LIKE DANTE AND THE ALBERTI FAMILY, Filippo Strozzi (fig. 1) (1428–91) spent many years in exile yet remained a patriotic Florentine. After 1447 he lived in Naples as a banker, where he regained the family’s fortune thanks to the monarch’s support. Not only did he become the king’s financial advisor, but as of 1455 he also acted as agent for the Medici Bank, notwithstanding the period of his exile, which did not end until 1466, owing to the intervention of King Ferrante of Naples (reigned 1458–94). A year later, in Florence, on the occasion of the baptism of Strozzi’s first son, named after Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, who was the infant’s godfather, it was the young Lorenzo de’Medici who acted as proxy for the absent duke. Strozzi had been host to the seventeen-year-old Lorenzo on his visit to
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IN VICTIMS AND VILLAINS IN VASARI ’S LIVES , Andrew Ladis calls attention to the ways in which theVite of 1568 establishes a point-counterpoint of heroes and antiheroes that generates the narrative’s moral tension and literary energy: “Joined by common citizenship,” artists in this work “participate in a great morality play in which sacred virtues, such as humility, charity, and faith, vie against the base motives that perpetually threaten Vasari’s sacred brotherhood.” Among the many protagonists of this sweeping drama, Ladis reads Fra Angelico and Fra Filippo Lippi as each other’s foil. This seems an appropriate pairing, given the proximity of the two lives in Vasari’s oeuvre (only five vite apart from each other), the fact that both artists were friars, and the stark contrast in how they lived out their monastic vows. Opposite the angelic Fra Giovanni da Fiesole, for whom “virtue is an article of craft as well as faith,” Ladis places the undisciplined and dissolute Lippi, who used the nun with whom he would elope and conceive a child as his model for a painting of the Madonna. Fra Angelico, in Ladis’s reading, is hero to Lippi’s antihero, onemore positive exemplum in a sequence of edifying contrasts that shape Vasari’s history of the rebirth of art in Italy.
在《瓦萨里生活中的受害者和恶棍》中，安德鲁·拉迪斯(Andrew Ladis)提醒人们注意，1568年的《生命》是如何建立英雄和反英雄的对位关系的，这种对位关系产生了叙事的道德张力和文学能量:“通过共同的公民身份，”这部作品中的艺术家“参与了一场伟大的道德剧，其中神圣的美德，如谦逊、慈善和信仰，与永远威胁瓦萨里神圣兄弟情谊的基本动机相抗衡。”在这部影响深远的戏剧的众多主角中，拉迪斯把弗拉·安杰利科和弗拉·菲利波·里皮视为彼此的陪衬。这似乎是一个合适的组合，考虑到瓦萨里的作品中两人的生活很接近(彼此只有五个人相隔)，两位艺术家都是修士，以及他们如何履行修道院誓言的鲜明对比。在天使般的弗拉·乔瓦尼·达·费索莱(Fra Giovanni da Fiesole)看来，“美德既是一种手艺，也是一种信仰”，而拉迪斯则把放荡不羁的里皮放在他的前面，里皮把与他私奔并怀上孩子的修女作为他画圣母像的模特。在拉迪斯的解读中，弗拉·安杰利科(Fra Angelico)是里皮反英雄的英雄，是瓦萨里塑造意大利艺术重生历史的一系列具有启发性的对比中的又一个积极范例。
{"title":"“La forza della virtù”: Vasari on Skill and Holiness in the Lives of Fra Angelico and Filippo Lippi","authors":"A. Russell","doi":"10.1086/708118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708118","url":null,"abstract":"IN VICTIMS AND VILLAINS IN VASARI ’S LIVES , Andrew Ladis calls attention to the ways in which theVite of 1568 establishes a point-counterpoint of heroes and antiheroes that generates the narrative’s moral tension and literary energy: “Joined by common citizenship,” artists in this work “participate in a great morality play in which sacred virtues, such as humility, charity, and faith, vie against the base motives that perpetually threaten Vasari’s sacred brotherhood.” Among the many protagonists of this sweeping drama, Ladis reads Fra Angelico and Fra Filippo Lippi as each other’s foil. This seems an appropriate pairing, given the proximity of the two lives in Vasari’s oeuvre (only five vite apart from each other), the fact that both artists were friars, and the stark contrast in how they lived out their monastic vows. Opposite the angelic Fra Giovanni da Fiesole, for whom “virtue is an article of craft as well as faith,” Ladis places the undisciplined and dissolute Lippi, who used the nun with whom he would elope and conceive a child as his model for a painting of the Madonna. Fra Angelico, in Ladis’s reading, is hero to Lippi’s antihero, onemore positive exemplum in a sequence of edifying contrasts that shape Vasari’s history of the rebirth of art in Italy.