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Authoritarian Dimension of Judicial Ideology of the Slovenian Constitutional Court 斯洛文尼亚宪法法院司法意识形态的威权维度
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.20.4.6
Jernej Letnar Černič
After the democratization and independence of Slovenia, the Constitutional Court has generated the paradigm reform in the Slovenian constitutional system by protecting individual rights against the heritage of the former system. The constitutional judges are not blank slates, but individuals embedded in their private and professional environments. In the past three decades, the Court has delivered several seminal decisions concerning the protection of the rule of law, human rights, and constitutional democracy. What motivates constitutional judges to protect individual rights in some cases and show preference for the preservation of authority and stability of the existing legal system in others? The article is based on the empirical research measuring the presence of judicial ideology at the Constitutional Court of Slovenia in three mandates (1993–1997, 2002–2006, 2011–2016). The methodological and theoretical model aims to measure economic, social, and authoritarian dimensions of judicial ideology (three-fold judicial ideology model). The research group has analysed the decisions and separate opinions of the Constitutional Court from selected periods based on hypotheses provided by the model. This article intends to present and analyse the research results concerning the authoritarian dimension of judicial ideology. More specifically, it examines the level of authoritarianism of the Slovenian Constitutional Court in its judicial decision-making during the three mentioned mandates. Through the obtained empirical results, the paper seeks to strengthen fair, impartial, and independent functioning of the Slovenian Constitutional Court and its respective judges.
在斯洛文尼亚民主化和独立之后,宪法法院通过保护个人权利而不受前制度遗产的影响,在斯洛文尼亚宪法制度中产生了范式改革。宪法法官不是一张白纸,而是在他们的私人和专业环境中扎根的个人。在过去的三十年里,最高法院在保护法治、人权和宪政民主方面作出了几项具有开创性的裁决。是什么促使宪法法官在某些情况下保护个人权利,而在其他情况下则倾向于维护现有法律制度的权威和稳定?本文基于对斯洛文尼亚宪法法院在三个任期(1993-1997年、2002-2006年、2011-2016年)中司法意识形态存在的实证研究。方法论和理论模型旨在衡量司法意识形态的经济、社会和权威维度(三重司法意识形态模型)。研究小组根据该模型提供的假设,分析了宪法法院在选定时期的判决和单独意见。本文旨在对司法意识形态的权威维度的研究成果进行介绍和分析。更具体地说,它审查了斯洛文尼亚宪法法院在上述三个任务期间的司法决策中的专制程度。通过获得的实证结果,本文试图加强斯洛文尼亚宪法法院及其各自法官的公平、公正和独立运作。
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引用次数: 1
Croatian Post-Socialist Transition or Transformation 克罗地亚后社会主义过渡或转型
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2020-12-28 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.20.4.3
Josip Jambrač
The article analyses some constitutional changes and social phenomena over thirty years of transition and transformation of the economy and society in Croatia. The findings point at very frequent radical changes in key institutions and the tendency to believe that problems can be solved via formal legislative approach. Most of Croatia’s main problems (political and societal) arise from the wrong choice and performance of democratic and market institutions and understanding of integrations. The adopted legislation has not provided for predictability, Preliability, or system stability in key areas of human interaction. The findings indicate an ambivalent attitude of the actors towards the state, the political system, and the rule of law. After three decades of transition and transformation, the failure of the established model of political governance is visible. In order tochange the model of political governance, there must be an agreement about the political role model and the consensus about the fundamental values of society.
