AMONG ITALIAN RENAISSANCE WRITERS , Torquato Tasso has received particular attention with respect to the relationship between poetry and music, and understandably so. He was an illustrious poet whose verse was often set to music, both during and after his lifetime, and whose theoretical reflections contain numerous considerations on the connection between these two arts. Critics have focused primarily on the relationship between Tasso andmusical practice, that is, actual compositions that use Tasso’s verse as lyrics, or various aspects of contemporary composition vis-à-vis the poetic, stylistic, and rhetorical norms that Tasso articulates in his writings. Others have studied the connection between Tasso and music within discussions of his Neoplatonism and the concept of music as divine harmony. There is, however, another facet that has been overlooked: the conspicuous role that music (a term I will use in this article to refer to compositions and performance) and musicality (which I will use to indicate the “musical” qualities of poetry, such as verse and rhyme) play in Tasso’s crucial reflections on the definition of poetry, as well as on its specific value: what can be accomplished only by poetry, and what distinguishes poetry from other forms of expression. Tasso asks whether music is necessary for poetry’s perfection, and if a poem’s musicality is a defining element of poetry. Is poetry distinguished from other fields of human learning
{"title":"The Role of Music in Tasso’s Reflections on the Value of Poetry","authors":"Francesco Brenna","doi":"10.1086/713447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713447","url":null,"abstract":"AMONG ITALIAN RENAISSANCE WRITERS , Torquato Tasso has received particular attention with respect to the relationship between poetry and music, and understandably so. He was an illustrious poet whose verse was often set to music, both during and after his lifetime, and whose theoretical reflections contain numerous considerations on the connection between these two arts. Critics have focused primarily on the relationship between Tasso andmusical practice, that is, actual compositions that use Tasso’s verse as lyrics, or various aspects of contemporary composition vis-à-vis the poetic, stylistic, and rhetorical norms that Tasso articulates in his writings. Others have studied the connection between Tasso and music within discussions of his Neoplatonism and the concept of music as divine harmony. There is, however, another facet that has been overlooked: the conspicuous role that music (a term I will use in this article to refer to compositions and performance) and musicality (which I will use to indicate the “musical” qualities of poetry, such as verse and rhyme) play in Tasso’s crucial reflections on the definition of poetry, as well as on its specific value: what can be accomplished only by poetry, and what distinguishes poetry from other forms of expression. Tasso asks whether music is necessary for poetry’s perfection, and if a poem’s musicality is a defining element of poetry. Is poetry distinguished from other fields of human learning","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83536428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
QUESTO SAGGIO È PARTE di uno studio più ampio (di prossima pubblicazione) che affronta le reciproche influenze di due esponenti di spicco dell’arte siciliana del XV secolo: lo scultore Francesco Laurana e il pittore Antonello daMessina. Qui, per la prima volta, viene esplicitato che entrambi, divenuti grandi ritrattisti, ebbero una comune iniziale esperienza artistica a Napoli negli anni Cinquanta del Quattrocento, caratterizzata dallo studio dell’arte classica e della scultura catalana (Laurana), nonché dalla pittura, in particolare la ritrattistica franco-fiamminga e provenzale (Antonello), assai diffuse, queste due ultime tendenze, nella città partenopea. Oltre che a Napoli, i due artisti lavorarono nelle o per le stesse città siciliane (Messina, Noto, Palazzolo Acreide presso Siracusa) tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e i primissimi anni Settanta del secolo XV, ed erano perciò sicuramente a conoscenza