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"101 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88122074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ON APRIL 27, 1465, Braccio Martelli (1442–1513) wrote to Lorenzo de’Medici, still in his mid-teens, on his way north to represent his ailing father and his city at the Sforza-Aragonese wedding inMilan. It is a famous letter, known principally for its account of thewedding celebrations ofNiccolὸArdinghelli and LucreziaDonati— the former in exile from Florence since theMedici crackdown of 1458, the latter the object of Lorenzo’s youthful passion—with the writer employing a prearranged code to conceal the names of the couple, their guests, and the individual who hosted some, at least, of the related social events. This latter figure is designated 16. A century ago, Isidoro Del Lungo, the first to publish Braccio’s letter, offered solutions to some of the challenges presented by the code but without making any specific suggestion as to the identity of 16. More recent scholars have, on
1465年4月27日，布拉克乔·马尔泰利(1442-1513)写信给洛伦佐·德·美第奇(Lorenzo de 'Medici)，当时他才十五几岁，正要前往北方，代表他生病的父亲和他的城市参加在米兰举行的斯福尔扎-阿拉贡婚礼。这是一封著名的信，主要是因为它描述了尼科尔·阿丁赫利和卢克蕾齐亚·阿多纳蒂的婚礼庆典——前者自1458年美第奇家族镇压以来被流放出佛罗伦萨，后者是洛伦佐年轻时的激情对象——作者使用了一个事先安排好的密码来隐藏这对夫妇的名字，他们的客人，以及主持一些相关社交活动的人，至少。后一个数字被指定为16。一个世纪前，第一个公布布拉乔信的人伊西多罗·德尔·伦戈(Isidoro Del Lungo)为密码带来的一些挑战提供了解决方案，但没有就16的身份提出任何具体建议。最近的学者们对此进行了研究
{"title":"Decoding Code Name 16: Was Francesco Caccini the Host of the Donati-Ardinghelli Wedding Celebrations of 1465?","authors":"J. Bryce","doi":"10.1086/708192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708192","url":null,"abstract":"ON APRIL 27, 1465, Braccio Martelli (1442–1513) wrote to Lorenzo de’Medici, still in his mid-teens, on his way north to represent his ailing father and his city at the Sforza-Aragonese wedding inMilan. It is a famous letter, known principally for its account of thewedding celebrations ofNiccolὸArdinghelli and LucreziaDonati— the former in exile from Florence since theMedici crackdown of 1458, the latter the object of Lorenzo’s youthful passion—with the writer employing a prearranged code to conceal the names of the couple, their guests, and the individual who hosted some, at least, of the related social events. This latter figure is designated 16. A century ago, Isidoro Del Lungo, the first to publish Braccio’s letter, offered solutions to some of the challenges presented by the code but without making any specific suggestion as to the identity of 16. More recent scholars have, on","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"7 - 32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84444116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THIS ESSAY CONCERNS THE MORALITY of wealth and the range of meanings it had for people in Florence during the fifteenth century. While there were contemporary humanist discussions and reassessments of the value of wealth, such as those of Poggio Bracciolini, I am concerned here with what Florentines were hearing from their pulpits. My focus is on sermon texts that fed discussion about the pros and cons of wealth and, with it, poverty. To borrow the words of a Dominican preacher from Santa Maria Novella: “Poverty comes with the rich man’s feasting. Through Lazarus he is challenged daily to acts of virtue.” These words assign agency to the poor. They served as a constant reminder of the rich man’s obligations. But the pithy sentences also ascribe the source of poverty to the activities of the rich man himself. The biblical parable of Dives and Lazarus—where Dives is consigned to hell and Lazarus is welcomed into the bosom of Abraham—articulated the anxiety that drove the moral discussions of the period: “Could a rich man enter the kingdom of heaven?” In our day, this question, thus posed, may seem prosaic tomany (although perennially pertinent in the context of the church’s relationship to poverty), but the issue at that time obsessed the wealthy in the context of the
这篇文章关注的是财富的道德性及其对15世纪佛罗伦萨人的意义范围。虽然当时有人文主义的讨论和对财富价值的重新评估，比如波乔·布拉乔利尼(Poggio Bracciolini)的讨论，但我在这里关心的是佛罗伦萨人从他们的讲坛上听到的东西。我关注的是那些引发了关于财富和贫穷利弊的讨论的布道文本。借用一位多米尼加传教士在圣玛丽亚·诺维拉(Santa Maria Novella)中的话说:“贫穷伴随着富人的盛宴而来。”通过拉撒路，他每天都受到美德行为的挑战。”这些话赋予穷人代理权。它们时刻提醒着这位富人的义务。但简洁的句子也把贫穷的根源归咎于富人自己的活动。《圣经》中斐夫和拉撒路的寓言——斐夫被打入地狱，而拉撒路被欢迎进入亚伯拉罕的怀抱——明确表达了当时推动道德讨论的焦虑:“富人能进天国吗?”在我们这个时代，这样提出的这个问题可能对许多人来说是平淡无奇的(尽管在教会与贫困关系的背景下，这个问题一直是相关的)，但在那个时代，这个问题困扰着富人