本文分析了克罗地亚经济社会转型三十年来的一些宪法变化和社会现象。调查结果表明,关键机构经常发生根本性变化,人们倾向于认为问题可以通过正式的立法途径解决。克罗地亚的大多数主要问题(政治和社会)都源于民主和市场机构的错误选择和表现以及对一体化的理解。通过的立法没有规定人类互动关键领域的可预测性、可预测性或系统稳定性。调查结果表明,行为者对国家、政治制度和法治持矛盾态度。经过三十年的过渡和转型,既定的政治治理模式的失败是显而易见的。为了改变政治治理模式,必须就政治榜样达成一致,并就社会基本价值达成共识。
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引用次数: 1
Uloga ureda državne uprave u županijama u hrvatskome upravno-političkom sustavu Uloga ureda državne uprave užupanijama u hrvatskome upravno političkom sustavu
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2020-11-12 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.20.3.6
Iva Lopižić
U povodu prestanka rada ureda državne uprave u županijama od 1. siječnja 2020. (dalje u tekstu: uredi) u radu se pokušava utvrditi koju su ulogu te upravne organizacije ostvarivale u hrvatskome upravno-političkom sustavu. Njihova uloga utvrđuje se pravnom analizom sektorskih zakona kojima je središnja državna vlast uredima dodjeljivala javne poslove tijekom razvoja upravljanja u hrvatskim teritorijalnim jedinicama. Osim utvrđivanja uloge ureda, na temelju provedene analize mijenjanja djelokruga ureda tijekom vremena raspravlja se otome u kojoj je mjeri institucijski razvoj ureda pratio europske trendove, kakav je bio odnos ureda sa središnjim tijelima državne uprave i ostalim dijelovima dekoncentrirane državne uprave te o opravdanosti prijenosa poslova ureda na tijela županijske uprave. Rad sadržava sustavni pregled zadaća ureda od njihova ustrojavanja do danas.
在停火的背景下,国家行政办公室在丛林中1。2020年1月(正文中的进一步内容:办公室)这项工作正试图确定这些政府组织在克罗地亚治理和政策体系中的作用。他们的作用是由对部门法律的法律分析决定的,中央政府在克罗地亚领土单位发展管理期间,将公共工作分配给了办公室。除了确定该办公室的作用外,对该办公室在这段时间内的效力变化的分析还讨论了该办公室遵循欧洲趋势的机构发展的结果、国家行政部门的中央当局与分权国家行政部门其他部门之间的关系,以及将办公室移交给日本行政当局的理由。该工作包含对办公室从建设到今天的任务的系统回顾。
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引用次数: 1
In Search of New Paradigms in the Mexican Public Administration 寻找墨西哥公共行政的新范式
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-12-30 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.4.3
M. Plata
Rad analizira razvoj meksičke javne uprave u okviru dvaju novih polja: karijerne državne službe i antikorupcijske politike. Koristi se razlikovanje institucionalnih aranžmana zasnovanih na klasičnoj formuli o isključivim nadležnostima svake razine vlasti i onoj o konkurirajućim nadležnostima, svojstvenoj modernom federalizmu. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna analiza institucionalnog okvira karijerne državne službe na razini federacije te na subnacionalnim razinama daje uvid u dominantnu praksu patronaže. Takva je situacija disfunkcionalna za strukturu, ciljeve i funkcionalnost Nacionalnog antikorupcijskog sustava. Na kraju se zaključuje da je u Meksiku potrebna nova institucionalna struktura karijerne državne službe zasnovana na formuli o podijeljenim nadležnostima, budući da izostanak ili krajnja slabost javne uprave može onemogućiti efikasno funkcioniranje novih institucionalnih aranžmana za borbu protiv korupcije.
这项工作分析了墨西哥公共行政在两个新领域的发展:职业国家服务和反腐败政策。Koristi se razlikovanje institucionalnih aranžmana zasnovanih na klasičnoj formuli o isključivim nadležnostima svake razine vlasti i onoj o konkurirajućim nadlež。对联邦一级国家服务机构框架的定性和定量分析提供了对国家以下一级主要赞助做法的深入了解。这种情况不利于国家反腐败系统的结构、目标和功能。最后,得出的结论是,墨西哥需要在分担责任的基础上建立一个新的加勒比服务机构结构,因为公共行政的缺失或最终薄弱可能会阻碍打击腐败的新机构安排的有效运作。
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引用次数: 0
Local Self-Governments in Dealing with Mass Migrations and Integration of Migrants in Hungary 匈牙利地方自治政府处理大规模移民和移民融合问题
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.3.5
István Temesi
In Hungary migration is an issue almost exclusively and entirely managed by the central government through its agencies. The policy on migration and its implementation are decisively handled by the government. The legal background is arranged through legislation that serves political purposes: a coherent system of new legislative acts and decrees were passed, and others were modified. The implementation of this disposition is realized by authorities directly controlled by the government, including the decisions made on requests for asylum, other types of recognition, or for subsidies. In this centralized system, not much is left to do for local self-governments. Legislation deprived local self-governments of the possible instruments that would serve the management of migration. The decision makers of local self-governments are strongly influenced by the central political guidelines, as well as by the local population. Thus, the issue of supporting the integration of migrants by Hungarian local self-governments is very difficult to examine.
