Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_011
Alexandra Vance, R. Rangeley
The future of the ocean rests on the effectiveness of good governance, holistic management, and most importantly, urgent and sustained action to address complex marine issues. Conservation practitioners and resource managers struggle to keep pace with the growing threats to marine ecosystems, such as climate change, ocean acidification, overfishing, habitat loss, and marine plastics. In response to these ecological crises and insufficient management actions, the number and diversity (as well as total memberships and revenues) of environmental non-governmental organizations (engos) focused on ocean health has grown rapidly since the beginning of the environmental movement in the early 1960s.1 Arguably more active than ever before, engos have expanded their participation in ocean governance processes in recent decades, alongside many other key rights-holders (i.e., Indigenous communities) and stakeholders (e.g., industry, coastal communities, various levels of government), and have adopted a greater breadth of roles and responsibilities.2 These roles may include influencing policy development and implementation, promoting community engagement and marine stewardship, and directly or indirectly contributing to scientific knowledge acquisition and dissemination.3 An important consideration is how engos will respond to the
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Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_022
D. VanderZwaag
Elisabeth Mann Borgese is well known for her commitment to advancing the legal order for the improved regulation of the world’s oceans. Her advocacy with respect to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos)1 is the subject of other essays in this volume. However, in the decades since 1982, legal principles, sometimes linked to provisions in treaties, have become critical in the global quest for sustainable seas and healthy coastal communities. Principles, such as precautionary and ecosystem approaches, have influenced the negotiation, implementation, and interpretation of international agreements.2 They may also guide national ocean law and policy reforms, for example, encouraging adoption of integrated coastal and ocean management approaches and enhancement of public participation in ocean-related decision-making.3 The continued importance of principles and the long list of what are considered to be key ocean governance principles can be seen in the 2016–2017 UN Preparatory Committee discussions trying to hammer out possible elements for a new international agreement for the conservation and sustainable use of marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction.4 Wide convergence
{"title":"Edging Towards Principled Ocean Governance: Law of the Sea and Beyond","authors":"D. VanderZwaag","doi":"10.1163/9789004380271_022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004380271_022","url":null,"abstract":"Elisabeth Mann Borgese is well known for her commitment to advancing the legal order for the improved regulation of the world’s oceans. Her advocacy with respect to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos)1 is the subject of other essays in this volume. However, in the decades since 1982, legal principles, sometimes linked to provisions in treaties, have become critical in the global quest for sustainable seas and healthy coastal communities. Principles, such as precautionary and ecosystem approaches, have influenced the negotiation, implementation, and interpretation of international agreements.2 They may also guide national ocean law and policy reforms, for example, encouraging adoption of integrated coastal and ocean management approaches and enhancement of public participation in ocean-related decision-making.3 The continued importance of principles and the long list of what are considered to be key ocean governance principles can be seen in the 2016–2017 UN Preparatory Committee discussions trying to hammer out possible elements for a new international agreement for the conservation and sustainable use of marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction.4 Wide convergence","PeriodicalId":423731,"journal":{"name":"The Future of Ocean Governance and Capacity Development","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129435038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_070
David Griffiths
One would suppose that spending 36 percent of the entire world’s military budget would keep a nation secure from a missile attack on its iconic symbols of commercial and military power; but one would be wrong. On 11 September 2001, nineteen young men, all but four being citizens of one of its trusted allies, armed only with dollar-store utility knives and dysfunctional ideology, did just that; turning four commercial airliners into guided weapons, killing almost 3,000 people, and triggering events which no one could have foreseen. This is not to say that military expenditure is a waste—far from it—but it is a vivid reminder that security is not just a problem for military, police and intelligence professionals. Security is not the same as defense; that is, the capability to resist an attack. Rather, security is a state of being; confidence in freedom from danger or fear. Defense is part of the security equation and is, indeed, primarily a military and constabulary issue, but security is a broader, collective responsibility. What, then, is the place of maritime defense forces—navies—in ocean governance? What are the security roles of the ocean and coastal governance community?
