Bartolomeo Bulgarini’s panel in the Berenson Collection exemplifies what was by the mid-fourteenth century the well-established genre of the Crucifixion: suffering Christ at the center, soldiers and high priests to the right, anguished disciples and mother to the left (fig. 1). St. Francis’s embrace of the foot of the cross soaked in blood is less standard and a marked departure from Bulgarini’s most direct source, a triptych executed in the workshop of his great fellow Sienese painter, Duccio, now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. But surely one of the most touching aspects of the Duccio has been retained by Bulgarini, virtually intact: the tender gaze directed by the apostle John and a female disciple at Mary, as they delicately support her swooning body. Mary’s own eyes are fixed steadily on her son, who in turn directs his fading sight toward her. Thus the gesture of love—of, I would argue, compassion—takes place without Mary’s acknowledgment. John and this unknown woman, along with a Mary Magdalene in red at the top of the group, are simply reaching out for an exhausted Mary as she is locked in silent, mournful conversation with her son. Bulgarini’s painting resonates with a contemporary work that the opening cluster of essays argues is equally concerned with representations of compassion: the Decameron of Giovanni Boccaccio, written roughly a decade after Bulgarini painted his lamentation for a Franciscan devotee. The title of Gur Zak’s essay quotes from the first sentence of Boccaccio’s influential masterpiece: “umana cosa è aver compassione.” Zak opens his own article discussing patristic theories of compassion and contrasting them with the Stoic tendencies of Boccaccio’s most important influence, Petrarch—a Petrarch who tended to define manliness as emotional control. As he goes on to consider two novelle from Day 4, Zak suggests that Boccaccio “offers an alternative vision of humanism, one that underscores human vulnerability and the value of expressions of compassion between friends.” Such friendship could be said to be demonstrated in Bulgarini’sCrucifixionwith respect toMary and her companions—and aMary, moreover, who was depicted as a model of maternal compassion throughout the late medieval period, while Jesus was increasingly depicted as “a
巴托洛梅奥·宝格丽尼在贝伦森收藏中的画板是十四世纪中期确立的钉十字架画派的典范:受难的基督在中间，士兵和大祭司在右边，痛苦的门徒和母亲在左边(图1)。圣方济各拥抱浸满鲜血的十字架脚的画面不太标准，明显偏离了宝格丽最直接的来源，这幅三联画是在他伟大的锡耶纳画家杜乔(Duccio)的工作室里创作的，现在藏在波士顿美术博物馆(Museum of Fine Arts)。但可以肯定的是，宝格丽保留了Duccio最动人的一面，几乎完好无损:使徒约翰和一位女门徒温柔地凝视着玛丽，他们小心翼翼地支撑着她晕晕乎乎的身体。玛丽自己的眼睛一直盯着她的儿子，而儿子也把他逐渐模糊的视线转向了她。因此，爱的姿态——我认为是同情——发生在玛丽没有得到承认的情况下。约翰和这个不知名的女人，以及小组最上面的一个红衣抹大拉的玛丽，只是伸手去救一个疲惫不堪的玛丽，因为她被锁在沉默，悲伤的谈话中。宝格丽尼的画作与一件当代作品产生了共鸣，开篇的一组文章认为，这幅作品同样关注同情的表现:《薄伽丘的十日谈》(Decameron of Giovanni Boccaccio)，大约是在宝格丽尼为一位方济会信徒哀叹的十年之后写的。Gur Zak文章的标题引用了薄伽丘的影响深远的杰作的第一句话:“人类的cosa è超越同情。”扎克在自己的文章开头讨论了教父的同情理论，并将其与薄伽丘最重要的影响者彼特拉克的斯多葛主义倾向进行了对比——彼特拉克倾向于将男子气概定义为情绪控制。当扎克继续考虑第四天的两部小说时，他认为薄伽丘“提供了人文主义的另一种视角，强调人类的脆弱性和朋友之间表达同情的价值。”这种友谊可以说在宝格丽尼对玛丽和她的同伴们的尊重中得到了体现，而且，在整个中世纪后期，玛丽被描绘成母亲同情的典范，而耶稣则越来越多地被描绘成“一个”
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Jane Tylus","doi":"10.1086/702664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702664","url":null,"abstract":"Bartolomeo Bulgarini’s panel in the Berenson Collection exemplifies what was by the mid-fourteenth century the well-established genre of the Crucifixion: suffering Christ at the center, soldiers and high priests to the right, anguished disciples and mother to the left (fig. 1). St. Francis’s embrace of the foot of the cross soaked in blood is less standard and a marked departure from Bulgarini’s most direct source, a triptych executed in the workshop of his great fellow Sienese painter, Duccio, now in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. But surely one of the most touching aspects of the Duccio has been retained by Bulgarini, virtually intact: the tender gaze directed by the apostle John and a female disciple at Mary, as they delicately