在匈牙利,移民问题几乎完全由中央政府通过其机构管理。移民政策及其实施由政府果断处理。法律背景是通过为政治目的服务的立法安排的:通过了一套连贯的新立法法案和法令,并对其他法案和法令进行了修改。这一处置由政府直接控制的当局实现,包括就庇护、其他类型的承认或补贴请求作出的决定。在这个中央集权的体系中,留给地方自治政府的事情不多了。立法剥夺了地方自治政府为管理移民服务的可能工具。地方自治政府的决策者受到中央政治指导方针以及当地民众的强烈影响。因此,很难审查匈牙利地方自治政府支持移民融入社会的问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Role and Capacity of Local Government in Managing Migration in Istanbul 伊斯坦布尔地方政府在管理移民方面的作用和能力
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.3.4
Yeşeren Eliçin
Turkey is the first country of reception for Syrians refugees escaping the civil war. It hosts 3.6 million Syrian refugees, more than 90% of whom are living in urban and peri-urban areas. However, Turkey is among the countries preserving “geographic limitation” of the 1951 Convention, which prevents asylum-seekers coming from non-European countries from being granted refugee status. The Law on Foreigners and International Protection (LFIP), adopted on 4 April 2013, keeps Syrians under “temporary protection” with access to health and education systems, labour markets, social assistance, and some other services. The lack of financial resources and legal clarity regarding the responsibilities of local administrations concerning refugees is a major obstacle to the enhancement of local action. These administrations have had to accept large refugee communities and are attempting to meet their needs without a well-defined legal framework concerning the assistance and services they should deliver to refugees. This is why the solutions we found vary from one municipality to another, depending on the local administration’s willingness, creativity, financial resources they can deploy, and building capacity. International funding is clearly the most important means of building the capacity of local administrations to deal with refugees effectively. Although it is not possible to determine the exact financial burden refugees impose on municipalities, it is clear that they require financial support from the central budget in order to be able to plan and carry out necessary policy actions to deal with refugee issues.
土耳其是第一个接收逃离内战的叙利亚难民的国家。它收容了360万叙利亚难民,其中90%以上生活在城市和城郊地区。然而,土耳其是保留1951年《公约》“地理限制”的国家之一,该公约禁止来自非欧洲国家的寻求庇护者获得难民身份。2013年4月4日通过的《外国人和国际保护法》将叙利亚人置于“临时保护”之下,使其能够获得卫生和教育系统、劳动力市场、社会援助和一些其他服务。地方行政部门在难民问题上的责任缺乏财政资源和法律明确性,是加强地方行动的主要障碍。这些行政当局不得不接纳大型难民社区,并试图在没有明确的法律框架的情况下满足他们的需求,即他们应该向难民提供援助和服务。这就是为什么我们发现的解决方案因市而异,这取决于地方行政部门的意愿、创造力、他们可以部署的财政资源和能力建设。国际资助显然是建设地方行政部门有效处理难民问题的能力的最重要手段。虽然无法确定难民给市政当局带来的确切财政负担,但很明显,他们需要中央预算的财政支持,以便能够规划和采取必要的政策行动来处理难民问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Use of Military Forces in the Protection of the Borders and Prevention of Irregular Migrations in Selected South East European Countries 在选定的东南欧国家使用军事力量保护边界和防止非正常移徙
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.3.6
Benjamin Sadrić
The 2015 refugee crisis in Europe was a humanitarian, legal, and logistical cri sis. New circumstances gave rise to ideas of calling upon armies to serve at bor ders. This paper analyses all the elements of the refugee crisis that could serve to legitimise or oppose the use of military forces in the protection of state borders. Governments’ international obligations to protect refugees and providing security for their citizens came into conflict during the crisis. In an age of terrorist threats, the roles of the police and the military are shifting in an unknown direction, yet these international obligations remain. The refugee crisis challenged not only international law but also European Union policies and ethical principles. The possible solutions were either to ac cept all refugees or to close the borders entirely and somewhere in between these opposing solutions the army was considered as a tool. Many have emphasized that there is no place for military personnel at state borders regardless of refugee inflow. Hence, this paper examines the arguments for a “military ban”. Furthermore, a thorough analysis follows on the legal and logistical legitimacy of army usage at borders. At the end, Hungarian, Slovenian, and Croatian legislation are discussed and compared with a view to problems that could arise from the differences in the legislation regarding possible future migration and refugee inflows.
