of conversion, even if it is hardly the “Milanese garden” of the Confessions, where Augustine hears the voice telling him to “tolle, lege”—take and read the words of the Bible randomly opened before him. Painted for the church of Sant’Agostino in the little town of Asciano around 1474, this is the only surviving panel from the predella to Matteo’s altarpiece of Mary’s assumption—another exemplary mother awakening sons and daughters to the possibility of a new life as she rises majestically from the open tomb. Augustine’s open book, particularly one opened randomly to a phrase, hearkens back to the Sortes Vergilianae. But by the time of Matteo’s panel, it would have had less “pagan” overtones. In her essay in this issue on the Borgherini chapel in Rome, Marsha Libina calls attention to a phrase on a curled piece of parchment from Sebastiano del Piombo’s painting: “it will be opened in time” (aperietur in tempore). Libina notes that the Confessions itself ends with the phrase “sic aperietur” (it shall be opened), and that Augustine uses the verb for opening throughout his text. Or, as Libina writes, in Book VI, Ambrose “opened (aperiret) the true, spiritual meaning of certain pas-
这期杂志的封面是锡耶纳艺术家马泰奥·迪·乔瓦尼(Matteo di Giovanni)在贝伦森(Berenson)收藏的一幅predella画板，画的是年轻的奥古斯丁，穿着优雅的衣服，闭着眼睛，手里拿着一本书(图1)。我们发现他身处荒凉的地形，尽管一座精致的建筑结构从一扇窗户里射出天堂般的光芒。奥古斯丁的母亲莫尼卡(Monica)跪在儿子不远处祈祷，她目不转睛地盯着这个昏昏欲睡的年轻人。在这个近乎神秘的空间里——石板让人想起杰罗姆或安东尼在沙漠中的时光——马泰奥给了我们一个时刻，就在奥古斯丁的目光落在保罗给罗马人的信上的一段话之前，使徒劝告他的读者“要把主耶稣基督放在身上，不要为肉体的贪欲做准备”(罗马书13:13 - 4)。这就是皈依的背景，即使它不是《忏悔录》中的“米兰花园”，奥古斯丁在那里听到一个声音告诉他“tolle, lege”——拿起并阅读随机打开在他面前的《圣经》中的文字。这幅画是1474年左右为阿西萨诺小镇的圣阿戈斯蒂诺教堂绘制的，是马特奥的圣母升天祭坛画的唯一幸存的画板——另一个典型的母亲从敞开的坟墓中庄严地站起来，唤醒儿子和女儿，让他们意识到新生活的可能性。奥古斯丁打开的书，尤其是随机打开一个短语的书，让人想起了《维吉里亚尼论》但到了马泰奥小组的时候，它的“异教”色彩就少了。玛莎·利比娜(Marsha Libina)在本期关于罗马博尔盖里尼教堂(Borgherini chapel)的文章中，提请人们注意塞巴斯蒂亚诺·德尔·皮昂博(Sebastiano del Piombo)画作中一张卷曲的羊皮纸上的一句话:“它将及时打开”(aperietur In tempore)。利比娜注意到《忏悔录》本身以短语“sic aperietur”(它将被打开)结束，奥古斯丁在他的文本中使用动词来打开。或者，正如利比娜在第六本书中所写的那样，安布罗斯“打开了某些过去的真正精神意义。
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Jane Tylus","doi":"10.1086/697117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697117","url":null,"abstract":"The cover for this issue features a predella panel from the Berenson collection by the Sienese artist Matteo di Giovanni of a young Augustine in elegant dress, eyes closed, a book in his hand (fig. 1). We find him in desolate terrain, albeit marked by an elaborate architectural structure emitting from one of its windows a heavenly light. Kneeling in prayer not far from her son is Augustine’s mother, Monica, her gaze steadily focused on the drowsy young man. In this quasi-mystical space— the stony slabs make one think of Jerome’s or Anthony’s time in the desert—Matteo gives us the moment just before Augustine’s eyes fall on the passage from Paul’s letter to the Romans, in which the apostle counsels his readers to “put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh in its concupiscence” (Rom. 13: 13–4). This is thus the setting of conversion, even if it is hardly the “Milanese garden” of the Confessions, where Augustine hears the voice telling him to “tolle, lege”—take and read the words of the Bible randomly opened before him. Painted for the church of Sant’Agostino in the little town of Asciano around 1474, this is the only surviving panel from the predella to Matteo’s altarpiece of Mary’s assumption—another exemplary mother awakening sons and daughters to the possibility of a new life as she rises majestically from the open tomb. Augustine’s open book, particularly one opened randomly to a phrase, hearkens back to the Sortes Vergilianae. But by the time of Matteo’s panel, it would have had less “pagan” overtones. In her essay in this issue on the Borgherini chapel in Rome, Marsha Libina calls attention to a phrase on a curled piece of parchment from Sebastiano del Piombo’s painting: “it will be opened in time” (aperietur in tempore). Libina notes that the Confessions itself ends with the phrase “sic aperietur” (it shall be opened), and that Augustine uses the verb for opening throughout his text. Or, as Libina writes, in Book VI, Ambrose “opened (aperiret) the true, spiritual meaning of certain pas-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"1 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90484418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE astrological ideas of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463–94) still remains one of the most intriguing aspects of his legacy. Although Pico explicitly dedicated only his last philosophical treatise, the Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem (1493–94), to the study of astrology, his views on the subject can be found in nearly all his texts. The current article aims to show the evolution of Pico’s philosophical outlook from 1486 to 1493, the year in which he started writing the Disputationes. This focus on Giovanni Pico’s astrological views will illustrate the development of his itinéraire philosophique from early Neoplatonic writings and ambitious theological projects to the later biblical commentaries. While at an early stage of his career Pico was fascinated by recently discovered sources such as the Kabbalah, Plato, and Neoplatonic writings as a means of interpreting astrology, he would eventually deviate from them. Between 1489 and 1491 he posited for the first time the question of the communication of two essential as-
乔瓦尼·皮科·德拉·米兰多拉(Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, 1463-94)占星术思想的发展至今仍是他遗产中最引人入胜的方面之一。尽管皮科明确地把他的最后一篇哲学论文《论辩与占星学》(1493 - 1494)奉献给了占星学的研究，但他对这一主题的看法几乎可以在他所有的文本中找到。这篇文章旨在展示从1486年到1493年(他开始写《论辩》的那一年)，皮科哲学观的演变。对乔瓦尼·皮科的占星术观点的关注将说明他从早期新柏拉图主义著作和雄心勃勃的神学计划到后来的圣经注释的启蒙哲学的发展。虽然在他职业生涯的早期阶段，Pico被最近发现的卡巴拉，柏拉图和新柏拉图主义著作等资料迷住了，作为解释占星术的一种手段，但他最终偏离了这些。在1489年到1491年间，他首次提出了两个基本as-的交流问题
{"title":"Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and Astrology (1486–1493): From Scientia Naturalis to the Disputationes adversus astrologiam","authors":"O. Akopyan","doi":"10.1086/697034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697034","url":null,"abstract":"THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE astrological ideas of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463–94) still remains one of the most intriguing aspects of his legacy. Although Pico explicitly dedicated only his last philosophical treatise, the Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem (1493–94), to the study of astrology, his views on the subject can be found in nearly all his texts. The current article aims to show the evolution of Pico’s philosophical outlook from 1486 to 1493, the year in which he started writing the Disputationes. This focus on Giovanni Pico’s astrological views will illustrate the development of his itinéraire philosophique from early Neoplatonic writings and ambitious theological projects to the later biblical commentaries. While at an early stage of his career Pico was fascinated by recently discovered sources such as the Kabbalah, Plato, and Neoplatonic writings as a means of interpreting astrology, he would eventually deviate from them. Between 1489 and 1491 he posited for the first time the question of the communication of two essential as-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"92 1","pages":"47 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79949699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