{"title":"La ritrattistica siciliana di Francesco Laurana e l’influenza di Antonello da Messina","authors":"C. Damianaki","doi":"10.1086/711320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/711320","url":null,"abstract":"QUESTO SAGGIO È PARTE di uno studio più ampio (di prossima pubblicazione) che affronta le reciproche influenze di due esponenti di spicco dell’arte siciliana del XV secolo: lo scultore Francesco Laurana e il pittore Antonello daMessina. Qui, per la prima volta, viene esplicitato che entrambi, divenuti grandi ritrattisti, ebbero una comune iniziale esperienza artistica a Napoli negli anni Cinquanta del Quattrocento, caratterizzata dallo studio dell’arte classica e della scultura catalana (Laurana), nonché dalla pittura, in particolare la ritrattistica franco-fiamminga e provenzale (Antonello), assai diffuse, queste due ultime tendenze, nella città partenopea. Oltre che a Napoli, i due artisti lavorarono nelle o per le stesse città siciliane (Messina, Noto, Palazzolo Acreide presso Siracusa) tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e i primissimi anni Settanta del secolo XV, ed erano perciò sicuramente a conoscenza","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74151833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN 1546 THE DUKE OF FLORENCE Cosimo I de’ Medici commissioned the painter Jacopo Pontormo to decorate Brunelleschi’s choir in the church of San Lorenzo. For the next decade, Pontormo worked on his fresco cycle that remained incomplete upon the painter’s death in 1557. Agnolo Bronzino eventually completed the choir, which was unveiled on July 23, 1558, but Pontormo had probably finished the upper zone of the choir in 1550, and he had also executed three large frescoes below the cornice with a Deluge and several sections of the Resurrection of the Dead. Bronzino then completed the remaining parts of Pontormo’s Resurrection by adding other scenes in the lower section. The finished decoration of the choir was unfortunately destroyed in the rebuilding of the church’s lateral walls in 1738, but the Florentine diarist Agostino Lapini immediately remarked after the choir’s public unveiling in 1558 that these scenes entailed several perplexities. Baccio Bandinelli went further when he accused Pontormo of having “offended the devotion of that church.”
{"title":"Justification and Grace in the Sala dei Cento Giorni: Tridentine Influences in Giorgio Vasari’s Vite","authors":"Filip Malesevic","doi":"10.1086/711312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/711312","url":null,"abstract":"IN 1546 THE DUKE OF FLORENCE Cosimo I de’ Medici commissioned the painter Jacopo Pontormo to decorate Brunelleschi’s choir in the church of San Lorenzo. For the next decade, Pontormo worked on his fresco cycle that remained incomplete upon the painter’s death in 1557. Agnolo Bronzino eventually completed the choir, which was unveiled on July 23, 1558, but Pontormo had probably finished the upper zone of the choir in 1550, and he had also executed three large frescoes below the cornice with a Deluge and several sections of the Resurrection of the Dead. Bronzino then completed the remaining parts of Pontormo’s Resurrection by adding other scenes in the lower section. The finished decoration of the choir was unfortunately destroyed in the rebuilding of the church’s lateral walls in 1738, but the Florentine diarist Agostino Lapini immediately remarked after the choir’s public unveiling in 1558 that these scenes entailed several perplexities. Baccio Bandinelli went further when he accused Pontormo of having “offended the devotion of that church.”","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81255202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An image from the Biblioteca Berenson’s copy of Daniele Barbaro’s 1556 translation of and commentary on Vitruvius’s De Architectura, illustrated by Andrea Palladio, seemed like a good fit for this fall issue. For one thing, a number of the essays deal directly or indirectly with architectural studies: the treatises of the architect Guarino Guarini, the shifting interior of Saint Peter’s during its renovation, the ruined ancient building in Leonardo’s unfinishedAdoration. For another thing, the putto wielding a wand or a rod from book 9 in a section dedicated to the invention of sundials and clocks (“Della ragione, et uso de gli horologi, et della loro inventione, et de gli inventori”) offers a figure of human ingenuity—creative work that might inspire in a time of crisis (fig. 1). In the proem of book 9, Vitruvius waxes expansively about Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Democritus, and (in Barbaro’s translation) “tutti gli altri Savi”who deserve resounding acclaim since their doctrines “hanno ottimi sentimenti della sapienza, & danno alle Città costumi della humanità, ragioni eguali, e leggi, lequai cose quando sono lontane, niuna Città può star bene.” But then Vitruvius goes on to characterize Plato as making a discovery fundamental to architecture: not only did he philosophize and give laws, but he invented the best way to measure a field. Accordingly, Barbaro, a Venetian aristocrat, ambassador to England, patron of Palladio and other artists, and leading scholar in the Serenissima, speaks confidently in his dedication to Cardinal Ippolito d’Este of “le belle inventioni de gli huomini” and the “piacer naturale di sapere” that led Vitruvius 1,500 years earlier to dedicate himself not only to architecture but to all the arts. For architecture “abbraccia tutto il bello delle inventioni, che si possa trovare a commodità, e diletto di chi ci vive.”
