A FEW YEARS AGO , faced with the prospect of teaching the graduate methods course and rehearsing, once again, the origins of the academic discipline of art history in the philosophical debates of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, I decided to make my version of the seminar about something a little different. I reframed the course to address the situations in which art and artists became topics, for different reasons and within different discourses. Some of the alternative discourses, especially the tradition of life writing inaugurated by Giorgio Vasari in the sixteenth century, are familiar waypoints in historiographical accounts of the origins of art history. Others, including natural history in the tradition of Pliny the Elder, had, until very recently, lost their instrumental potential as ways of thinking and speaking about art and artists. While Pliny’s monumental book is a recognized source text for artistic culture, for Vasari’s life-writing project, and for the later philosophical/critical tradition founded in the writings of Kant and Hegel, its influence, as a work of world building and as a potential model for addressing the pictorial arts of Renaissance Italy, has yet to be fully explored. While architectural historians have made headway in tracing the reception of Pliny’s work within the emerging architectural practices and theories of the fifteenth
几年前，面对教授研究生方法课程的前景，以及再一次预演18世纪和19世纪哲学辩论中艺术史学科的起源，我决定让我的研讨会版本有点不同。我重新设计了这门课程，以解决艺术和艺术家成为话题的情况，出于不同的原因，在不同的话语中。一些另类的论述，尤其是16世纪乔治·瓦萨里开创的生活写作的传统，是艺术史起源的史学叙述中熟悉的路径点。其他学科，包括老普林尼(Pliny the Elder)传统的自然史，直到最近才失去了它们作为思考和谈论艺术和艺术家的方式的工具潜力。虽然普林尼的巨著是公认的艺术文化的来源文本，瓦萨里的生活写作项目，以及后来建立在康德和黑格尔著作中的哲学/批判传统，但它的影响，作为世界建设的工作，作为解决意大利文艺复兴时期绘画艺术的潜在模式，尚未得到充分探索。虽然建筑历史学家已经在追踪普林尼的作品在新兴的建筑实践和理论的第十五进展
{"title":"Natural History as Model: Pliny’s Parerga and the Pictorial Arts of Fifteenth-Century Italy","authors":"C. Campbell","doi":"10.1086/705433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705433","url":null,"abstract":"A FEW YEARS AGO , faced with the prospect of teaching the graduate methods course and rehearsing, once again, the origins of the academic discipline of art history in the philosophical debates of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, I decided to make my version of the seminar about something a little different. I reframed the course to address the situations in which art and artists became topics, for different reasons and within different discourses. Some of the alternative discourses, especially the tradition of life writing inaugurated by Giorgio Vasari in the sixteenth century, are familiar waypoints in historiographical accounts of the origins of art history. Others, including natural history in the tradition of Pliny the Elder, had, until very recently, lost their instrumental potential as ways of thinking and speaking about art and artists. While Pliny’s monumental book is a recognized source text for artistic culture, for Vasari’s life-writing project, and for the later philosophical/critical tradition founded in the writings of Kant and Hegel, its influence, as a work of world building and as a potential model for addressing the pictorial arts of Renaissance Italy, has yet to be fully explored. While architectural historians have made headway in tracing the reception of Pliny’s work within the emerging architectural practices and theories of the fifteenth","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86722677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN A BRIEF, SATIRICAL PIECE published in 2009—“Old Debates Recycled”— Edward Muir imagined a bleak future for the field of Renaissance and Reformation studies. In the year 2049, the history department of the fictional SocratoConfucian University ignores the impassioned urging of the last specialist in the field to replace him upon his retirement, in preference for hiring a historian of fusion music. One implication of this thought experiment was that the field of fifteenthand sixteenth-century European history, while actually having important lessons to teach a world riven by sectarian and partisan divides, seems increasingly irrelevant to the concerns of the twenty-first-century university. Concern about the relevance of the history of the Renaissance was hardly new, as the title of Muir’s piece acknowledged in its doubled meaning. Forty years ago, William Bouwsma pronounced a public obituary on old arguments for its significance