support her swooning body. Mary’s own eyes are fixed steadily on her son, who in turn directs his fading sight toward her. Thus the gesture of love—of, I would argue, compassion—takes place without Mary’s acknowledgment. John and this unknown woman, along with a Mary Magdalene in red at the top of the group, are simply reaching out for an exhausted Mary as she is locked in silent, mournful conversation with her son. Bulgarini’s painting resonates with a contemporary work that the opening cluster of essays argues is equally concerned with representations of compassion: the Decameron of Giovanni Boccaccio, written roughly a decade after Bulgarini painted his lamentation for a Franciscan devotee. The title of Gur Zak’s essay quotes from the first sentence of Boccaccio’s influential masterpiece: “umana cosa è aver compassione.” Zak opens his own article discussing patristic theories of compassion and contrasting them with the Stoic tendencies of Boccaccio’s most important influence, Petrarch—a Petrarch who tended to define manliness as emotional control. As he goes on to consider two novelle from Day 4, Zak suggests that Boccaccio “offers an alternative vision of humanism, one that underscores human vulnerability and the value of expressions of compassion between friends.” Such friendship could be said to be demonstrated in Bulgarini’sCrucifixionwith respect toMary and her companions—and aMary, moreover, who was depicted as a model of maternal compassion throughout the late medieval period, while Jesus was increasingly depicted as “a","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89350563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE CONVENT OF SANTI ILDEFONSO E TOMMASO DA VILLANOVA , the Roman headquarters of the Spanish Order of Discalced Augustinians, lies on Via Sistina, close to the palace housing the Spanish Embassy to the Holy See. The order was under Spanish patronage from its foundation, and in 1611 King Philip III wrote to his ambassador in Rome in order to grant his protection to the Discalced Augustinians. The history of the monastery began in 1619 with the license granted by Cardinal Giovanni Garzia Mellini, and its construction concluded in 1672 with the consecration of the church. The foundation was proud of its Spanish allegiance, which was underscored by having the names of Pope Clement IX and King Charles II of Spain chiseled onto its cornerstone. At the end of the century, the monks refused to place the tombstone of Juan Zamorra inside their building, arguing that it had been constructed by and for Spain and, therefore, that only the name of the nation could be represented. Moreover, this Spanish vocation was confirmed in the twentieth century by Elías Tormo, who included the monas-
{"title":"Francesco Borromini and the Spanish Church of Santi Ildefonso e Tommaso da Villanova in Rome","authors":"Pablo González Tornel","doi":"10.1086/702647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702647","url":null,"abstract":"THE CONVENT OF SANTI ILDEFONSO E TOMMASO DA VILLANOVA , the Roman headquarters of the Spanish Order of Discalced Augustinians, lies on Via Sistina, close to the palace housing the Spanish Embassy to the Holy See. The order was under Spanish patronage from its foundation, and in 1611 King Philip III wrote to his ambassador in Rome in order to grant his protection to the Discalced Augustinians. The history of the monastery began in 1619 with the license granted by Cardinal Giovanni Garzia Mellini, and its construction concluded in 1672 with the consecration of the church. The foundation was proud of its Spanish allegiance, which was underscored by having the names of Pope Clement IX and King Charles II of Spain chiseled onto its cornerstone. At the end of the century, the monks refused to place the tombstone of Juan Zamorra inside their building, arguing that it had been constructed by and for Spain and, therefore, that only the name of the nation could be represented. Moreover, this