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Imperial literacy and indigenous rights: Tracing transoceanic circuits of a modern discourse 帝国文化与土著权利:追踪现代话语的跨洋循环
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.37.2013.01
T. B. Mar
In 1838, amidst French imperial aggression in Tahiti, the reigning Indigenous monarch Queen Pomare wrote the first of many letters as a 'sister Queen' to Britain's Queen Victoria. In it she asserted her and her people's right to seek the protection of the British government who, after all, had brought colonisation to her shores. Two years later, Wurundjeri elder Billibellary, counselled a gathering of his clanspeople on a newly selected site of residence in Narre Narre Warren, a few miles remote from the burgeoning British settlement of Melbourne. Following his reportedly spirited address, he and other residents walked off the Narre Narre Warren station in a sovereign withdrawal of cooperation with colonial authorities. Earlier that same year, a few thousand miles to the east of Melbourne at Waitangi in Aotearoa New Zealand, a gathering of Maori chiefs walked out on treaty negotiations with a British delegation. Although some would eventually sign what became known as the Treaty of Waitangi, others permanently withdrew their consent and refused the British appropriation of full sovereignty over Maori land and its inseparable people. This article argues that these seemingly isolated moments of protest constitute the observable tip of a wider process underway within many indigenous communities in the late 1830s and 1840s.
1838年,在法国帝国对塔希提岛的侵略中,在位的土著君主波马雷女王以“女王姐妹”的身份给英国维多利亚女王写了许多信中的第一封信。她在信中宣称,她和她的人民有权寻求英国政府的保护,毕竟是英国政府把殖民带到她的海岸。两年后,Wurundjeri长老billbellary在Narre Narre Warren的一个新选定的居住地为他的族人提供咨询,那里距离新兴的英国殖民地墨尔本只有几英里远。据报道,在他激动人心的讲话之后,他和其他居民离开了纳雷纳雷沃伦车站,这是与殖民当局的主权合作。同年早些时候,在墨尔本以东几千英里的新西兰奥特罗阿的怀唐伊,一群毛利酋长在与英国代表团的条约谈判中退出。虽然一些人最终签署了后来被称为怀唐伊条约的协议,但另一些人永久撤回了他们的同意,并拒绝英国对毛利人的土地及其不可分割的人民的完全主权。本文认为,这些看似孤立的抗议时刻构成了19世纪30年代末和40年代许多土著社区正在进行的更广泛进程的可观察到的尖端。
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引用次数: 22
The Aboriginal people in Sydney as seen by Eugene Delessert, December 1844 to August 1845 1844年12月至1845年8月,Eugene Delessert拍摄的悉尼土著人
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/ah.37.2013.05
C. Dyer
His journal of this voyage, under the full title Voyages dans les deux oceans Atlantique et Pacifique, 1844 a 1847, Bresil, Etats-Unis, Cap de Bonne-Esperance, Nouvelle-Hollande, Nouvelle-Zelande, Taiti, Philippines, Chine, Java, Indes Orientales, Egypte (326 pp), was published in Paris by A Franck, Libraire, 69 rue Richelieu, in 1848. On page 51 of this volume he says, when crossing the Equator on 19 October 1844, that he was 'recrossing this for the fifth time'. He was thus already a well-seasoned traveller, although this was his first visit to Australia.
他关于这次航行的日志,全名为《大西洋和太平洋两大洋的航行》,1844年至1847年,布雷希尔,埃塔斯-尤尼斯,波恩-埃斯朗斯角,新奥朗德,新泽兰德,泰国,菲律宾,中国,爪哇,东方索引,埃及(326页),于1848年在巴黎由a Franck出版,黎塞留街69号图书馆。在这本书的第51页,他说,当1844年10月19日穿越赤道时,他是“第五次穿越赤道”。虽然这是他第一次来澳大利亚,但他已经是一个经验丰富的旅行者了。
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引用次数: 0
Challenging the moral issues of his time: Proud Ngarrindjeri man of the Coorong, Thomas Edwin Trevorrow (1954-2013) 挑战他那个时代的道德问题:骄傲的库荣人,托马斯·埃德温·特雷弗罗(1954-2013)
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.37.2013.06
K. Hughes
Late on Thursday afternoon, 18 April 2013, Uncle Tom Trevorrow the Ngarrindjeri elder who worked tirelessly to create a just and equitable future for his community, and in the process brought countless black and white people together over more than a quarter of a century, sat down to continue working in the office of his beloved Camp Coorong, near Meningie, South Australia. He had just completed an interview for an international documentary on endangered languages with Ernie Dingo. Moments later this remarkable statesman suffered a heart attack just two weeks before his 59th birthday. His sudden passing left his family, many friends and the Aboriginal community across Australia, and internationally, bereft and in deep shock. For many it was, and still is, difficult to imagine a world without Tom.