WRITINGS ABOUT THE MANAGEMENT of the household and the family flourished in Renaissance Italy. Writers such as Leon Battista Alberti with his Libri della famiglia (Books on the family; 1433–41), Sperone Speroni with his Dialogo della cura familiare (Dialogue on family care; 1542), and Torquato Tasso with Il padre di famiglia (The father of the family; 1580) commented on housekeeping (governo della casa) or family care (cura familiare). Relying on the tradition of ancient oikonomia, that is, the art of household management, these writers drew from famous works such as Xenophon’s Oikonomikos (The householder), the pseudoAristotelian Oikonomika (Economics) and even the Aristotelian Politics. In premodern oikonomia not only economic aspects in the modern sense of the word (i.e., the treatment of goods and financial questions) were at stake but also the social relationships between family members. That is why major questions driving premodern economic texts are concerned with how a good pater familias should treat his wife, children, and servants and how he should administer the goods of his household—a familymore inclusive than today’s, comprised of all who live together in a household. The following essay will analyze in detail an example from Tasso’s Il padre di famiglia in order to demonstrate how this dialogue challenges traditional economic
关于家庭管理的著作在文艺复兴时期的意大利非常盛行。作家如莱昂·巴蒂斯塔·阿尔贝蒂和他的家庭书籍;1433-41)， Sperone Speroni的《家庭关怀对话》(Dialogo della cura familiare;1542年)和Torquato Tasso与Il padre di familiia(家庭之父;1580年)评论家政(governo Della casa)或家庭护理(cura familiare)。这些作家依靠古代家庭管理艺术的传统，从色诺芬的《户主》、伪亚里士多德的《经济学》甚至亚里士多德的《政治学》等著名著作中汲取灵感。在前现代经济学中，不仅现代意义上的经济方面(即对商品和金融问题的处理)受到威胁，而且家庭成员之间的社会关系也受到威胁。这就是为什么推动前现代经济文本的主要问题是关于一个好的父亲家庭应该如何对待他的妻子、孩子和仆人，以及他应该如何管理他的家庭——一个比今天的家庭更具包容性的家庭，由所有生活在一起的人组成。下面这篇文章将详细分析塔索的《家庭之父》中的一个例子，以展示这种对话是如何挑战传统经济的
{"title":"Silence and Dissent: Tasso’s Challenge to the Discourse of Oikonomia in Il padre di famiglia (1580)","authors":"C. Schaefer","doi":"10.1086/697049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/697049","url":null,"abstract":"WRITINGS ABOUT THE MANAGEMENT of the household and the family flourished in Renaissance Italy. Writers such as Leon Battista Alberti with his Libri della famiglia (Books on the family; 1433–41), Sperone Speroni with his Dialogo della cura familiare (Dialogue on family care; 1542), and Torquato Tasso with Il padre di famiglia (The father of the family; 1580) commented on housekeeping (governo della casa) or family care (cura familiare). Relying on the tradition of ancient oikonomia, that is, the art of household management, these writers drew from famous works such as Xenophon’s Oikonomikos (The householder), the pseudoAristotelian Oikonomika (Economics) and even the Aristotelian Politics. In premodern oikonomia not only economic aspects in the modern sense of the word (i.e., the treatment of goods and financial questions) were at stake but also the social relationships between family members. That is why major questions driving premodern economic texts are concerned with how a good pater familias should treat his wife, children, and servants and how he should administer the goods of his household—a familymore inclusive than today’s, comprised of all who live together in a household. The following essay will analyze in detail an example from Tasso’s Il padre di famiglia in order to demonstrate how this dialogue challenges traditional economic","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"185 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80733494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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