Spanish vocation was confirmed in the twentieth century by Elías Tormo, who included the monas-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82380237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE EMOTION OF COMPASSION has been at the center of scholarly attention of several disciplines in recent years: history, philosophy, cognitive psychology, and literary studies all have taken interest in this emotion and its ethical, political, and poetic implications. For thinkers such as Martha Nussbaum and Stephen Pinker, compassion, defined as “a painful emotion directed at another person’s misfortune or suffering,” is the “basic social emotion,” the glue that holds humans together and serves as the basis of a democratic and just society. For both, moreover, it is literature—and especially literature with a strong tragic component— that serves as the primary means of cultivating this essentially humane trait. The empathetic identification with the hardships of literary characters, they argue, develops our ability to recognize our shared human vulnerabilities and thus become compassionate and caring people in real life. This view regarding the value of compassion—and the power of literary fictions to cultivate it—is not without its critics, however. Some contemporary scholars challenge the social and political merits of compassion, claiming that it leads hu-
{"title":"“Umana cosa è aver compassione”: Boccaccio, Compassion, and the Ethics of Literature","authors":"Gur Zak","doi":"10.1086/702551","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702551","url":null,"abstract":"THE EMOTION OF COMPASSION has been at the center of scholarly attention of several disciplines in recent years: history, philosophy, cognitive psychology, and literary studies all have taken interest in this emotion and its ethical, political, and poetic implications. For thinkers such as Martha Nussbaum and Stephen Pinker, compassion, defined as “a painful emotion directed at another person’s misfortune or suffering,” is the “basic social emotion,” the glue that holds humans together and serves as the basis of a democratic and just society. For both, moreover, it is literature—and especially literature with a strong tragic component— that serves as the primary means of cultivating this essentially humane trait. The empathetic identification with the hardships of literary characters, they argue, develops our ability to recognize our shared human vulnerabilities and thus become compassionate and caring people in real life. This view regarding the value of compassion—and the power of literary fictions to cultivate it—is not without its critics, however. Some contemporary scholars challenge the social and political merits of compassion, claiming that it leads hu-","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78923139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
FEW FIGURES HAVE DRAWN more scholarly attention to the relationship between Renaissance musical humanism and early modern science than Vincenzo Galilei (ca. 1520/30–1591)—lutenist, composer, notorious polemicist in musical affairs, and the father of Galileo Galilei (1564–1642), notorious polemicist in scientific affairs. Vincenzo has been conventionally portrayed as delivering a decisive conclusion to significant concerns regarding the relationship between music and mathematics: from the Dialogo della musica antica et della moderna (1581) through the late discourses inmanuscript (ca. 1589–91), the acoustic investigations and theoretical contributions of Vincenzo have been understood to represent the defeat of numerology and the disenchantment of a traditional Pythagorean or Neoplatonic worldview. Where the source documents themselves strikingly diverge from such an account, the discrepancies have been correspondingly portrayed as clear departures from an empirical orientation, and as wholly extraneous for that very reason to Vincenzo’s genuine findings and fundamental intentions.