in the form of the American Historical Association’s 1978 presidential address, as well (although this seems more readily forgotten) as proposing new ones. Bouwsma’s suggestion for the continuing relevance of the Renaissance lay in his assertion that the period was defined by recognition of the contingency and plurality of human culture. While he expressed bewilderment at the concept of postmodernity, his claim has strong affinities with Randolph Starn’s articulation of a “Postmodern Renaissance” some thirty years later. Starn proposed that postmodernism offered a clear opportunity to scholars of the Renaissance—which was itself defined by pluralism, fragmentation,
{"title":"A Twenty-First-Century Renaissance","authors":"N. Baker","doi":"10.1086/705359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705359","url":null,"abstract":"IN A BRIEF, SATIRICAL PIECE published in 2009—“Old Debates Recycled”— Edward Muir imagined a bleak future for the field of Renaissance and Reformation studies. In the year 2049, the history department of the fictional SocratoConfucian University ignores the impassioned urging of the last specialist in the field to replace him upon his retirement, in preference for hiring a historian of fusion music. One implication of this thought experiment was that the field of fifteenthand sixteenth-century European history, while actually having important lessons to teach a world riven by sectarian and partisan divides, seems increasingly irrelevant to the concerns of the twenty-first-century university. Concern about the relevance of the history of the Renaissance was hardly new, as the title of Muir’s piece acknowledged in its doubled meaning. Forty years ago, William Bouwsma pronounced a public obituary on old arguments for its significance in the form of the American Historical Association’s 1978 presidential address, as well (although this seems more readily forgotten) as proposing new ones. Bouwsma’s suggestion for the continuing relevance of the Renaissance lay in his assertion that the period was defined by recognition of the contingency and plurality of human culture. While he expressed bewilderment at the concept of postmodernity, his claim has strong affinities with Randolph Starn’s articulation of a “Postmodern Renaissance” some thirty years later. Starn proposed that postmodernism offered a clear opportunity to scholars of the Renaissance—which was itself defined by pluralism, fragmentation,","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87108939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PONDERING WHAT TO WRITE for this special cluster, I was jump-started by reminiscences from rather an unlikely quarter. Niall Ferguson’s June 23, 2019, Sunday Times obituary of the maverick historian Norman Stone, in which Ferguson recounted the reasoning behind his choice of German twentieth-century history as the subject area for his dissertation at Oxford in the mid-1980s, claimed there were three language choices for budding historians wanting to study European history: Russian (for the Cold War), Italian (for the Renaissance), and German. And the reason he gave for not learning Italian was: “I knew there was no future in the Renaissance.” In terms of academic jobs in England, Ferguson was right. Famously, the last academic job in Italian Renaissance history for over thirty years was advertised in 1978. Oxford—never a center for Italian Renaissance studies—also suffered historically from a surfeit of masculinity, and way before academic positions dried up, male students were steered away from Renaissance subjects. Denys Hay, a historian of Renaissance Italy, famously recalled that when, in 1936, he said he wanted to take the Italian Renaissance special subject, his tutor said “that only girls did that: I was to concentrate on the manly Middle Ages.” Sandwiched between the more acceptable Middle Ages and the more job-oriented twentieth century, the Renaissance was relegated to the bloody-minded and determined, who had to make their way upstream against this choppy current as best they could. Choosing to work on Italian Renaissance history effectively entailed extra dollops ofwhat would nowbe termed anxiety-inducing disappointments and failures. Interview panels at every job interview I have ever had for positions on three continents have tried to force me to say that the Renaissance was finished and I was really an early modernist—and I always refused.