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Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_055
J. Rice
The science foundations of fisheries policy and management have a history of over a century. By the 1920s there was already concern about fisheries that had failed at least on local and sometimes larger scales, and a desire to avoid such failures. From the outset the science foundations were strongly empirical and at best weakly theoretical. This emphasis on empirical approaches was not because fisheries science was necessarily anti-theoretical. Rather, potentially relevant theoretical areas, such as ecology and oceanography, were themselves in their infancy. Established theoretical principles were few, and their relevance to applied problems was largely unexplored. Nevertheless some of the applied problems of unsustainable practices in fisheries were already urgent, and the scientists of the day were seeking ways to use available information to address practical problems. To illustrate, the early work that eventually led to concepts such as maximum sustainable yield (msy) came from empirical observations that as unexploited fish populations were reduced in abundance by a fishery, in many cases somatic growth rates increased, and recruitment to the fisheries at least did not decrease, and in some cases, such as many Pacific salmon, actually increased. These empirical observations began to be systematized into concepts like optimal yield and surplus production by the 1930s. Scientists of the day did explore theoretical concepts like the Verhulst equation in applied contexts, but as efforts to find increasingly powerful mathematical expressions to capture patterns emerging from the empirical data available on how fish populations changed with exploitation. From the beginning, progress was captured in mathematical equations to represent patterns in the information available, facilitating the ability to apply case-specific advances in knowledge to much wider ranges of similar problems. This did not mean the advances in fisheries science were incompatible with evolving fields of ecological, oceanographic, and economic theory. As concepts like carrying capacity and density dependence were elaborated in ecological theory, they enhanced the ability to explain why the empirically-based tools
{"title":"Scientific Basis for Fisheries Policy and Management","authors":"J. Rice","doi":"10.1163/9789004380271_055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004380271_055","url":null,"abstract":"The science foundations of fisheries policy and management have a history of over a century. By the 1920s there was already concern about fisheries that had failed at least on local and sometimes larger scales, and a desire to avoid such failures. From the outset the science foundations were strongly empirical and at best weakly theoretical. This emphasis on empirical approaches was not because fisheries science was necessarily anti-theoretical. Rather, potentially relevant theoretical areas, such as ecology and oceanography, were themselves in their infancy. Established theoretical principles were few, and their relevance to applied problems was largely unexplored. Nevertheless some of the applied problems of unsustainable practices in fisheries were already urgent, and the scientists of the day were seeking ways to use available information to address practical problems. To illustrate, the early work that eventually led to concepts such as maximum sustainable yield (msy) came from empirical observations that as unexploited fish populations were reduced in abundance by a fishery, in many cases somatic growth rates increased, and recruitment to the fisheries at least did not decrease, and in some cases, such as many Pacific salmon, actually increased. These empirical observations began to be systematized into concepts like optimal yield and surplus production by the 1930s. Scientists of the day did explore theoretical concepts like the Verhulst equation in applied contexts, but as efforts to find increasingly powerful mathematical expressions to capture patterns emerging from the empirical data available on how fish populations changed with exploitation. From the beginning, progress was captured in mathematical equations to represent patterns in the information available, facilitating the ability to apply case-specific advances in knowledge to much wider ranges of similar problems. This did not mean the advances in fisheries science were incompatible with evolving fields of ecological, oceanographic, and economic theory. As concepts like carrying capacity and density dependence were elaborated in ecological theory, they enhanced the ability to explain why the empirically-based tools","PeriodicalId":423731,"journal":{"name":"The Future of Ocean Governance and Capacity Development","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125520263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_040
