{"title":"The Unsettled exhibition: Laura McBride and Mariko Smith in conversation","authors":"Laura McBride, Mariko Smith","doi":"10.22459/ah.46.2022.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.46.2022.04","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44540320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘People come and go, but this place doesn’t’: Narrating the creation of the Krowathunkooloong Keeping Place as cultural resurgence","authors":"R. Hudson, S. Woodcock","doi":"10.22459/ah.46.2022.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.46.2022.03","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45842940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘No time for a history lesson’: The contest over memorials to Angus McMillan on Gunaikurnai Country","authors":"Aunty Doris Paton, B. Marsden, Jessica L. Horton","doi":"10.22459/ah.46.2022.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.46.2022.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45221126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Asserting Aboriginal polity and nationhood: The campaign for the return of Indigenous Ancestral Remains","authors":"Heidi Norman, A. Payne","doi":"10.22459/ah.46.2022.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.46.2022.02","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47565414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The 1918–19 Influenza pandemic and its impact on Aboriginal people in South Australia","authors":"T. Gara","doi":"10.22459/ah.43.2019.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.43.2019.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42044615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nah Doongh’s Song: Grace Karskens and Mark McKenna in conversation","authors":"G. Karskens, Mark McKenna","doi":"10.22459/ah.43.2019.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.43.2019.03","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44156943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aboriginal individuals – often men – who went with the colonists on their travels in colonial New South Wales performed various, often vital, roles. While this is well known, less attention has been paid to the ways in which relationships developed between the colonists and those guiding, or how these relationships were dependent on meeting the needs and desires of all involved. By teasing apart some of the earliest, shakiest beginnings of Aboriginal men travelling with and ‘guiding’ the colonists, this article suggests that guiding was negotiated from the outset – the product of intercultural dialogue and deliberation – and that it is a phenomenon that benefits from being more fully contextualised. There were many tasks to be completed before the expeditionary party turned in for the night. Water had to be drawn, timber chopped and supper prepared, but Colebee and Balloderry had not assisted at all. Having eaten their fill – one officer said they had ‘stuffed themselves’ – they lay down by the fire and slept.1 The naval officers had thought that these 2 Aboriginal men would prove useful to the success of their exploration, and in later decades in New South Wales, Aboriginal guides would assist travellers and explorers as cooks, hunters, stockmen and more. Yet here, during this expedition of April 1791 just west of the settlements at Sydney Cove and Rose Hill, these understandings were yet to develop. Instead, an association beset with misunderstanding was about to unfold. 1 Tench, ‘Settlement at Port Jackson’, 225. ABORIGINAL HISTORY VOL 43 2019 34 Indigenous guides and brokers have received much attention in recent years. There is a growing Australian oeuvre committed to re-examining who they were and their roles during colonial expeditions.2 In these recent considerations, the ‘hidden histories’ of exploration and Indigenous involvement form the focus, and a range of methodologies are employed to search for ways of reading Indigenous involvement, their skills, and their impact on expeditionary outcomes in heavily mediated sources. This scholarship has challenged the aura surrounding expeditionary travel, rendering it a complex affair and the position of a heroic leader highly dubious. We now know just how central the involvement of Aboriginal guides could be, and that they could make expeditionary journeys faster or frustrate their goals.3 We also know that their involvement could be strategic, that they could have their own reasons for travelling and that they could exert pressure in negotiating the terms of their engagement.4 Less attention has been paid to the ways in which relationships between Aboriginal guides and the colonists developed, or how these were dependent on the ongoing negotiation of the needs of all involved. Guiding became a key part of the intercultural social world by the 1820s, with prospectors, newly arrived immigrants, long-term settler gentlemen and more all enjoying the services of Aboriginal guides. So asking how th