{"title":"Reasons to Be Cheerful: The Future of Italian Renaissance History","authors":"K. Lowe","doi":"10.1086/705469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705469","url":null,"abstract":"PONDERING WHAT TO WRITE for this special cluster, I was jump-started by reminiscences from rather an unlikely quarter. Niall Ferguson’s June 23, 2019, Sunday Times obituary of the maverick historian Norman Stone, in which Ferguson recounted the reasoning behind his choice of German twentieth-century history as the subject area for his dissertation at Oxford in the mid-1980s, claimed there were three language choices for budding historians wanting to study European history: Russian (for the Cold War), Italian (for the Renaissance), and German. And the reason he gave for not learning Italian was: “I knew there was no future in the Renaissance.” In terms of academic jobs in England, Ferguson was right. Famously, the last academic job in Italian Renaissance history for over thirty years was advertised in 1978. Oxford—never a center for Italian Renaissance studies—also suffered historically from a surfeit of masculinity, and way before academic positions dried up, male students were steered away from Renaissance subjects. Denys Hay, a historian of Renaissance Italy, famously recalled that when, in 1936, he said he wanted to take the Italian Renaissance special subject, his tutor said “that only girls did that: I was to concentrate on the manly Middle Ages.” Sandwiched between the more acceptable Middle Ages and the more job-oriented twentieth century, the Renaissance was relegated to the bloody-minded and determined, who had to make their way upstream against this choppy current as best they could. Choosing to work on Italian Renaissance history effectively entailed extra dollops ofwhat would nowbe termed anxiety-inducing disappointments and failures. Interview panels at every job interview I have ever had for positions on three continents have tried to force me to say that the Renaissance was finished and I was really an early modernist—and I always refused.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90285696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
FOR GIAMBATTISTA VICO in his Principi di scienza nuova (1744), academies represented the culmination of human civilization. His view has not always been shared, but, especially since the new millennium, academies have attracted growing international scholarly interest as cultural and sociopolitical hubs central to forming knowledge across all disciplines of the arts and sciences. Their study as a scholarly field in their own right was given new impetus around 1980 by Amedeo Quondam, Claudia Di Filippo Bareggi, Laetitia Boehm, Ezio Raimondi, and Gino Benzoni, and in the Anglosphere by Frances Yates and Eric Cochrane. This coincided with a growing sociohistorical interest in associative and relational culture, setting aside Burckhardtian concerns for the individual. More recently, the field has diversified considerably to include interest in cultural mobilities and transnational networks, while the availability of digital resources offers new research possibilities. The groundwork for studying these rather loosely defined institutions that proliferated in the Italian peninsula and beyond from around the turn of the sixteenth century was first laid out with Michele Maylender’s multivolume compendium Storia delle accademie d’Italia (published posthumously, 1926–30). This documents over two thousand academies of varying constitutions formed at various dates but
{"title":"“Finally the Academies”: Networking Communities of Knowledge in Italy and Beyond","authors":"L. Sampson","doi":"10.1086/705431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705431","url":null,"abstract":"FOR GIAMBATTISTA VICO in his Principi di scienza nuova (1744), academies represented the culmination of human civilization. His view has not always been shared, but, especially since the new millennium, academies have attracted growing international scholarly interest as cultural and sociopolitical hubs central to forming knowledge across all disciplines of the arts and sciences. Their study as a scholarly field in their own right was given new impetus around 1980 by Amedeo Quondam, Claudia Di Filippo Bareggi, Laetitia Boehm, Ezio Raimondi, and Gino Benzoni, and in the Anglosphere by Frances Yates and Eric Cochrane. This coincided with a growing sociohistorical interest in associative and relational culture, setting aside Burckhardtian concerns for the individual. More recently, the field has diversified considerably to include interest in cultural mobilities and transnational networks, while the availability of digital resources offers new research possibilities. The groundwork for studying these rather loosely defined institutions that proliferated in the Italian peninsula and beyond from around the turn of the sixteenth century was first laid out with Michele Maylender’s multivolume compendium Storia delle accademie d’Italia (published posthumously, 1926–30). This documents over two thousand academies of varying constitutions formed at various dates but","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81236344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Trivellato, Francesca, “Economic and Business History as Cultural History: Pitfalls and Possibilities,” in I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 22, no. 2 (2019): 402-410.