P. Snelgrove, A. Metaxas
Coastal habitats at the land–sea interface span from hard substratum, rocky intertidal environments to sediment-covered estuaries, salt marshes, eelgrass beds, mangals (mangrove habitats), and sandflats and mudflats (Figure 1). Sedimented intertidal and subtidal nearshore habitats occur globally; sandflats and mudflats occur from the equator to the poles, in contrast to temperate latitude salt marshes and tropical mangroves. Seagrasses occur globally except at the poles. The accessibility of these habitats has enabled studies that generated important ecological paradigms, but the extremely harsh conditions of some of these environments limits transferability of knowledge to other habitats. Many species cannot tolerate energy from waves, potential aerial exposure, and fluctuating temperatures and salinities, resulting in low species diversity, but the availability of abundant sunlight, nutrients from land, and substrata all help support high abundances of tolerant species. Indeed, these habitats provide critical support for abundant juveniles of many commercial species, among others. The structural complexity afforded by seagrass beds, salt marshes, and mangals also pre-empts coastal erosion.1 Sandflats and mudflats are generally the least productive sedimented habitats. Nonetheless, their invertebrate fauna such as mud shrimp (amphipods) support migratory seabirds and other transient species. The plants that dominate eelgrass, salt marshes, and mangals produce organic matter and biogenic habitat that support high abundances of other species that utilize the plant detritus, associated grazers, and structural complexity to avoid predators. Microbial breakdown of organic material can exhaust oxygen, resulting in hypoxia (low oxygen) near the seafloor or just below the sediment surface, reducing species richness.
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Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_034
M. Depledge
* This essay brings together points raised in discussions on numerous occasions with friends and colleagues at the European Centre for Environment and Human Health at the University of Exeter Medical School. I am particularly indebted to Dr. Mat White, Dr. Becca Lovell, Dr. Ben Wheeler, Dr. Tim Taylor, Dr. Karyn Morrissey, Dr. Sabine Pahl and Professor Lora Fleming for sharing their knowledge and expertise. Any errors in the essay are entirely my responsibility. Oceans, Health, and Well-Being
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Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_006
R. Chuenpagdee
Oceans are probably one of the most challenging ecosystems to govern.1 Oceans are diverse, complex, and dynamic ecosystems that provide numerous functions and services to life below and above the water. Humanity, in particular, has relied on the oceans for food, livelihoods, transportation, recreation, and most recently, on other extractive resources, including oil, gas and minerals, among other things. Demands on the oceans have been rising with the continued growth in population, industrial development on land and sea, and many other pressures, which together make ocean sustainability an increasingly impossible goal to attain. As suggested in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal on Oceans (sdg 142), about 40 percent of the world’s oceans are heavily affected by human activities and concerted actions from all nations are required in order to deal with multitude of problems in the oceans, such as pollution, resource overexploitation, and habitat loss. Many characteristics of the oceans make governance a wicked problem.3 For instance, oceans are full of ‘unknown’ and the ‘unknowable’. As the saying goes, we know more about space than we know about the oceans. But like space, knowledge about the oceans is centralized around scientific exploration and research, which, while important, contributes little to addressing the complex problems of human–ocean interactions. Ocean governance, in this case, is not about doing more science in order to convert the unknown to known, but about recognizing the unknown as well as the unknowable as part of the wicked ‘social’ problems and dealing with them accordingly. This also means that while it may not be possible to precisely determine whether human use