贝伦森图书馆(Biblioteca Berenson)收藏了丹尼尔·巴巴罗(Daniele Barbaro) 1556年对维特鲁威(Vitruvius)的《建筑学》(De Architectura)的翻译和评论，其中一张图片由安德烈·帕拉迪奥(Andrea Palladio)绘制，似乎很适合这期秋季刊。首先，许多文章直接或间接地涉及建筑研究:建筑师瓜里诺·瓜里尼的论文，圣彼得大教堂在装修期间的内部变化，达芬奇未完成的演讲中被毁坏的古建筑。另一方面，在第九本书中专门介绍日晷和钟表发明的章节(“Della ragione, et uso de gli horologi, et Della loro inventione, et de gli inventori”)中，挥舞着魔杖或棍子的人提供了一个人类聪明才智的形象——在危机时期可能会激发灵感的创造性工作(图1)。在第九本书的序言中，维特鲁威详尽地介绍了柏拉图、亚里士多德、毕达哥拉斯、德谟克利特、以及(在巴巴罗的翻译中)“tutti gli altri Savi”，他们值得赞誉，因为他们的学说“hanno ottimi sentimenti della sapienza， & danno alle cittouscostumi della humanit， ragioni equalali, e leggi, lequai cose quando sono lontane, niuna cittouspuò star bene”。但随后维特鲁威继续把柏拉图描述为对建筑有根本性发现的人:他不仅进行了哲学思考，制定了法律，而且发明了测量场地的最佳方法。因此，威尼斯贵族、驻英国大使、帕拉第奥和其他艺术家的赞助人、塞雷尼西马的主要学者巴巴罗，在他向伊波利托·德·埃斯特红衣主教(Cardinal Ippolito d 'Este)的致辞中，自信地谈到了“美丽的人类发明”和“自然的人类演奏家”，正是这些成就让维特鲁威在1500年前不仅投身于建筑，而且投身于所有艺术。对于建筑来说，“abbraccia tutto il bello delle invent，这是一种商品的所有权，是一种创造生活的权利。”
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Jane Tylus","doi":"10.1086/710925","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/710925","url":null,"abstract":"An image from the Biblioteca Berenson’s copy of Daniele Barbaro’s 1556 translation of and commentary on Vitruvius’s De Architectura, illustrated by Andrea Palladio, seemed like a good fit for this fall issue. For one thing, a number of the essays deal directly or indirectly with architectural studies: the treatises of the architect Guarino Guarini, the shifting interior of Saint Peter’s during its renovation, the ruined ancient building in Leonardo’s unfinishedAdoration. For another thing, the putto wielding a wand or a rod from book 9 in a section dedicated to the invention of sundials and clocks (“Della ragione, et uso de gli horologi, et della loro inventione, et de gli inventori”) offers a figure of human ingenuity—creative work that might inspire in a time of crisis (fig. 1). In the proem of book 9, Vitruvius waxes expansively about Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Democritus, and (in Barbaro’s translation) “tutti gli altri Savi”who deserve resounding acclaim since their doctrines “hanno ottimi sentimenti della sapienza, & danno alle Città costumi della humanità, ragioni eguali, e leggi, lequai cose quando sono lontane, niuna Città può star bene.” But then Vitruvius goes on to characterize Plato as making a discovery fundamental to architecture: not only did he philosophize and give laws, but he invented the best way to measure a field. Accordingly, Barbaro, a Venetian aristocrat, ambassador to England, patron of Palladio and other artists, and leading scholar in the Serenissima, speaks confidently in his dedication to Cardinal Ippolito d’Este of “le belle inventioni de gli huomini” and the “piacer naturale di sapere” that led Vitruvius 1,500 years earlier to dedicate himself not only to architecture but to all the arts. For architecture “abbraccia tutto il bello delle inventioni, che si possa trovare a commodità, e diletto di chi ci vive.”","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77312946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
GUARINO GUARINI (1624–83) is today mainly remembered for his architectural works, such as the chapel of Santissima Sindone, the church of San Lorenzo, Palazzo Carignano in Turin, or the church Santa Maria in Araceli in Vicenza. His encyclopedic interests and massive treatises on philosophy, mathematics, and astronomy—quite extraordinary for a Baroque architect—have received much less scholarly attention. At the same time, these nonarchitectural interests are not easy to separate from his architectural pursuits, especially his views on architectural theory. The theoretical positions that he endorses in his architectural treatise Architettura civile often result from his wider philosophical views, elaborated in his philosophical treatise, Placita philosophica. This is particularly the case