与殖民者一起在新南威尔士州殖民地旅行的土著人——通常是男性——扮演着各种各样的、往往是至关重要的角色。虽然这是众所周知的，但很少有人注意到殖民者和那些向导之间的关系是如何发展的，或者这些关系是如何依赖于满足所有参与者的需求和愿望的。通过调侃一些最早的、最不稳定的土著男子与殖民者一起旅行并“指导”殖民者的开端，这篇文章表明，指导从一开始就被协商了——这是跨文化对话和审议的产物——这是一种从更充分的背景化中受益的现象。探险队在睡觉前还有许多任务要完成。他们得打水，砍木头，准备晚饭，但科尔比和巴德德里根本没有帮忙。一名军官说他们吃饱了，然后躺在火堆旁睡着了海军军官们认为这两个土著人会对他们的探险成功有所帮助，在新南威尔士州后来的几十年里，土著向导会帮助旅行者和探险家，比如厨师、猎人、牧场主等等。然而，在1791年4月的这次远征中，就在悉尼湾和玫瑰山定居点以西，这些理解还没有得到发展。相反，一个充满误解的联盟即将展开。坦奇，《杰克逊港的定居》，225页。土著历史第43卷2019年34土著导游和经纪人近年来受到了很多关注。越来越多的澳大利亚人的作品致力于重新审视他们是谁以及他们在殖民探险中的角色在这些最近的考虑中，探索和土著参与的“隐藏历史”形成了重点，并采用了一系列方法来寻找解读土著参与的方式，他们的技能，以及他们在大量中介来源中对探险结果的影响。这项研究挑战了围绕着远征旅行的光环，使其成为一件复杂的事情，英雄领袖的地位也变得非常可疑。我们现在知道土著向导的参与是多么重要，他们可以使探险旅程更快，也可以使他们的目标受挫我们也知道，他们的参与可能是战略性的，他们可能有自己的旅行理由，他们可能在谈判他们参与的条款时施加压力很少有人关注土著导游和殖民者之间的关系是如何发展的，或者这些关系是如何依赖于各方需求的持续谈判的。到19世纪20年代，导游成为跨文化社会世界的重要组成部分，勘探者、新移民、长期定居的绅士们等等都享受着土著导游的服务。因此，询问这些关系和理解是如何发展起来的——以及这些指南的动机——似乎是一个紧迫的问题唐·贝克在这里提出了关键的见解，他指出，19世纪20年代末，在测量师托马斯·米切尔(Thomas Mitchell)在新南威尔士州(New South Wales)探险期间，那些“受雇帮助”的土著人有“一定程度的独立性”，他们确定了工作和价格，并通过伸出手指协商商定了工作天数同样，蒂凡尼·谢拉姆(Tiffany Shellam)是为数不多的几个在澳大利亚西海岸英国军事前哨的新的、脆弱的跨文化世界中考虑指导关系起源的历史学家之一，他有说服力地认为，探险的好处是“双向流动的”，它们是“合作的成就”，并且存在“相互影响”直到最近才出现了一本书，旨在集中研究澳大利亚和新西兰殖民时期流动土著演员的动机，包括2 .例如，布莱顿，《哈利·布朗》，63-82;道格拉斯，科学，航海和邂逅;琼斯，《接触剧场》;小西，纽金特和谢兰姆，土著中介;Shellam等人，《经纪人与边界》;斯坦菲尔德，《望对岸》;托马斯，《帝国探险》，例如，贝克，《与土著人一起探险》，22;麦克拉伦，“纠缠的戈基生活”;《悉尼公报》，1804年9月23日。贝克，《与土著人一起探索》;谢兰姆，“曼亚特的“唯一的快乐””。例如，Atkinson, State of Agriculture, 64。邓恩已经证明，猎人谷的向导随着时间的推移，随着不同的殖民者浪潮而改变。邓恩，《土著向导》，72-73页，79页。贝克，《与土著人一起探索》，第22卷，第37页。《握手》，第139页。
{"title":"No fish, no house, no melons: The earliest Aboriginal guides in colonial New South Wales","authors":"A. McLaren","doi":"10.22459/ah.43.2019.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.43.2019.02","url":null,"abstract":"Aboriginal individuals – often men – who went with the colonists on their travels in colonial New South Wales performed various, often vital, roles. While this is well known, less attention has been paid to the ways in which relationships developed between the colonists and those guiding, or how these relationships were dependent on meeting the needs and desires of all involved. By teasing apart some of the earliest, shakiest beginnings of Aboriginal men travelling with and ‘guiding’ the colonists, this article suggests that guiding was negotiated from the outset – the product of intercultural dialogue and deliberation – and that it is a phenomenon that benefits from being more fully contextualised. There were many tasks to be completed before the expeditionary party turned in for the night. Water had to be drawn, timber chopped and supper prepared, but Colebee and Balloderry had not assisted at all. Having eaten their fill – one officer said they had ‘stuffed themselves’ – they lay down by the fire and slept.1 The naval officers had thought that these 2 Aboriginal men would prove useful to the success of their exploration, and in later decades in New South Wales, Aboriginal guides would assist travellers and explorers as cooks, hunters, stockmen and more. Yet here, during this expedition of April 1791 just west of the settlements at Sydney Cove and Rose Hill, these understandings were yet to develop. Instead, an association beset with misunderstanding was about to unfold. 1 Tench, ‘Settlement at Port Jackson’, 225. ABORIGINAL HISTORY VOL 43 2019 34 Indigenous guides and brokers have received much attention in recent years. There is a growing Australian oeuvre committed to re-examining who they were and their roles during colonial expeditions.2 In these recent considerations, the ‘hidden histories’ of exploration and Indigenous involvement form the focus, and a range of methodologies are employed to search for ways of reading Indigenous involvement, their skills, and their impact on expeditionary outcomes in heavily mediated sources. This scholarship has challenged the aura surrounding expeditionary travel, rendering it a complex affair and the position of a heroic leader highly dubious. We now know just how central the involvement of Aboriginal guides could be, and that they could make expeditionary journeys faster or frustrate their goals.3 We also know that their involvement could be strategic, that they could have their own reasons for travelling and that they could exert pressure in negotiating the terms of their engagement.4 Less attention has been paid to the ways in which relationships between Aboriginal guides and the colonists developed, or how these were dependent on the ongoing negotiation of the needs of all involved. Guiding became a key part of the intercultural social world by the 1820s, with prospectors, newly arrived immigrants, long-term settler gentlemen and more all enjoying the services of Aboriginal guides. So asking how th","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45952833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Big John Dodo and Karajarri histories","authors":"D. Jorgensen","doi":"10.22459/ah.43.2019.