在文艺复兴时期的音乐人文主义与早期现代科学之间的关系上，很少有人比文森佐·伽利莱(Vincenzo Galilei，约1520/30-1591)更引起学术界的关注。他是鲁特琴演奏家、作曲家、音乐事务中臭名昭著的辩论家，也是伽利略·伽利莱(Galileo Galilei, 1564-1642)的父亲，在科学事务中臭名昭著的辩论家。传统上，文森佐被描绘为对音乐与数学之间关系的重要问题给出了决定性的结论:从1581年的《古代音乐与现代音乐的对话》(Dialogo della musica antica et della moderna)到手稿中的后期论述(约1589 - 1591年)，文森佐的声学研究和理论贡献被理解为代表了数字命理学的失败，以及传统毕达哥拉斯或新柏拉图主义世界观的幻灭。当原始文献本身与这样的描述明显不同时，这些差异相应地被描述为明显偏离了经验取向，并且完全与文森佐的真正发现和基本意图无关。
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DEAR LITTLE BOOK: You who were obscured for some time In a gloomy and miserable place, And were submerged in Lethaean forgetfulness By the envy of spiteful men, Are now restored to light and splendor, And are returned to the hands of the learned. Eminent Giuliano has given this to you, He who commands the name and renown Of his uncle Sixtus to be eternal, And who prophetically extends the green branches Of his tree across the whole world with his deeds, This is what that great Giuliano has given to you.
{"title":"The Library of Julius II and Raphael’s Art of Commentary","authors":"Tracy Cosgriff","doi":"10.1086/702710","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702710","url":null,"abstract":"DEAR LITTLE BOOK: You who were obscured for some time In a gloomy and miserable place, And were submerged in Lethaean forgetfulness By the envy of spiteful men, Are now restored to light and splendor, And are returned to the hands of the learned. Eminent Giuliano has given this to you, He who commands the name and renown Of his uncle Sixtus to be eternal, And who prophetically extends the green branches Of his tree across the whole world with his deeds, This is what that great Giuliano has given to you.","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77382970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The new Met Breuer opened in 2016 with an exhibit called Unfinished: Thoughts Left Visible, a collection of paintings, drawings, and sculptures from the fifteenth through the twenty-first centuries. It featured Rembrandt, Turner, Rodin, Louise Bourgeois, and contemporary artists, as well as Dürer, Perino del Vaga, and Francesco di GiorgioMartini. The exhibit convincingly demonstrated that since the Renaissance, there has been something of a cult of the unfinished, especially in art—as though, as Leah Whittington puts it in the opening essay of this volume, there is something powerful in being able to see the “ultima mano” of the artist, allowing us to situate ourselves at the heart of the creative process. Michelangelo’s “non finito” has become one of the most compelling aspects of this artist’s legacy, and Leonardo’s Adoration of the Magi, recently returned to the Uffizi after extensive restoration, offers a tantalizing peek into Leonardo’smodus operandi, with its etching of characters in the background who seem to carry with them the specter of a pagan past that Jesus’s birth put to rest. At the same time, while the unfinished work may have acquired an aura of its own thanks to the very Renaissance with which the exhibit opened, early modernity experienced no little anxiety in its desire to exact completeness where it found something wanting. One can speak of the stigma as well as the fascination of the incomplete. This is, in fact, the focus of the four essays that have been selected as part of this issue’s cluster, “Unfinished Renaissances.”Whether it is the apparently (to a modern eye) misguided attempt to finish what seems to be the most perfect of poems from classical antiquity, Virgil’sAeneid; Angelo Poliziano’s attempt to render an authentic, integral self even as he left his poetic masterpiece, Stanze