{"title":"Guarino Guarini’s Architectural Theory and Counter-Reformation Aristotelianism: Visuality and Aesthetics in Architettura civile and Placita philosophica","authors":"B. Mitrović","doi":"10.1086/710779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/710779","url":null,"abstract":"GUARINO GUARINI (1624–83) is today mainly remembered for his architectural works, such as the chapel of Santissima Sindone, the church of San Lorenzo, Palazzo Carignano in Turin, or the church Santa Maria in Araceli in Vicenza. His encyclopedic interests and massive treatises on philosophy, mathematics, and astronomy—quite extraordinary for a Baroque architect—have received much less scholarly attention. At the same time, these nonarchitectural interests are not easy to separate from his architectural pursuits, especially his views on architectural theory. The theoretical positions that he endorses in his architectural treatise Architettura civile often result from his wider philosophical views, elaborated in his philosophical treatise, Placita philosophica. This is particularly the case","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81735813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN THE MID-SEVENTEENTH CENTURY , the artist Giovanni Battista Braccelli (ca. 1584 – 1650) created an etching of the bronze Saint Peter cult statue at the Vatican surrounded by devotees and votives ( fi g. 1). 1 This previously unpublished print, titled The Bronze Saint Peter with Votives , offers a detailed representation of the devotional object in its early modern location ( fi gs. 2 – 3): against the northeast pier of the crossing of Saint Peter ’ s Basilica, where Pope Paul V Borghese (r. 1605 – 21) had installed it on May 29, 1620 (still in situ today). The print details a group of early modern visitors gathered around the sculpture — well-dressed men, women, and children to the left of the composition, and an assortment of humbler lay and religious personages to the right. At the center, two pilgrims with walking sticks in hand and broad-brimmed hats slung over their shoulders approach the foot of the sculpted Saint Peter with great reverence. The fi rst of the two bows down to touch the top of his head to the underside of the sculpted foot in an act of extreme humility, bracing himself against the sculpture ’ s base as the crowd looks on with approval. Emanating up from the devotees, a series of ex-voto offerings blanket the fl anking pilasters of Saint Peter ’ s. One can make out the barest references of standard votive imagery and objects on the sketchily rendered plaques — kneeling fi gures and canopied beds before fl oating apparitions — accompanied by
{"title":"Giovanni Battista Braccelli’s Etched Devotions before the Vatican Bronze Saint Peter","authors":"Erin C. Giffin","doi":"10.1086/711366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/711366","url":null,"abstract":"IN THE MID-SEVENTEENTH CENTURY , the artist Giovanni Battista Braccelli (ca. 1584 – 1650) created an etching of the bronze Saint Peter cult statue at the Vatican surrounded by devotees and votives ( fi g. 1). 