{"title":"Transdisciplinary Perspectives on Ocean Governance","authors":"R. Chuenpagdee","doi":"10.1163/9789004380271_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004380271_006","url":null,"abstract":"Oceans are probably one of the most challenging ecosystems to govern.1 Oceans are diverse, complex, and dynamic ecosystems that provide numerous functions and services to life below and above the water. Humanity, in particular, has relied on the oceans for food, livelihoods, transportation, recreation, and most recently, on other extractive resources, including oil, gas and minerals, among other things. Demands on the oceans have been rising with the continued growth in population, industrial development on land and sea, and many other pressures, which together make ocean sustainability an increasingly impossible goal to attain. As suggested in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal on Oceans (sdg 142), about 40 percent of the world’s oceans are heavily affected by human activities and concerted actions from all nations are required in order to deal with multitude of problems in the oceans, such as pollution, resource overexploitation, and habitat loss. Many characteristics of the oceans make governance a wicked problem.3 For instance, oceans are full of ‘unknown’ and the ‘unknowable’. As the saying goes, we know more about space than we know about the oceans. But like space, knowledge about the oceans is centralized around scientific exploration and research, which, while important, contributes little to addressing the complex problems of human–ocean interactions. Ocean governance, in this case, is not about doing more science in order to convert the unknown to known, but about recognizing the unknown as well as the unknowable as part of the wicked ‘social’ problems and dealing with them accordingly. This also means that while it may not be possible to precisely determine whether human use","PeriodicalId":423731,"journal":{"name":"The Future of Ocean Governance and Capacity Development","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121751717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_092
S. Scully
The announcement in 2010 of the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strat-egy1 triggered murmurs of excitement across the broader marine industry in Canada. Embedded in this contract was a promise of meaningful contribu-tion, beyond Canada’s navy, to amplify benefits across the tiers and sectors of the marine industry. It also signaled a concomitant investment in the development of a present and future workforce to support these burgeoning industries. The announcement soon triggered ripples of additional federal and provincial investment and attention to ocean activities relating to research and observation, ocean technology innovations and entrepreneurship, and marine renewable energy. As the ripples of interest amplified across secondary and tertiary ocean sectors, optimism swelled at the possibility of establishing an integrated, modern, and sustainable national marine industry. But infusion of funding could only breath air into the lungs of the industry. It needed to be animated with people.
{"title":"The Marine People Partnership: Building a Workforce for Our Ocean Industries through Ocean Literacy","authors":"S. Scully","doi":"10.1163/9789004380271_092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004380271_092","url":null,"abstract":"The announcement in 2010 of the National Shipbuilding Procurement Strat-egy1 triggered murmurs of excitement across the broader marine industry in Canada. Embedded in this contract was a promise of meaningful contribu-tion, beyond Canada’s navy, to amplify benefits across the tiers and sectors of the marine industry. It also signaled a concomitant investment in the development of a present and future workforce to support these burgeoning industries. The announcement soon triggered ripples of additional federal and provincial investment and attention to ocean activities relating to research and observation, ocean technology innovations and entrepreneurship, and marine renewable energy. As the ripples of interest amplified across secondary and tertiary ocean sectors, optimism swelled at the possibility of establishing an integrated, modern, and sustainable national marine industry. But infusion of funding could only breath air into the lungs of the industry. It needed to be animated with people.","PeriodicalId":423731,"journal":{"name":"The Future of Ocean Governance and Capacity Development","volume":"120 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128079213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_035
F. Whoriskey