per la giostra, incomplete and whose quote “As if art were always something begun and unfinished” was featured in the Met Breuer catalogue; the ambitious desire of a Claudio Tolomei to formulate an educational project leading to the complete mastery of ancient architecture; or the equally ambitious desire of the polymath Athanasius Kircher to crown his distinguished career with a work that would unlock the secrets of Etruscan language and culture: there is, in all of these projects, a discomfort with the incomplete, a desire for totalizing texts and structures of thought, not least because of what was perceived as antiquity’s fragmentary nature. Or as Whittington notes in her opening pages, which could easily have served as the introduction to the
新的Met Breuer博物馆于2016年开幕，展览名为“未完成:思绪可见”，展出了从15世纪到21世纪的绘画、素描和雕塑。它的特色是伦勃朗、特纳、罗丹、路易丝·布尔乔亚和当代艺术家，以及d、佩里诺·德尔·瓦加和弗朗西斯科·迪乔尔乔·马提尼。这次展览令人信服地表明，自文艺复兴以来，人们对未完成的作品，尤其是在艺术领域，有一种崇拜——就像利亚·惠廷顿(Leah Whittington)在本卷的开篇文章中所说的那样，能够看到艺术家的“最后命令”，让我们置身于创作过程的核心，这是一种强大的力量。米开朗基罗的“非终结”已经成为这位艺术家的遗产中最引人注目的方面之一，达芬奇的《贤士崇拜》最近在经过大规模修复后回到乌菲齐美术馆，它提供了一个诱人的机会来窥视达芬奇的手法，在背景中蚀刻的人物似乎带着耶稣诞生后安息的异教过去的幽灵。与此同时，虽然未完成的作品可能由于展览开幕时的文艺复兴时期而获得了自己的光环，但早期现代性在发现某些不足之处时，对精确完成的渴望经历了不少焦虑。人们可以谈论耻辱，也可以谈论不完整的魅力。事实上，这正是本期《未完成的文艺复兴》丛书中四篇文章的重点所在。无论是(在现代人看来)显然是误入歧途的试图完成古典时代最完美的诗歌，维吉尔的《新涅伊德》;安吉洛·波利齐亚诺(Angelo Poliziano)试图呈现一个真实的、完整的自我，即使他留下了他的诗歌杰作，Stanze per la giostra，不完整，他的名言“好像艺术总是开始和未完成的东西”被列入大都会博物馆的布鲁尔目录;Claudio Tolomei的雄心勃勃的愿望是制定一个教育项目，从而完全掌握古代建筑;或者同样雄心勃勃的博学多才的阿塔纳修斯·基尔彻(Athanasius Kircher)想要用一部解开伊特鲁里亚语言和文化秘密的作品来为他杰出的职业生涯画上圆满的一笔:在所有这些项目中，都有一种对不完整的不安，一种对文本和思想结构的总体渴望，尤其是因为他们认为古代的本质是碎片化的。或者正如惠廷顿在她的开篇所指出的那样，这可以很容易地作为对
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AGNOLO BRONZINO (1503–72) was the most celebrated portrait painter in Florence of his generation, yet very few contemporary sources document and discuss this aspect of his work. In his discussion of the artists of the newly founded Accademia del Disegno, Giorgio Vasari praises Bronzino’s portraits as “all very natural, executed with incredible diligence, and finished so well, that nothing more could be desired” and as “so natural that they seem truly alive, and nothing is wanting in them save breath.” To modern eyes, however, Bronzino’s highly polished and sophisticated portraits hardly seem natural and lifelike. One critic has
AGNOLO BRONZINO(1503-72)是他那一代佛罗伦萨最著名的肖像画家，但很少有当代资料记录和讨论他工作的这一方面。乔治·瓦萨里(Giorgio Vasari)在讨论新成立的迪塞尼奥学院(Accademia del Disegno)的艺术家时，称赞布龙奇诺的肖像画“非常自然，执行得非常勤奋，完成得非常好，没有什么可以再要求的了”，“如此自然，他们似乎真的活着，除了呼吸，什么都不缺少。”然而，以现代人的眼光来看，布龙奇诺的高度抛光和复杂的肖像很难看起来自然和逼真。一位评论家
{"title":"Bronzino’s Portrait of Antonio Lapi: A Hypothetical Identification with Considerations of Chronology and Costume in Bronzino’s Male Portraits","authors":"S. Wellen","doi":"10.1086/699814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699814","url":null,"abstract":"AGNOLO BRONZINO (1503–72) was the most celebrated portrait painter in Florence of his generation, yet very few contemporary sources document and discuss this aspect of his work. In his discussion of the artists of the newly founded Accademia del Disegno, Giorgio Vasari praises Bronzino’s portraits as “all very natural, executed with incredible diligence, and finished so well, that nothing more could be desired” and as “so natural that they seem truly alive, and nothing is wanting in them save breath.” To modern eyes, however, Bronzino’s highly polished and sophisticated portraits hardly seem natural and lifelike. One critic has","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87449215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PROBABLY NOTHING ANGELO POLIZIANO WROTE has more often