1 This previously unpublished print, titled The Bronze Saint Peter with Votives , offers a detailed representation of the devotional object in its early modern location ( fi gs. 2 – 3): against the northeast pier of the crossing of Saint Peter ’ s Basilica, where Pope Paul V Borghese (r. 1605 – 21) had installed it on May 29, 1620 (still in situ today). The print details a group of early modern visitors gathered around the sculpture — well-dressed men, women, and children to the left of the composition, and an assortment of humbler lay and religious personages to the right. At the center, two pilgrims with walking sticks in hand and broad-brimmed hats slung over their shoulders approach the foot of the sculpted Saint Peter with great reverence. The fi rst of the two bows down to touch the top of his head to the underside of the sculpted foot in an act of extreme humility, bracing himself against the sculpture ’ s base as the crowd looks on with approval. Emanating up from the devotees, a series of ex-voto offerings blanket the fl anking pilasters of Saint Peter ’ s. One can make out the barest references of standard votive imagery and objects on the sketchily rendered plaques — kneeling fi gures and canopied beds before fl oating apparitions — accompanied by","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86593096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Contact Diletta Gamberini at the Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte (d.gamberini@zikg.eu). Voglio ringraziare Michael Cole e Ulrich Pfisterer, che hanno letto una prima stesura del presente articolo e mi hanno fornito indicazioni decisive per approfondire la sua dimensione storico-artistica. Sono altrettanto grata ai due lettori anonimi del contributo, a Jane Tylus, Jessica Goethals e Alessandra Montalbano, cui devo suggerimenti molto utili a migliorare il testo. Un sentito grazie va poi a Jonathan Nelson, con cui ho discusso diverse delle questioni qui affrontate, a Francesca Fantappiè e Clementina Marsico per la gentile consulenza bibliografica, e a Domitilla d’Onofrio per quella sui testi greci. 1. Nell’impossibilità di rendere conto in questa sede della vasta bibliografia esistente sul tema, mi limito a ricordare solo un manipolo di studi. Su tutti, quello fondativo di Rensselaer W. Lee, Ut pictura poesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting, in “The Art Bulletin,” XXII, 1940, 197–269, che si concentra sull’influenza che la massima esercitò nei trattati composti fra la metà del sedicesimo e la metà del diciottesimo secolo. Dedicati al ruolo che l’Ars poetica aveva in precedenza avuto per le teorizzazioni circa la licenza inventiva concessa ad artisti e poeti sono il contributo di André Chastel, Le dictum Horatii “quidlibet audendi potestas” et les artistes (XIII –XVI siècle), in “Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,” CXXI, 1, 1977, 30–45, e, con attenzione alle ricadute in ambito figurativo all’altezza del quindicesimo secolo e al grado di autonomia mantenuto dagli artisti rispetto alle prescrizioni oraziane, Ulrich Pfisterer, Künstlerische potestas audendi und licentia im Quattrocento: Benozzo Gozzoli, Andrea Mantegna, Bertoldo di Giovanni, in “Römisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca Hertziana,” XXXI, 1996, 107–48. Sul versante dell’italianistica, due importanti messe a punto dei più recenti orientamenti della critica in merito al rilievo dell’ut pictura poësis nel panorama culturale italiano della prima età moderna sono offerte da Stefano Jossa, La penna e il pennello: retoriche a confronto, in Officine del nuovo: sodalizi fra letterati, artisti ed editori nella cultura italiana fra Riforma e Controriforma, a cura di Harald Hendrix e Paolo Procaccioli, Manziana 2008, 245–56; e dal volume Letteratura e arti visive nel Rinascimento, a cura di Gianluca Genovese e Andrea Torre, Roma 2019. Molto utile è poi la disamina di alcuni luoghi testuali fortemente improntati dalla memoria dell’analogia oraziana in Émilie Passignat, Il Cinquecento. Le fonti per la storia dell’arte, Roma 2017, 76–78 e 273–78.