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.43.2019.04","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42055820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article demonstrates the destructive intent of assimilation policies through attempts at forced movement into artificially created ‘communities’, such as the Morwell transit village in Victoria, Australia, in the 1960s. It argues that the resistance by Indigenous people to forced assimilation was strong, and that the challenges that they, and their supporters, made to assimilation and housing policies, were effective in contesting attempts to disconnect Indigenous people from their land. In June 1965, the Victorian Aborigines Welfare Board (the Board) was offered a 15-year lease on 4 acres of swampy land on the outskirts of Morwell, in Victoria’s Latrobe Valley. The site was wedged between the railway line and the busy Princes Highway, prone to flooding, and zoned for industrial use.1 The Board planned to use the site to develop a ‘transit village’, in order to ‘bring to Morwell all the aborigines [sic] now living at Lake Tyers’.2 This announcement drew condemnation from Aboriginal leader Doug Nicholls. In a statement on behalf of the Aborigines Advancement League, Nicholls attacked the ‘setting up of a new fringe settlement’ in Morwell, suggesting the plan was a ‘continuation of the Government’s policy of arbitrarily acquiring land and placing Aboriginal families thereon in areas which are alien to them’. Nicholls challenged the government’s approach to assimilation, 1 National Archives of Australia (hereafter NAA), B357, 77; Fletcher, Chesters and Drysdale, ‘Past, Present, Future’, 22. 2 ‘Deadlock on Plan to Settle Aborigines’, Morwell Advertiser, 17 May 1965, 1. ABORIGINAL HISTORY VOL 43 2019 94 declaring that no government or person had the right to say that Aboriginal people ‘must assimilate and live in a particular area’.3 Nicholls’s protests – and those of other Aboriginal leaders and activist groups – against the Morwell transit village were part of the broader and longer campaign by Aboriginal people to stop the closure of the last remaining Aboriginal reserve in Victoria, at Lake Tyers. By the end of 1965 the Morwell transit village scheme had been abandoned by the Board, and the threat posed to Lake Tyers was defeated in part due to their protests. This article provides a detailed examination of the short-lived Morwell transit village scheme. This research contributes to the examination of the longer history of attempts to dispossess and control Aboriginal people in Victoria through missions, reserves and housing programs. Penny Edmonds has examined the colonial construction of urban spaces as ‘ordered and civilised’ where Aboriginal people were subjected to a range of ‘civilising’ influences.4 The reordering of space under the hand of missionaries at Ebenezer and Ramahyuck as examined by Jane Lydon and Bain Attwood respectively shows the importance invested in controlling and managing spaces with the aim of affecting the behaviour of Aboriginal people.5 In particular, this article examines the intended assimilatory effects of t
{"title":"‘What’s this about a new mission?’: Assimilation, resistance and the Morwell transit village","authors":"B. Marsden","doi":"10.22459/ah.43.2019.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ah.43.2019.05","url":null,"abstract":"This article demonstrates the destructive intent of assimilation policies through attempts at forced movement into artificially created ‘communities’, such as the Morwell transit village in Victoria, Australia, in the 1960s. It argues that the resistance by Indigenous people to forced assimilation was strong, and that the challenges that they, and their supporters, made to assimilation and housing policies, were effective in contesting attempts to disconnect Indigenous people from their land. In June 1965, the Victorian Aborigines Welfare Board (the Board) was offered a 15-year lease on 4 acres of swampy land on the outskirts of Morwell, in Victoria’s Latrobe Valley. The site was wedged between the railway line and the busy Princes Highway, prone to flooding, and zoned for industrial use.1 The Board planned to use the site to develop a ‘transit village’, in order to ‘bring to Morwell all the aborigines [sic] now living at Lake Tyers’.2 This announcement drew condemnation from Aboriginal leader Doug Nicholls. In a statement on behalf of the Aborigines Advancement League, Nicholls attacked the ‘setting up of a new fringe settlement’ in Morwell, suggesting the plan was a ‘continuation of the Government’s policy of arbitrarily acquiring land and placing Aboriginal families thereon in areas which are alien to them’. Nicholls challenged the government’s approach to assimilation, 1 National Archives of Australia (hereafter NAA), B357, 77; Fletcher, Chesters and Drysdale, ‘Past, Present, Future’, 22. 