2015年欧洲难民危机是一场人道主义、法律和后勤危机。新的情况产生了征召军队在边境服务的想法。本文分析了难民危机的所有因素,这些因素可能有助于合法化或反对在保护国家边界时使用军事力量。在危机期间,各国政府保护难民和为其公民提供安全的国际义务发生了冲突。在一个恐怖主义威胁的时代,警察和军队的作用正在向一个未知的方向转变,但这些国际义务仍然存在。难民危机不仅挑战了国际法,也挑战了欧盟的政策和伦理原则。可能的解决办法是要么接收所有难民,要么完全关闭边界,在这两种相反的解决办法之间,军队被认为是一种工具。许多人强调,无论难民流入多少,国家边境都没有军事人员的容身之地。因此,本文探讨了“军事禁令”的论点。此外,对军队在边境使用的法律和后勤合法性进行了深入分析。最后,对匈牙利、斯洛文尼亚和克罗地亚的立法进行了讨论和比较,以期就未来可能出现的移徙和难民流入的立法差异可能产生的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Coping with the Challenges of Mass Migration 应对大规模移民的挑战
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.3.3
U. Hunger, Norbert Kersting
This article demonstrates how challenging the current migration is for the local level in Germany. As highlighted in the article, the integration of refugees mainly takes place at the local level, in the municipalities. The municipalities are responsible for a wide range of services, which include the implementation of the Residence Act, granting of social benefits, provision of health care services, accommodation, organization of integration and German language courses, provision of early childhood and school education, as well as support for labor market integration. The municipalities exercise considerable discretion as to how they operate these services and in effect, even though it is technically within the federal level’s jurisdiction, municipalities have some political influence regarding the right of residence. However, the degree of involvement among German municipalities varies and the role they play in integration often depends on the history of migration within their borders, past development of migrant communities, their own financial situation and infrastructure, as well as how the public engages with the issue. Thus, the political action (or non-action) of the municipalities will be decisive in the long-term integration process of refugees.