直接联系Gamberini at the Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte (d . gamberini@zikg . eu)。我要感谢迈克尔·科尔和乌尔里希·菲斯特尔，他们读了这篇文章的初稿，并为我进一步发展其历史艺术维度提供了决定性的指导。我也非常感谢这篇文章的两位匿名读者，简·泰洛斯、杰西卡·戈塔尔斯和亚历山德拉·蒙塔尔巴诺，我对他们的贡献提出了一些非常有用的建议，以改进这篇文章。非常感谢乔纳森·纳尔逊，我和他讨论了我们在这里讨论的许多问题，感谢弗朗西斯卡·范塔皮和克莱门蒂娜·马西科提供的宝贵文献建议，也感谢多米蒂拉·多诺弗里奥关于希腊文本的建议。1. 由于无法在此说明关于这一主题的大量文献，我只想提几项研究。其中最重要的是Rensselaer W. Lee, Ut pictura poesis:《艺术公报》第二十二、1940、197 - 269中关于绘画的人文理论，它集中于16世纪中期至18世纪中期组成的条约中最高权威的影响。报道的作用,以前的诗歌有发明授予许可证的很少艺术家和诗人安德烈·查斯特尔的贡献,是dictum Horatii“quidlibet audendi potestas”et les(十三—XVI siècle)培训课程,在“Comptes rendus des séances de科学院des管理et Belles-Lettres,”CXXI、1、1977年、30—45、领域的影响和仔细,能够胜任15世纪的形象和保持独立艺术家oraziane要求相比,乌尔里希·Pfisterer, Künstlerische potestas audendi und licentia im四百:Benozzo Gozzoli, (Andrea Mantegna Bertoldo,乔凡尼在“Römisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca构成,”三十一,1996年,107—48。dell’italianistica,两个重要的方面的批评秘书处相关的最新指导方针pictura opësis意大利文化景观中早期现代的斯特凡诺·Jossa提供,也有一些修辞、钢笔和画笔:之间,相比之下,新工场:文人、艺术家和出版商之间的意大利文化和反改革,由Harald Hendrix和保罗Procaccioli 2008年Manziana 245—56;《文艺复兴时期的文学与视觉艺术》，作者:Gianluca Genovese和Andrea Torre，罗马2019。对某些文本地点的研究也非常有用，这些地点的特点是对1950年埃米利·帕斯格纳特(emmilie Passignat)的奥拉齐类比的记忆。艺术史的来源，罗马2017,76 - 78和273 - 78。
{"title":"Rappresentare le lacerazioni dell’animo: Archetipi letterari dell’amphibolía di Pomponio Gaurico","authors":"D. Gamberini","doi":"10.1086/710780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/710780","url":null,"abstract":"Contact Diletta Gamberini at the Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte (d.gamberini@zikg.eu). Voglio ringraziare Michael Cole e Ulrich Pfisterer, che hanno letto una prima stesura del presente articolo e mi hanno fornito indicazioni decisive per approfondire la sua dimensione storico-artistica. Sono altrettanto grata ai due lettori anonimi del contributo, a Jane Tylus, Jessica Goethals e Alessandra Montalbano, cui devo suggerimenti molto utili a migliorare il testo. Un sentito grazie va poi a Jonathan Nelson, con cui ho discusso diverse delle questioni qui affrontate, a Francesca Fantappiè e Clementina Marsico per la gentile consulenza bibliografica, e a Domitilla d’Onofrio per quella sui testi greci. 1. Nell’impossibilità di rendere conto in questa sede della vasta bibliografia esistente sul tema, mi limito a ricordare solo un manipolo di studi. Su tutti, quello fondativo di Rensselaer W. Lee, Ut pictura poesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting, in “The Art Bulletin,” XXII, 1940, 197–269, che si concentra sull’influenza che la massima esercitò nei trattati composti fra la metà del sedicesimo e la metà del diciottesimo secolo. Dedicati al ruolo che l’Ars poetica aveva in precedenza avuto per le teorizzazioni circa la licenza inventiva concessa ad artisti e poeti sono il contributo di André Chastel, Le dictum Horatii “quidlibet audendi potestas” et les artistes (XIII –XVI siècle), in “Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,” CXXI, 1, 1977, 30–45, e, con attenzione alle ricadute in ambito figurativo all’altezza del quindicesimo secolo e al grado di autonomia mantenuto dagli artisti rispetto alle prescrizioni oraziane, Ulrich Pfisterer, Künstlerische potestas audendi und licentia im Quattrocento: Benozzo Gozzoli, Andrea Mantegna, Bertoldo di Giovanni, in “Römisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca Hertziana,” XXXI, 1996, 107–48. Sul versante dell’italianistica, due importanti messe a punto dei più recenti orientamenti della critica in merito al rilievo dell’ut pictura poësis nel panorama culturale italiano della prima età moderna sono offerte da Stefano Jossa, La penna e il pennello: retoriche a confronto, in Officine del nuovo: sodalizi fra letterati, artisti ed editori nella cultura italiana fra Riforma e Controriforma, a cura di Harald Hendrix e Paolo Procaccioli, Manziana 2008, 245–56; e dal volume Letteratura e arti visive nel Rinascimento, a cura di Gianluca Genovese e Andrea Torre, Roma 2019. Molto utile è poi la disamina di alcuni luoghi testuali fortemente improntati dalla memoria dell’analogia oraziana in Émilie Passignat, Il Cinquecento. Le fonti per la storia dell’arte, Roma 2017, 76–78 e 273–78.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72621964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
HANS BARON ’S SEMINAL THESIS on Florentine civic humanism has engendered several fruitful historical and theoretical debates. By now one of Baron’s claims, namely, that fifteenth-century humanists affirmed the vivere civile, has been almost universally accepted. However, most scholars of humanism have rejected Baron’s key argument about the intrinsic relationship between this commitment to active citizenship and the republican political ideology that he attributed to the civic humanists. Studies on humanism in its various political contexts seem to have conclusively disproved Baron’s argument concerning republicanism. They have demonstrated that humanists in aristocratic Venice, despotic Milan, theocratic Rome, and monarchical Naples (to name only the most important humanist centers in quattrocento Italy) strongly favored public activity while propagating the dominant political ideology of their given polity.