{"title":"Economic and Business History as Cultural History: Pitfalls and Possibilities","authors":"F. Trivellato","doi":"10.1086/705400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705400","url":null,"abstract":"Trivellato, Francesca, “Economic and Business History as Cultural History: Pitfalls and Possibilities,” in I Tatti Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 22, no. 2 (2019): 402-410.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75336927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
TO ASK ABOUT THE FUTURE OF THE FIELD of Renaissance studies is, now, to ask whether it will have one, not because of any characteristics inherent to the field itself, but because we face the question of whether human beings and the ecologies we live and work in have a future. As I write, the temperature in southern France this week is expected to reach 457C (1137F). Unprecedented quantities of rain in the midwestern United States have made it impossible for farmers to get their crops into the ground. Extreme weather events are becoming ever more common, repeatedly taking a huge human and material toll. As a result—to name just one effect on our field—the Renaissance Society of America meeting was moved this year from San Juan, Puerto Rico, to Toronto. As Renaissance scholars we cannot look away much longer, as rising sea levels threaten Venice and other historic sites. Meanwhile, drought renders other regions uninhabitable, and wars are fought over ever scarcer natural resources. I write this essay, therefore, not to suggest the best way to chase methodological trends, not to provide readers with an obligatory syllabus that you’ll have to race to keep up with in order to stay or become “cutting edge.”What we needmight actually be a little less of the cutting edge (it’s been suggested that a shorter work week would help slow carbon emissions). I write this essay as a plea: we need to be in climate crisis mode. That means we need to refashion our relationship to our work and systems of knowledge not only to reduce individual consumption of carbon fuels or to accommodate change as it
{"title":"What Future?","authors":"R. Zorach","doi":"10.1086/705436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705436","url":null,"abstract":"TO ASK ABOUT THE FUTURE OF THE FIELD of Renaissance studies is, now, to ask whether it will have one, not because of any characteristics inherent to the field itself, but because we face the question of whether human beings and the ecologies we live and work in have a future. As I write, the temperature in southern France this week is expected to reach 457C (1137F). Unprecedented quantities of rain in the midwestern United States have made it impossible for farmers to get their crops into the ground. Extreme weather events are becoming ever more common, repeatedly taking a huge human and material toll. As a result—to name just one effect on our field—the Renaissance Society of America meeting was moved this year from San Juan, Puerto Rico, to Toronto. As Renaissance scholars we cannot look away much longer, as rising sea levels threaten Venice and other historic sites. Meanwhile, drought renders other regions uninhabitable, and wars are fought over ever scarcer natural resources. I write this essay, therefore, not to suggest the best way to chase methodological trends, not to provide readers with an obligatory syllabus that you’ll have to race to keep up with in order to stay or become “cutting edge.”What we needmight actually be a little less of the cutting edge (it’s been suggested that a shorter work week would help slow carbon emissions). I write this essay as a plea: we need to be in climate crisis mode. That means we need to refashion our relationship to our work and systems of knowledge not only to reduce individual consumption of carbon fuels or to accommodate change as it","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78682551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Al di là dei confini","authors":"L. Bolzoni","doi":"10.1086/705504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705504","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75591714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EXHIB IT ING MICHELANGELO Until 1849, the Parisian Museum of the Renaissance presented Michelangelo’s Rebellious Slave and Dying Slave (1513–15)—the two almost finished captives created for Pope Julius II’s famously unfinished tomb—as the centerpiece of a carefully curated selection of French and Italian sculpture, culminating in the work of Napoleon’s favorite neoclassical sculptor, the recently deceased Venetian artist Antonio Canova (1757–1822). The two sculptures arrived in the museum in 1793, confiscated from the widow of Cardinal Richelieu’s descendant, as the Louvre opened its doors to the nation. Michelangelo called the two captives “prisoners” (prigioni). After their migration to France in themid-sixteenth century, theywere described in 1624 as “Michelangelo’s