{"title":"The Language of Dives and Lazarus: Preaching Generosity and Almsgiving in Renaissance Florence","authors":"P. Howard","doi":"10.1086/708110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708110","url":null,"abstract":"THIS ESSAY CONCERNS THE MORALITY of wealth and the range of meanings it had for people in Florence during the fifteenth century. While there were contemporary humanist discussions and reassessments of the value of wealth, such as those of Poggio Bracciolini, I am concerned here with what Florentines were hearing from their pulpits. My focus is on sermon texts that fed discussion about the pros and cons of wealth and, with it, poverty. To borrow the words of a Dominican preacher from Santa Maria Novella: “Poverty comes with the rich man’s feasting. Through Lazarus he is challenged daily to acts of virtue.” These words assign agency to the poor. They served as a constant reminder of the rich man’s obligations. But the pithy sentences also ascribe the source of poverty to the activities of the rich man himself. The biblical parable of Dives and Lazarus—where Dives is consigned to hell and Lazarus is welcomed into the bosom of Abraham—articulated the anxiety that drove the moral discussions of the period: “Could a rich man enter the kingdom of heaven?” In our day, this question, thus posed, may seem prosaic tomany (although perennially pertinent in the context of the church’s relationship to poverty), but the issue at that time obsessed the wealthy in the context of the","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"33 - 51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91282724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
AFTER VISITING THE UFFIZI IN 1819, Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792–1822)made the following observations regarding a marble relief (fig. 1) from the workshop of Andrea del Verrocchio (1435–88): “[There is] . . . a woman who appears to be in the act of rushing in, with disheveled hair and violent gestures, and in one hand either a whip or a thunderbolt. She is probably some emblematic person whose personification would be a key to the whole. What they are all wailing at, I don’t know; whether the lady is dying or the father has ordered the child to be exposed; but if the mother be not dead, such a tumult would kill a woman in the straw these days.” Both Shelley and the current opinion of his day were mistaken in assuming this relief was an ancient work. The poet was correct, however, in surmising that the tormented female figure storming onto the scene at the extreme right-hand side—gripping her hair, not a thunderbolt (fig. 2)—provided a key to the understanding of the composition as a whole.With her swirling hair and equally roiling, windswept drapery, as well as her emphatically “antique” costume, this agitated embodiment of extreme grief or panic clearly derives from the familiar antique model of the Maenad. Ancient artists characteristically depicted these female followers of Dionysus as engaging in frenetic, ecstatic activity, signified by the turbulentmotion of their hair and garments (see, e.g., figs. 3 and 4). Shelley was obviously familiar with the type, as we
{"title":"Death and the Maenad","authors":"Rob Millard","doi":"10.1086/708193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708193","url":null,"abstract":"AFTER VISITING THE UFFIZI IN 1819, Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792–1822)made the following observations regarding a marble relief (fig. 1) from the workshop of Andrea del Verrocchio (1435–88): “[There is] . . . a woman who appears to be in the act of rushing in, with disheveled hair and violent gestures, and in one hand either a whip or a thunderbolt. She is probably some emblematic person whose personification would be a key to the whole. What they are all wailing at, I don’t know; whether the lady is dying or the father has ordered the child to be exposed; but if the mother be not dead, such a tumult would kill a woman in the straw these days.” Both Shelley and the current opinion of his day were mistaken in assuming this relief was an ancient work. The poet was correct, however, in surmising that the tormented female figure storming onto the scene at the extreme right-hand side—gripping her hair, not a thunderbolt (fig. 2)—provided a key to the understanding of the composition as a whole.With her swirling hair and equally roiling, windswept drapery, as well as her emphatically “antique” costume, this agitated embodiment of extreme grief or panic clearly derives from the familiar antique model of the Maenad. Ancient artists characteristically depicted these female followers of Dionysus as engaging in frenetic, ecstatic activity, signified by the turbulentmotion