{"title":"Aurelio Lippo Brandolini’s Republics and Kingdoms Compared and the Paradoxes of Humanist Monarchism","authors":"Hanan Yoran","doi":"10.1086/710759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/710759","url":null,"abstract":"HANS BARON ’S SEMINAL THESIS on Florentine civic humanism has engendered several fruitful historical and theoretical debates. By now one of Baron’s claims, namely, that fifteenth-century humanists affirmed the vivere civile, has been almost universally accepted. However, most scholars of humanism have rejected Baron’s key argument about the intrinsic relationship between this commitment to active citizenship and the republican political ideology that he attributed to the civic humanists. Studies on humanism in its various political contexts seem to have conclusively disproved Baron’s argument concerning republicanism. They have demonstrated that humanists in aristocratic Venice, despotic Milan, theocratic Rome, and monarchical Naples (to name only the most important humanist centers in quattrocento Italy) strongly favored public activity while propagating the dominant political ideology of their given polity.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90152055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
AS IS WELL KNOWN , Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) began his career working in the bottega of Andrea del Verrocchio. Initially, Leonardo collaborated on some of Verrocchio’s paintings, but he gradually realized that he was no longer satisfied by working on artworks that were not his own. Three paintings and one commission by the Repubblica (never made) attest to his autonomy in this first Florentine period: the Annunciation (1472–75), the Portrait of Ginevra dei Benci (1474–78), the Adoration of the Magi (1481–82), and the altarpiece commissioned for the Cappella dei Priori in Palazzo Vecchio (1478). The patrons of Leonardo’s early paintings may have belonged to different social classes, but they were often linked via bonds of kinship and friendship, partly still to be detailed. For the Priori’s commission and for the Adoration of the Magi, numerous elements indicate a “high-level” network that helped to shape the painter’s career. Such a network provided him with elements of humanistic and antiquarian culture that were available in the environment fostered by Lorenzo de’ Medici. This article analyzes theAdoration of the Magi from the specific point of view of the history of architecture, adding to the new evidence brought to light from the restoration of the painting at the Opificio delle Pietre Dure, under the direction of Marco Ciatti and Cecilia Frosinini. I will argue that this focus on architecture
众所周知，列奥纳多·达·芬奇(1452-1519)的职业生涯始于安德里亚·德尔·韦罗基奥的鞋店。起初，达·芬奇与韦罗基奥合作创作了一些作品，但他逐渐意识到，他不再满足于创作不属于自己的作品。《报喜》(1472年至1475年)、《Ginevra dei Benci肖像》(1474年至1478年)、《贤者崇拜》(1481年至1482年)，以及为维奇奥宫(Palazzo Vecchio)的Cappella dei Priori委托创作的祭坛画(1478年)，这三幅画和一幅委托作品(从未完成)证明了他在佛罗伦萨第一时期的自主权。列奥纳多早期画作的赞助人可能属于不同的社会阶层，但他们往往通过亲属关系和友谊联系在一起，部分原因尚待详细说明。对于《先验》的委托和《贤士崇拜》，许多元素表明了一个“高层”网络，帮助塑造了画家的职业生涯。这样一个网络为他提供了人文主义和古物文化的元素，这些元素在洛伦佐·德·美第奇所培养的环境中是可用的。本文从建筑历史的特定角度分析了《贤士崇拜》，在Marco Ciatti和Cecilia Frosinini的指导下，在Opificio delle Pietre Dure修复了这幅画，增加了新的证据。我认为这种对建筑的关注
{"title":"Prophecies and Ruins: Architectural Sources for Leonardo’s Adoration of the Magi","authors":"E. Ferretti","doi":"10.1086/710958","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/710958","url":null,"abstract":"AS IS WELL KNOWN , Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) began his career working in the bottega of Andrea del Verrocchio. Initially, Leonardo collaborated on some of Verrocchio’s paintings, but he gradually realized that he was no longer satisfied by working on artworks that were not his own. Three paintings and one commission by the Repubblica (never made) attest to his autonomy in this first Florentine period: the Annunciation (1472–75), the Portrait of Ginevra dei Benci (1474–78), the