been quoted than this: “Non exprimis, inquit aliquis, Ciceronem. Quid tum? Non enim sum Cicero! Me tamen (ut opinor) exprimo” (Someone says to me, “You don’t express Cicero.” So what? I’m not Cicero! All the same, as I see it, I express myself ). These sixteen words comprise roughly one-half hundredth of a percent of Poliziano’s published Latin and Greek works, and one suspects that their author would be dismayed to find his vast, rich oeuvre—and his brief but extraordinary life—so often reduced to a single epigram. And yet, there it is: abrupt, arresting, remarkable. One way or another, one cannot really reckon with Poliziano without reckoning with his most famous dictum, and this is especially true for the reader
{"title":"Things Left Unsaid","authors":"S. Butler","doi":"10.1086/699816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699816","url":null,"abstract":"PROBABLY NOTHING ANGELO POLIZIANO WROTE has more often been quoted than this: “Non exprimis, inquit aliquis, Ciceronem. Quid tum? Non enim sum Cicero! Me tamen (ut opinor) exprimo” (Someone says to me, “You don’t express Cicero.” So what? I’m not Cicero! All the same, as I see it, I express myself ). These sixteen words comprise roughly one-half hundredth of a percent of Poliziano’s published Latin and Greek works, and one suspects that their author would be dismayed to find his vast, rich oeuvre—and his brief but extraordinary life—so often reduced to a single epigram. And yet, there it is: abrupt, arresting, remarkable. One way or another, one cannot really reckon with Poliziano without reckoning with his most famous dictum, and this is especially true for the reader","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90059797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
SINCE THE AGE OF DANTE, Cenni di Pepo (ca. 1240–1302), better known as Cimabue, has been considered a forefather of Italian Renaissance painting. He is the first painter chronicled in Giorgio Vasari’s Vitae, there portrayed as a hero who set Florentine painters on a path to surpass the achievements of the revered classical past. Among the works praised in Vasari’s biography are the murals Cimabue painted in the upper church apse and transepts of the Basilica of Saint Francis at Assisi, likely executed between 1277–80. Depicting the Apocalypse, the Life, Death, and Assumption of the Virgin Mary, the Four Evangelists, and the Apostles, Cimabue’s murals are, unfortunately, in poor condition (fig. 1). They had already deteriorated by the time Vasari saw them in 1563; in his 1568 edition of the Vitae he described them as “consumed by time and dust.” Cimabue’s working
自但丁时代以来，Cenni di Pepo(约1240-1302年)，也就是人们熟知的Cimabue，一直被认为是意大利文艺复兴时期绘画的鼻祖。他是乔治·瓦萨里(Giorgio Vasari)的《维塔》(Vitae)中记载的第一位画家，在这本书中，他被描绘成一位英雄，带领佛罗伦萨画家走上了一条超越受人尊敬的古典画家成就的道路。在瓦萨里的传记中赞扬的作品中，有契马布埃在阿西西圣弗朗西斯大教堂的上部教堂后殿和横壁上绘制的壁画，可能是在1277年至1280年之间完成的。不幸的是，契马布埃的壁画描绘了启示录、圣母玛利亚的生、死、升天、四位福音传教士和使徒，但它们的保存状况很差(图1)。当瓦萨里在1563年看到它们时，它们已经变质了。在他1568年出版的《个人简历》中，他将它们描述为“被时间和尘埃吞噬”。契马布艾所作的工作
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PLINY THE ELDER , in an anecdote repeated by Renaissance writers from Petrarch to Vasari, tells the story of the renowned Greek painter Apelles and his uncompleted painting of Venus of Cos. Apelles had intended this Coan Venus to surpass all his other paintings, including his earlier Venus Anadyomene, a picture of Venus rising from the sea, celebrated in poetry and so admired by the emperor Augustus that he dedicated it in the temple of his adopted father, the Divine Julius Caesar. But Apelles did not succeed in his intention. He died before he could finish the