of their hair and garments (see, e.g., figs. 3 and 4). Shelley was obviously familiar with the type, as we","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"53 - 75"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78219249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This issue opens with a Florentine wedding and speculations on its mysterious host (Judith Bryce’s “Decoding Codename 16”). The Berenson collection features several works related to weddings, but the one that particularly caught my eye features trumpeters, coy maidens, dejected suitors, and a haggard looking husband-to-be: Francesco Botticini’s Sposalizio della Vergine (fig. 1). What’s more, it was painted for a church in Florence—San Felice in Piazza on the Oltrarno— some five years before the marriage ceremony discussed by Bryce. And even though in 1918 Bernard Berenson thought the panel he had recently purchased was by the Perugian painter Giovanni Boccati, he cited the plausibility of earlier arguments attributing it to Fra Angelico, given that “much . . . in the composition suggests Florence.” Botticini’s Marriage of the Virgin may indeed be reminiscent of Florentine weddings and sites, and not simply because Botticini was Florentine. The seven pillars may look to the library of San Marco designed by Michelozzo, the same architect behind the Renaissance facade of the church where Botticini’s work was once housed. The trumpeters themselves, awash in red and by far the most colorful members of the wedding party (although Mary’s now-gray dress was once a glowing purple, as Laurence Kanter notes) were staples at Florentine ceremonies. The painting features a daring asymmetry—the space behind Joseph is much more crowded and busier than the comparatively vacant space occupied by Mary’s calm handmaidens—and at least one tantalizing puzzle: of the four doors that line the room, the one to Mary’s right is slightly ajar. Perhaps it’s out of carelessness, or perhaps it’s a sign of the opening into a new life for Mary and her husband— and for all future Christians. But Botticini seems to make this moment more solemn than festive, judging from Joseph's concentrated expression and Mary's modest demeanor as she shuts her eyes. (The jilted male suitors, two of whom are seen breaking their rods, would no doubt describe the occasion differently.)
这期杂志以一场佛罗伦萨的婚礼和对其神秘主人的猜测(朱迪思·布莱斯的《解码代号16》)开篇。贝伦森的藏品中有几幅与婚礼有关的作品，但其中最吸引我的是号手、腼腆的少女、沮丧的追求者和一位面容憔悴的未婚夫:弗朗西斯科·波提西尼的《新娘》(Sposalizio della Vergine)(图1)。更重要的是，这幅画是为奥尔特拉诺广场上佛罗伦萨圣菲利斯的一座教堂画的，比布莱斯讨论的婚礼早了大约五年。尽管在1918年伯纳德·贝伦森认为他最近购买的画板是秘鲁画家乔瓦尼·博卡蒂的作品，但他引用了早先的论点，认为它是弗拉·安杰利科的作品，因为“太多……这幅画暗示了弗洛伦斯。”波提西尼的《圣母的婚礼》可能确实让人想起了佛罗伦萨的婚礼和场所，这并不仅仅是因为波提西尼是佛罗伦萨人。这七根柱子可能指向圣马可图书馆，该图书馆由米凯洛佐(Michelozzo)设计，这座教堂文艺复兴时期的立面也是由米凯洛佐设计的，波提西尼的作品曾存放在那里。号手们一身红色，是婚礼上色彩最鲜艳的成员(尽管正如劳伦斯·坎特(Laurence Kanter)所写，玛丽现在穿的灰色礼服曾经是闪闪发光的紫色)，他们是佛罗伦萨仪式上的主要人物。这幅画的特点是大胆的不对称——约瑟夫身后的空间比玛丽平静的女仆们占据的相对空旷的空间要拥挤和繁忙得多——至少有一个诱人的谜题:房间里有四扇门，玛丽右边的那扇门微微半掩着。也许这是粗心大意，也许这是玛丽和她丈夫——以及所有未来的基督徒——开始新生活的标志。但波提西尼似乎使这一刻更加庄严而不是节日，从约瑟夫集中的表情和玛丽闭上眼睛时的谦虚举止来判断。(被抛弃的男性追求者，其中两人被看到折断了他们的棍棒，毫无疑问，他们会以不同的方式描述这个场合。)
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Jane Tylus","doi":"10.1086/708191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708191","url":null,"abstract":"This issue opens with a Florentine wedding and speculations on its mysterious host (Judith Bryce’s “Decoding Codename 16”). The Berenson collection features several works related to weddings, but the one that particularly caught my eye features trumpeters, coy maidens, dejected suitors, and a haggard looking husband-to-be: Francesco Botticini’s Sposalizio della Vergine (fig. 1). What’s more, it was painted for a church in Florence—San Felice in Piazza on the Oltrarno— some five years before the marriage ceremony discussed by Bryce. And even though in 1918 Bernard Berenson thought the panel he had recently purchased was by the Perugian painter Giovanni Boccati, he cited the plausibility of earlier arguments attributing it to Fra Angelico, given that “much . . . in the composition suggests Florence.” Botticini’s Marriage of the Virgin may indeed be reminiscent of Florentine weddings and sites, and not simply because Botticini was Florentine. The seven pillars may look to the library of San Marco designed by Michelozzo, the same architect behind the Renaissance facade of the church where Botticini’s work was once housed. The trumpeters themselves, awash in red and by far the most colorful members