{"title":"The Museum’s Renaissance Revisited: Histories, Objects, Exhibits","authors":"P. Findlen","doi":"10.1086/705517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705517","url":null,"abstract":"EXHIB IT ING MICHELANGELO Until 1849, the Parisian Museum of the Renaissance presented Michelangelo’s Rebellious Slave and Dying Slave (1513–15)—the two almost finished captives created for Pope Julius II’s famously unfinished tomb—as the centerpiece of a carefully curated selection of French and Italian sculpture, culminating in the work of Napoleon’s favorite neoclassical sculptor, the recently deceased Venetian artist Antonio Canova (1757–1822). The two sculptures arrived in the museum in 1793, confiscated from the widow of Cardinal Richelieu’s descendant, as the Louvre opened its doors to the nation. Michelangelo called the two captives “prisoners” (prigioni). After their migration to France in themid-sixteenth century, theywere described in 1624 as “Michelangelo’s","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88249318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IN 2018, a leading journal of early modern studies dedicated a special issue to the phenomenon of religious conversion, defining the period from around 1400 to 1700 as “the age of Conversion” in European history. For the Christian population, the Protestant Reformations of the sixteenth century ushered in a period of collective conversions of a scale comparable to that which had characterized the Christianization of Europe in late antiquity and the first centuries of the Middle Ages. Yet as far as the Jewish minority in Europe was concerned, the age of conversion began even earlier, with the mass conversions that occurred in Iberia in the late fourteenth century and throughout the fifteenth century. Believed to form a crucial part of the divine plan for the salvation of humankind, the conversion of the Jews traditionally held a unique significance for Christian authorities. Judaism was regarded as Christianity’s closest parallel and as its nearest and most theologically threatening Other. Thus, the conversion of the Jews was deemed more important than the conversion of any other non-Christian group. Nonetheless, the mass conversions from Judaism that took place in the kingdoms of Iberia in the face of pogroms and threats of expulsion were extraordinary, both in their magnitude and in their far-reaching and complex implications. Ordered to convert toCatholicismor else leave the country, numerous Spanish Jews (possibly 35,000–40,000) went into exile in 1492. Many of those who left for Portugal were forcibly baptized there just a few years later.
{"title":"The Future of Studying Jewish Conversion in Renaissance Italy","authors":"Tamar Herzig","doi":"10.1086/705412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/705412","url":null,"abstract":"IN 2018, a leading journal of early modern studies dedicated a special issue to the phenomenon of religious conversion, defining the period from around 1400 to 1700 as “the age of Conversion” in European history. For the Christian population, the Protestant Reformations of the sixteenth century ushered in a period of collective conversions of a scale comparable to that which had characterized the Christianization of Europe in late antiquity and the first centuries of the Middle Ages. Yet as far as the Jewish minority in Europe was concerned, the age of conversion began even earlier, with the mass conversions that occurred in Iberia in the late fourteenth century and throughout the fifteenth century. Believed to form a crucial part of the divine plan for the salvation of humankind, the conversion of the Jews traditionally held a unique significance for Christian authorities. Judaism was regarded as Christianity’s closest parallel and as its nearest and most theologically threatening Other. Thus, the conversion of the Jews was deemed more important than the conversion of any other non-Christian group. Nonetheless, the mass conversions from Judaism that took place in the kingdoms of Iberia in the face of pogroms and threats of expulsion were extraordinary, both in their magnitude and in their far-reaching and complex implications. Ordered to convert toCatholicismor else leave the country, numerous Spanish Jews (possibly 35,000–40,000) went into exile in 1492. Many of those who left for Portugal were forcibly baptized there just a few years later.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81304630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：