painting, and other painters were left to decide what to do with the partially executed panel. With a touch of hagiographic awe, Pliny recounts the inevitable outcome of the quest to find someone to bring the great artist’s work to completion: “nec qui succederet operi ad praescripta liniamenta inventus est” (no one could be found to carry on the task in conformity with the sketched outlines). Retelling Pliny’s story in hisDialogo di pittura (1548), Paolo Pino adds that when no wouldbe finisher presented himself, the unfinished painting was preserved by the people of Cos for many years after Apelles’s death “come cosa maravigliosa,” as a thing to be marveled at. Not only was the painting preserved exactly as Apelles had left it, but it was admired in its very incompleteness. Pliny’s anecdote and the play of its repetitions across the Renaissance in both words and images testifies to a powerful and persistent strain of Renaissance thinking about unfinished and incomplete works of art. In the hundreds of drawings of
《老普林尼》是文艺复兴时期从彼特拉克到瓦萨里的作家们反复讲述的一个轶事，讲述了著名的希腊画家阿佩莱斯和他未完成的《科斯的维纳斯》的故事。阿佩莱斯有意让这幅《科恩的维纳斯》超越他所有的其他画作，包括他早期的《阿纳多米涅的维纳斯》，这是一幅维纳斯从海上升起的画，被诗歌歌颂，受到奥古斯都皇帝的赞赏，他把这幅画献给了他的养父——神圣的朱利叶斯·凯撒的神庙。但是阿佩莱斯没有达到他的目的。他在完成这幅画之前就去世了，其他画家被留下来决定如何处理这幅部分完成的画。带着一丝圣徒般的敬畏，普林尼讲述了寻找一个人来完成这位伟大艺术家的作品的必然结果:“nec qui succederet operi and praescripta liniamenta inventus est”(没有人能找到按照草图完成任务的人)。保罗·皮诺在他的《阿佩莱斯的对话》(1548)中重述了普林尼的故事，他补充说，当没有人愿意完成这幅画时，这幅未完成的画在阿佩莱斯死后被科斯的人们保存了很多年，“come cosa maravigliosa”，作为一件令人惊叹的事情。这幅画不仅完好无损地保存了下来，而且还因其残缺而受到赞赏。普林尼的轶事以及它在文艺复兴时期以文字和图像的形式不断重复，证明了文艺复兴时期对未完成和未完成的艺术作品的强烈而持久的思考。在数以百计的图画中
{"title":"Qui Succederet Operi: Completing the Unfinished in Maffeo Vegio’s Supplementum Aeneidos","authors":"Leah Whittington","doi":"10.1086/699711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699711","url":null,"abstract":"PLINY THE ELDER , in an anecdote repeated by Renaissance writers from Petrarch to Vasari, tells the story of the renowned Greek painter Apelles and his uncompleted painting of Venus of Cos. Apelles had intended this Coan Venus to surpass all his other paintings, including his earlier Venus Anadyomene, a picture of Venus rising from the sea, celebrated in poetry and so admired by the emperor Augustus that he dedicated it in the temple of his adopted father, the Divine Julius Caesar. But Apelles did not succeed in his intention. He died before he could finish the painting, and other painters were left to decide what to do with the partially executed panel. With a touch of hagiographic awe, Pliny recounts the inevitable outcome of the quest to find someone to bring the great artist’s work to completion: “nec qui succederet operi ad praescripta liniamenta inventus est” (no one could be found to carry on the task in conformity with the sketched outlines). Retelling Pliny’s story in hisDialogo di pittura (1548), Paolo Pino adds that when no wouldbe finisher presented himself, the unfinished painting was preserved by the people of Cos for many years after Apelles’s death “come cosa maravigliosa,” as a thing to be marveled at. Not only was the painting preserved exactly as Apelles had left it, but it was admired in its very incompleteness. Pliny’s anecdote and the play of its repetitions across the Renaissance in both words and images testifies to a powerful and persistent strain of Renaissance thinking about unfinished and incomplete works of art. In the hundreds of drawings of","PeriodicalId":42173,"journal":{"name":"I Tatti Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83374844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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