of the wedding party (although Mary’s now-gray dress was once a glowing purple, as Laurence Kanter notes) were staples at Florentine ceremonies. The painting features a daring asymmetry—the space behind Joseph is much more crowded and busier than the comparatively vacant space occupied by Mary’s calm handmaidens—and at least one tantalizing puzzle: of the four doors that line the room, the one to Mary’s right is slightly ajar. Perhaps it’s out of carelessness, or perhaps it’s a sign of the opening into a new life for Mary and her husband— and for all future Christians. But Botticini seems to make this moment more solemn than festive, judging from Joseph's concentrated expression and Mary's modest demeanor as she shuts her eyes. (The jilted male suitors, two of whom are seen breaking their rods, would no doubt describe the occasion differently.)","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"1 - 5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84083551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
AN INTRIGUING DRAWING PRESERVED in the Cabinet des arts graphiques of the LouvreMuseum, executed in pen and ink, represents Bacchus holding a wine cup and accompanied by a goat (fig. 1). The drawing presents two lacunae, which appear to be the result of ink corrosion: one at the level of the god’s genitalia, and a less important one in the goat’s left leg. An etching by Count de Caylus (fig. 2) provides evidence not only that the drawing was of interest to this French antiquarian but, more critically, that it was in Paris by the first half of the eighteenth century and can be dated before 1728. As indicated by an inscription at the bottom left of the etching, Caylus attributes the drawing to Annibale Carracci. To date, this drawing has been studied only by Catherine Loisel, who alludes to it in a brief notice in her major inventory of drawings by Ludovico, Agostino, and Annibale Carracci
一幅保存在卢浮宫艺术画柜的有趣的画，用钢笔和墨水绘制，描绘了巴克斯拿着酒杯和一只山羊在一起(图1)。这幅画有两个凹痕，似乎是墨水腐蚀的结果:一个在神的生殖器的水平，一个不太重要的在山羊的左腿上。凯吕斯伯爵(Count de Caylus)的一幅蚀刻画(图2)不仅证明了这幅画引起了这位法国古物学家的兴趣，而且更重要的是，它在18世纪上半叶就在巴黎，可以追溯到1728年之前。正如蚀刻版画左下角的铭文所表明的那样，Caylus认为这幅画是Annibale Carracci画的。迄今为止，只有Catherine Loisel研究过这幅画，她在Ludovico, Agostino和Annibale Carracci的主要画作清单中的简短通知中提到了这幅画
{"title":"A Playful Invention: Agostino Carracci’s Bacchus with Goat in the Louvre","authors":"Cyril Gerbron","doi":"10.1086/708221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708221","url":null,"abstract":"AN INTRIGUING DRAWING PRESERVED in the Cabinet des arts graphiques of the LouvreMuseum, executed in pen and ink, represents Bacchus holding a wine cup and accompanied by a goat (fig. 1). The drawing presents two lacunae, which appear to be the result of ink corrosion: one at the level of the god’s genitalia, and a less important one in the goat’s left leg. An etching by Count de Caylus (fig. 2) provides evidence not only that the drawing was of interest to this French antiquarian but, more critically, that it was in Paris by the first half of the eighteenth century and can be dated before 1728. As indicated by an inscription at the bottom left of the etching, Caylus attributes the drawing to Annibale Carracci. To date, this drawing has been studied only by Catherine Loisel, who alludes to it in a brief notice in her major inventory of drawings by Ludovico, Agostino, and Annibale Carracci","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"153 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73883235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A FEW YEARS AGO , faced with the prospect of teaching the graduate methods course and rehearsing, once again, the origins of the academic discipline of art history in the philosophical debates of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, I decided to make my version of the seminar about something a little different. I reframed the course to address the situations in which art and artists became topics, for different reasons and within different discourses. Some of the alternative discourses, especially the tradition of life writing inaugurated by Giorgio Vasari in the sixteenth century, are familiar waypoints in historiographical accounts of the origins of art history. Others, including natural history in the tradition of Pliny the Elder, had, until very recently, lost their instrumental potential as ways of thinking and speaking about art and artists. While Pliny’s monumental book is a recognized source text for artistic culture, for Vasari’s life-writing project, and for the later philosophical/critical tradition founded in the writings of Kant and Hegel, its influence, as a work of world building and as a potential model for addressing the pictorial arts of Renaissance Italy, has yet to be fully explored. While architectural historians have made headway in tracing the reception of Pliny’s work within the emerging architectural practices and theories of the fifteenth