本文展示了当前移民对德国地方层面的挑战。正如文章所强调的,难民的融合主要发生在地方一级,即城市。市政当局负责提供广泛的服务,包括实施《居住法》、发放社会福利、提供医疗保健服务、住宿、组织融合和德语课程、提供幼儿和学校教育,以及支持劳动力市场融合。市政当局对如何运营这些服务行使相当大的自由裁量权,实际上,尽管从技术上讲,这些服务属于联邦一级的管辖范围,但市政当局在居住权方面具有一定的政治影响力。然而,德国各城市的参与程度各不相同,它们在融合中发挥的作用往往取决于其境内移民的历史、移民社区的过去发展、其自身的财政状况和基础设施,以及公众如何参与这一问题。因此,市政当局的政治行动(或不行动)将在难民的长期融合进程中起决定性作用。
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引用次数: 2
Reconceptualising the Governance of Migration Policy in Australia 重新定义澳大利亚移民政策的治理
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.3.2
Stephen. Jones
This article offers a comprehensive assessment of the current trends in the governance arrangements of migrant settlement policy in Australia. It outlines the context of migrant policy as an important element of nation building and in contributing to the most multicultural society in the OECD. While immigration remains popular with the majority of Australians it is not without challenges in terms of coordination between levels of government to achieve effective outcomes. The lessons from Australia have relevance for other multilevel systems in terms of the need for cooperative approaches that combine top down and bottom up contributions from government agencies at all levels and non-government organisations. The article provides an analysis of governance issues from the perspective of the major stakeholders. The key question addressed in this paper is; what are the key challenges and opportunities of establishing cooperative approaches to immigration policy in a multilevel system? Issues involved in a potential transition of Australia’s immigration policy from a centralist approach to a more cooperative approach will be examined through the lens of a framework of analysis that consists of three scenarios for the structure of immigration policy: the centralist, the cooperative and the asymmetric scenarios.
本文对澳大利亚移民安置政策治理安排的当前趋势进行了全面评估。它概述了移民政策作为国家建设和促进经合组织最多元文化社会的一个重要因素的背景。尽管移民仍然受到大多数澳大利亚人的欢迎,但在各级政府之间的协调以实现有效成果方面并非没有挑战。澳大利亚的经验教训与其他多层次系统有关,因为需要采取合作方法,将各级政府机构和非政府组织的自上而下和自下而上的贡献结合起来。本文从主要利益相关者的角度对治理问题进行了分析。本文讨论的关键问题是:;在多层次系统中建立合作移民政策方法的主要挑战和机遇是什么?澳大利亚移民政策从中央集权方式向更合作方式的潜在转变所涉及的问题将通过分析框架进行审查,该框架由移民政策结构的三种情景组成:中央集权、合作和非对称情景。
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引用次数: 0
National-Local Networks and Immigration Governance 国家-地方网络和移民治理
IF 0.4 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.31297/hkju.19.3.1
J. L. Tao
The ability to regulate the flow of goods, capital and people across borders is one of the defining characteristics of nation-state political power. But there is not always agreement between the central government and local officials as to the desirability of immigration, where local governments may desire greater, or fewer, numbers of immigrants, depending on the local economy and labor needs. In South Korea, a unitary form of government offers an opportunity to examine the policy distance between the national government’s stance on immigration based on the politics of the ruling party, and the attitudes of local officials who work for metropolitan-level governments (those with a population of one million or more). I look at the impact of local economic market needs on local attitudes towards national immigration policy through the lens of intergovernmental relations and Lipsky’s concept of bureaucratic discretion. Comparing two cases drawn from local governments in South Korea with dissimilar economic bases but similar levels of local autonomy, I find that economic needs at the local level are addressed by local approaches to immigration policy. Contrary to expectations, the cases illustrate the relative importance of fiscal autonomy and a new understanding for political autonomy. These cases illustrate the need for caution when applying political and institutional theory within new contexts and offer new variables for future investigations of local autonomy.
监管跨境货物、资本和人员流动的能力是民族国家政治权力的决定性特征之一。但中央政府和地方官员在移民的可取性上并不总是达成一致,地方政府可能希望更多或更少的移民数量,这取决于当地的经济和劳动力需求。在韩国,单一的政府形式提供了一个机会,可以检查基于执政党政治的国家政府对移民的立场与为大都会级政府(人口在100万以上的政府)工作的地方官员的态度之间的政策差距。我通过政府间关系和利普斯基的官僚自由裁量权概念来观察当地经济市场需求对当地对国家移民政策态度的影响。比较韩国经济基础不同但地方自治程度相似的地方政府的两个案例,我发现地方层面的经济需求是通过地方的移民政策来解决的。与预期相反,这些案例说明了财政自治的相对重要性以及对政治自治的新理解。这些案例说明了在新的背景下应用政治和制度理论时需要谨慎,并为未来的地方自治调查提供了新的变量。
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引用次数: 0
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Croatian and Comparative Public Administration
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