Adoration of the Magi (1481–82), and the altarpiece commissioned for the Cappella dei Priori in Palazzo Vecchio (1478). The patrons of Leonardo’s early paintings may have belonged to different social classes, but they were often linked via bonds of kinship and friendship, partly still to be detailed. For the Priori’s commission and for the Adoration of the Magi, numerous elements indicate a “high-level” network that helped to shape the painter’s career. Such a network provided him with elements of humanistic and antiquarian culture that were available in the environment fostered by Lorenzo de’ Medici. This article analyzes theAdoration of the Magi from the specific point of view of the history of architecture, adding to the new evidence brought to light from the restoration of the painting at the Opificio delle Pietre Dure, under the direction of Marco Ciatti and Cecilia Frosinini. I will argue that this focus on architecture","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84302164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN MANTUA DURING THE 1490S , the friendship between Francesco II Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua (r. 1484–1519), and the Ottoman sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481– 1512) was celebrated both directly and indirectly on the walls of the Gonzaga palaces. Rather unexpectedly for a small landlocked city-state, paintings with Ottoman subject matter—including views of Ottoman territories, a scene of a Turkish banquet, and a portrait of the Ottoman ambassador—were executed both in Mantua itself and in Francesco’s rural palaces following the Ottoman ambassador’s visit. They are now only known to us through documents, since the rural palaces were destroyed in the eighteenth century after having fallen into disrepair. This has resulted in a gap in the corpus of Italian representations of their Eastern neighbors. It is significant that the Mantuan Ottoman-themed paintings occur at the very moment when the Mamluks, whose rule extended across Egypt, the Levant, and the Hejaz, were becoming a more prominent interest in Venice and Florence, and at a time when the Ottomans were being depicted as persecutors of Christians in paintings in the papal apartments. This study seeks to integrate Mantua’s lost “Ottoman
{"title":"Representing the Ottomans and Their World in 1490s Mantua: The Lost “Ottoman Mode” in Mantuan Painting in Comparative Perspective","authors":"Antonia Gatward Cevizli","doi":"10.1086/708219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/708219","url":null,"abstract":"IN MANTUA DURING THE 1490S , the friendship between Francesco II Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua (r. 1484–1519), and the Ottoman sultan Bayezid II (r. 1481– 1512) was celebrated both directly and indirectly on the walls of the Gonzaga palaces. Rather unexpectedly for a small landlocked city-state, paintings with Ottoman subject matter—including views of Ottoman territories, a scene of a Turkish banquet, and a portrait of the Ottoman ambassador—were executed both in Mantua itself and in Francesco’s rural palaces following the Ottoman ambassador’s visit. They are now only known to us through documents, since the rural palaces were destroyed in the eighteenth century after having fallen into disrepair. This has resulted in a gap in the corpus of Italian representations of their Eastern neighbors. It is significant that the Mantuan Ottoman-themed paintings occur at the very moment when the Mamluks, whose rule extended across Egypt, the Levant, and the Hejaz, were becoming a more prominent interest in Venice and Florence, and at a time when the Ottomans were being depicted as persecutors of Christians in paintings in the papal apartments. This study seeks to integrate Mantua’s lost “Ottoman","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89299588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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