几年前，面对教授研究生方法课程的前景，以及再一次预演18世纪和19世纪哲学辩论中艺术史学科的起源，我决定让我的研讨会版本有点不同。我重新设计了这门课程，以解决艺术和艺术家成为话题的情况，出于不同的原因，在不同的话语中。一些另类的论述，尤其是16世纪乔治·瓦萨里开创的生活写作的传统，是艺术史起源的史学叙述中熟悉的路径点。其他学科，包括老普林尼(Pliny the Elder)传统的自然史，直到最近才失去了它们作为思考和谈论艺术和艺术家的方式的工具潜力。虽然普林尼的巨著是公认的艺术文化的来源文本，瓦萨里的生活写作项目，以及后来建立在康德和黑格尔著作中的哲学/批判传统，但它的影响，作为世界建设的工作，作为解决意大利文艺复兴时期绘画艺术的潜在模式，尚未得到充分探索。虽然建筑历史学家已经在追踪普林尼的作品在新兴的建筑实践和理论的第十五进展
{"title":"Natural History as Model: Pliny’s Parerga and the Pictorial Arts of Fifteenth-Century Italy","authors":"C. Campbell","doi":"10.1086/705433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705433","url":null,"abstract":"A FEW YEARS AGO , faced with the prospect of teaching the graduate methods course and rehearsing, once again, the origins of the academic discipline of art history in the philosophical debates of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, I decided to make my version of the seminar about something a little different. I reframed the course to address the situations in which art and artists became topics, for different reasons and within different discourses. Some of the alternative discourses, especially the tradition of life writing inaugurated by Giorgio Vasari in the sixteenth century, are familiar waypoints in historiographical accounts of the origins of art history. Others, including natural history in the tradition of Pliny the Elder, had, until very recently, lost their instrumental potential as ways of thinking and speaking about art and artists. While Pliny’s monumental book is a recognized source text for artistic culture, for Vasari’s life-writing project, and for the later philosophical/critical tradition founded in the writings of Kant and Hegel, its influence, as a work of world building and as a potential model for addressing the pictorial arts of Renaissance Italy, has yet to be fully explored. While architectural historians have made headway in tracing the reception of Pliny’s work within the emerging architectural practices and theories of the fifteenth","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":"283 - 293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86722677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE NOTION OF READING with Sandro Botticelli is one that has intrigued scholars for some time. This essay explores the illustrations of Dante’s Paradiso as, first and foremost, readings of the poem, suggesting that Botticelli, as a particularly “sophisticated” reader (to use Vasari’s loaded term), engages Dante’s most challenging invitation to those who take up this canticle. This is the invitation to imagine the possibility of what I am calling “conjoined vision,” a mode of vision that Dante describes in the Paradiso as the privilege of the blessed. Botticelli’s engagement with this visionary challenge enables the viewers of his illustrations to reflect on and imaginatively expand their own modes of vision through a series of techniques that include the illustration of a plural gaze, the affective presentation
{"title":"Botticelli’s Illustrations of Dante’s Paradiso: The Construction of Conjoined Vision","authors":"Heather Webb","doi":"10.1086/705470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705470","url":null,"abstract":"THE NOTION OF READING with Sandro Botticelli is one that has intrigued scholars for some time. This essay explores the illustrations of Dante’s Paradiso as, first and foremost, readings of the poem, suggesting that Botticelli, as a particularly “sophisticated” reader (to use Vasari’s loaded term), engages Dante’s most challenging invitation to those who take up this canticle. This is the invitation to imagine the possibility of what I am calling “conjoined vision,” a mode of vision that Dante describes in the Paradiso as the privilege of the blessed. Botticelli’s engagement with this visionary challenge enables the viewers of his illustrations to reflect on and imaginatively expand their own modes of vision through a series of