The historic but false vision of the ocean as being so vast and inexhaustible that it would benefit humankind forever has been destroyed during my lifetime. I lived this change, and watched in dismay as it was documented in scholarly publications. The personal experience started in early childhood where summers were spent on the coast in Scituate, Massachusetts. I passed more time in the water with a mask than I did on land. My earliest ocean memories (I was born in 1954 and by 8 years old was a devoted snorkeler) are of a nearshore zone full of life, and of being able to catch cod (Gadus morhua), flounder (Pseudopleuronectes americanus), striped bass (Morone saxatilis), cunner (Tautogolabrus adspersus), American lobster (Homarus americanus; duly licensed as a Massachusetts recreational harvester), and dogfish (Squalus acanthias) within a few meters of shore. Within ten years, most of these species were gone, and the few that remained were greatly reduced in numbers, most probably falling victim to overharvesting. This left the American lobster as the major resource for the coastal fisheries.1 Concomitant with the fish declines, other stressors were also rearing their head. Repeated small-scale oil spills occurred,2 fouling beaches and having undocumented consequences for the area’s ecology. Plastic waste began to pile up on the shore, and the ocean began warming. As temperatures rose, southern
{"title":"The Changing Ocean and the Impact of Technology: The Role of the Ocean Tracking Network","authors":"F. Whoriskey","doi":"10.1163/9789004380271_035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004380271_035","url":null,"abstract":"The historic but false vision of the ocean as being so vast and inexhaustible that it would benefit humankind forever has been destroyed during my lifetime. I lived this change, and watched in dismay as it was documented in scholarly publications. The personal experience started in early childhood where summers were spent on the coast in Scituate, Massachusetts. I passed more time in the water with a mask than I did on land. My earliest ocean memories (I was born in 1954 and by 8 years old was a devoted snorkeler) are of a nearshore zone full of life, and of being able to catch cod (Gadus morhua), flounder (Pseudopleuronectes americanus), striped bass (Morone saxatilis), cunner (Tautogolabrus adspersus), American lobster (Homarus americanus; duly licensed as a Massachusetts recreational harvester), and dogfish (Squalus acanthias) within a few meters of shore. Within ten years, most of these species were gone, and the few that remained were greatly reduced in numbers, most probably falling victim to overharvesting. This left the American lobster as the major resource for the coastal fisheries.1 Concomitant with the fish declines, other stressors were also rearing their head. Repeated small-scale oil spills occurred,2 fouling beaches and having undocumented consequences for the area’s ecology. Plastic waste began to pile up on the shore, and the ocean began warming. As temperatures rose, southern","PeriodicalId":423731,"journal":{"name":"The Future of Ocean Governance and Capacity Development","volume":"232 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133388395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-22DOI: 10.1163/9789004380271_033
P. Wells
Serious attention to ocean health started after the Second World War, as an era of economic recovery, industrial growth, and prosperity began in many developed countries. Large oil tankers plied the sea. Occasional but severe accidents caused huge, highly visible spills. The impact of oil pollution along coastlines and on fishery species appeared on the radar of politicians and coastal inhabitants. Ocean health showed signs of being compromised and awareness for the welfare of both people and ocean dwelling species began to surface. The newly formed United Nations reacted with conventions and regulations to curb such pollution. In the 1960s and early 1970s, as environmentalism blossomed, concerns about the oceans expanded to include many industrial effluents and chemicals, ocean dredging materials, land-based pollution of many other kinds (e.g., riverine sediments), and radioactivity. Elisabeth Mann Borgese, to whom this essay is dedicated, recognized the need for ocean protection in her various writings and diplomatic initiatives. Endorsed in 1982, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos) Part xii emphasized marine environmental protection.1 Many countries continued to enact environmental legislation, addressing marine pollution, especially from shipping and landbased activities.2 During this early era of environmentalism, the governmental and intergovernmental response to marine pollution was significant.3 It was accepted that an understanding of ocean health is a critical underpinning of effective ocean governance and sustainability. The science of marine ecotoxicology
对海洋健康的认真关注始于第二次世界大战后，当时许多发达国家开始进入经济复苏、工业增长和繁荣的时代。大型油轮往返于海上。偶尔但严重的事故造成了巨大的、非常明显的泄漏。石油污染对海岸线和渔业物种的影响引起了政治家和沿海居民的注意。海洋健康显示出受到损害的迹象，人们和海洋栖息物种的福利意识开始浮出水面。新成立的联合国以公约和法规来遏制这种污染。在20世纪60年代和70年代初，随着环保主义的蓬勃发展，对海洋的关注扩大到包括许多工业废水和化学品、海洋疏浚材料、许多其他种类的陆地污染(例如河流沉积物)和放射性。Elisabeth Mann Borgese在她的各种著作和外交倡议中认识到保护海洋的必要性。1982年核可的《联合国海洋法公约》(《公约》)第十二部分强调海洋环境保护许多国家继续颁布环境立法，处理海洋污染，特别是来自航运和陆上活动的污染在这个环保主义的早期时代，政府和政府间对海洋污染的反应是重要的与会者承认，了解海洋健康是有效的海洋治理和可持续性的关键基础。海洋生态毒理学海洋生态毒理学
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