2 ‘Deadlock on Plan to Settle Aborigines’, Morwell Advertiser, 17 May 1965, 1. ABORIGINAL HISTORY VOL 43 2019 94 declaring that no government or person had the right to say that Aboriginal people ‘must assimilate and live in a particular area’.3 Nicholls’s protests – and those of other Aboriginal leaders and activist groups – against the Morwell transit village were part of the broader and longer campaign by Aboriginal people to stop the closure of the last remaining Aboriginal reserve in Victoria, at Lake Tyers. By the end of 1965 the Morwell transit village scheme had been abandoned by the Board, and the threat posed to Lake Tyers was defeated in part due to their protests. This article provides a detailed examination of the short-lived Morwell transit village scheme. This research contributes to the examination of the longer history of attempts to dispossess and control Aboriginal people in Victoria through missions, reserves and housing programs. Penny Edmonds has examined the colonial construction of urban spaces as ‘ordered and civilised’ where Aboriginal people were subjected to a range of ‘civilising’ influences.4 The reordering of space under the hand of missionaries at Ebenezer and Ramahyuck as examined by Jane Lydon and Bain Attwood respectively shows the importance invested in controlling and managing spaces with the aim of affecting the behaviour of Aboriginal people.5 In particular, this article examines the intended assimilatory effects of t","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43571025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the interwar years, as protection policies took hold across Australia, Aboriginal political organisations and advocacy groups emerged to protest and demand rights and freedoms. Among the better known of the Indigenous-led organisations were Fred Maynard’s Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association (AAPA) in New South Wales, and William Cooper’s Australian Aborigines’ League in Victoria. These were regional organisations fighting mostly local issues such as the injustices of life ‘under the Act’, or for better access to land and resources. However, they also engaged national issues, as exemplified by William Cooper’s Petition to the King, which was circulated throughout the country and called for reserved seats for Aboriginal people in federal parliament.1 More influential, however, were the white-run advocacy groups. The Association for the Protection of Native Races, established in 1911, had a national perspective and, among other things, sought greater federal control of Aboriginal affairs.2 The National Missionary Council, established in the mid-1920s, was a platform for many of the mainstream churches.3 More locally were groups such as the Australian Aborigines Ameliorative Association in Western Australia and the Victorian Aboriginal Group in Melbourne. As Attwood has observed, these were highly paternalistic organisations, who saw themselves working ‘for’ Aboriginal people ‘rather than through them’.4 This was certainly true of South Australia’s long-
{"title":"Contested destinies: Aboriginal advocacy in South Australia’s interwar years","authors":"R. Foster","doi":"10.22459/AH.42.2018.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.42.2018.04","url":null,"abstract":"In the interwar years, as protection policies took hold across Australia, Aboriginal political organisations and advocacy groups emerged to protest and demand rights and freedoms. Among the better known of the Indigenous-led organisations were Fred Maynard’s Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association (AAPA) in New South Wales, and William Cooper’s Australian Aborigines’ League in Victoria. These were regional organisations fighting mostly local issues such as the injustices of life ‘under the Act’, or for better access to land and resources. However, they also engaged national issues, as exemplified by William Cooper’s Petition to the King, which was circulated throughout the country and called for reserved seats for Aboriginal people in federal parliament.1 More influential, however, were the white-run advocacy groups. The Association for the Protection of Native Races, established in 1911, had a national perspective and, among other things, sought greater federal control of Aboriginal affairs.2 The National Missionary Council, established in the mid-1920s, was a platform for many of the mainstream churches.3 More locally were groups such as the Australian Aborigines Ameliorative Association in Western Australia and the Victorian Aboriginal Group in Melbourne. As Attwood has observed, these were highly paternalistic organisations, who saw themselves working ‘for’ Aboriginal people ‘rather than through them’.4 This was certainly true of South Australia’s long-","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47327537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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