techniques that include the illustration of a plural gaze, the affective presentation","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"187 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85081163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LIKE MANY OTHERS , I have long been concerned about the ongoing slide of the Italian Renaissance along with Renaissance studies to the periphery of scholarly interest and the concomitant disappearance of academic positions in the field, as a host of apparently more inclusive or currently popular areas of inquiry have grabbed the scholarly imagination. As departments across the humanities have ceased to hire bright young scholars in the area—of whom there are no lack—and as funds and positions are relocated to other more fashionable areas or reallocated by deans and provosts to other more “important” disciplines such as business, communications, or the sciences, the field seems doomed. Some have even suggested forgetting the Italian Renaissance as hopelessly out-of-date and irrelevant. In the face of these unhappy trends, many excellent scholars have stepped up with impressive suggestions for future approaches to the field that might save it. But I would like to go against that admirable and optimistic current to suggest irreverently that we give in to these bleak developments and simply forget the Italian Renaissance. And from that irreverent point of departure I would like to suggest a few possible futures that might make use of our well-trained and enthusiastic, but largely unemployable, new generation of scholars working in the area and perhaps even rejuvenate our ongoing interest in a past that is indeed deeply past and, for that, interesting and valuable. Interesting and valuable especially for a present that is often all too present and, largely because of that, often too narrow and shortsighted, lost in the hubris of a timeless modernity without history or future. First, then, forgetting the Italian Renaissance would take care of a troubling problem with traditional terminology. Never all that comfortable with the name, Italian
{"title":"Forgetting the Italian Renaissance and Other Irreverent Suggestions for the Future","authors":"G. Ruggiero","doi":"10.1086/705437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705437","url":null,"abstract":"LIKE MANY OTHERS , I have long been concerned about the ongoing slide of the Italian Renaissance along with Renaissance studies to the periphery of scholarly interest and the concomitant disappearance of academic positions in the field, as a host of apparently more inclusive or currently popular areas of inquiry have grabbed the scholarly imagination. As departments across the humanities have ceased to hire bright young scholars in the area—of whom there are no lack—and as funds and positions are relocated to other more fashionable areas or reallocated by deans and provosts to other more “important” disciplines such as business, communications, or the sciences, the field seems doomed. Some have even suggested forgetting the Italian Renaissance as hopelessly out-of-date and irrelevant. In the face of these unhappy trends, many excellent scholars have stepped up with impressive suggestions for future approaches to the field that might save it. But I would like to go against that admirable and optimistic current to suggest irreverently that we give in to these bleak developments and simply forget the Italian Renaissance. And from that irreverent point of departure I would like to suggest a few possible futures that might make use of our well-trained and enthusiastic, but largely unemployable, new generation of scholars working in the area and perhaps even rejuvenate our ongoing interest in a past that is indeed deeply past and, for that, interesting and valuable. Interesting and valuable especially for a present that is often all too present and, largely because of that, often too narrow and shortsighted, lost in the hubris of a timeless modernity without history or future. First, then, forgetting the Italian Renaissance would take care of a troubling problem with traditional terminology. Never all that comfortable with the name, Italian","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":"102 1","pages":"355 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78084519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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