2013年4月18日星期四下午晚些时候,恩加林杰里长老汤姆·特雷弗罗叔叔坐在他心爱的库荣营地办公室里,继续工作。他不知疲倦地为他的社区创造了一个公正和公平的未来,在这个过程中,他在25年多的时间里把无数黑人和白人聚集在一起。他刚刚和厄尼·丁戈完成了一个关于濒危语言的国际纪录片的采访。片刻之后,这位杰出的政治家在59岁生日的前两周突发心脏病。他的突然离世让他的家人、许多朋友和澳大利亚乃至全世界的土著社区都深感悲痛和震惊。对许多人来说,过去是,现在仍然难以想象一个没有汤姆的世界。
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引用次数: 2
Awabakal voices: The life and work of Percy Haslam Awabakal的声音:珀西·哈斯拉姆的生活和工作
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.37.2013.04
J. Maynard
The late Percy Haslam, a noted journalist and scholar of Newcastle, had a long, continued and significant association with Aboriginal peoples within the Newcastle and Hunter Valley regions. The language, culture and history of the Awabakal became his obsession and life's work. Haslam died some 25 years ago and dozens of boxes of his papers and work were deposited with the archive section at the Auchmuty Library of the University of Newcastle. In 2001, with funding from an Australian Research Council (ARC) Indigenous Research Development Scheme Grant I set out to not only examine the works of Haslam but also reveal an understanding of the man behind the material. In saying that, I am not attempting a theoretical analysis of Haslam's work here but rather I offer an introductory biographical overview of the man by those that knew him intimately in the hope of stimulating further questions for research. Who was he? Where did he come from? What drove his insatiable interest in Aboriginal culture in particular the Awabakal? Purist and professional academics do tend to denigrate amateur ethnographers - where does this situate Haslam, his work and legacy?
已故的珀西·哈斯拉姆(Percy Haslam)是纽卡斯尔的一位著名记者和学者,他与纽卡斯尔和猎人谷地区的土著人民有着长期、持续和重要的联系。阿瓦巴卡人的语言、文化和历史成了他的痴迷和毕生的事业。哈斯拉姆大约在25年前去世,他的几十箱论文和作品被存放在纽卡斯尔大学奥奇穆蒂图书馆的档案室。2001年,在澳大利亚研究委员会(ARC)土著研究发展计划的资助下,我不仅开始研究哈斯拉姆的作品,而且还揭示了对这些材料背后的人的理解。说到这里,我并不是试图对哈斯拉姆的作品进行理论分析,而是通过那些熟悉他的人对他进行介绍性的传记概述,希望能激发出进一步的研究问题。他是谁?他从哪里来?是什么驱使他对土著文化,尤其是阿瓦巴卡尔人,产生了永不满足的兴趣?纯粹主义者和专业学者确实倾向于诋毁业余人种学家——这对哈斯拉姆、他的工作和遗产有什么影响?
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引用次数: 0
Encountering Aboriginal knowledge: Explorer narratives on north-east Queensland, 1770 to 1820 邂逅原住民知识:1770年至1820年昆士兰东北部探险家的叙述
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.37.2013.02
Michael Davis
In early August 1802, botanist Robert Brown had a problem. He had secured a bounty of plants while exploring Port Curtis, today's Queensland town of Gladstone on the coastal fringe of Australia's tropical north-east, when he and his party were attacked by some local Aboriginal people. Brown wrote that 'The attack was made with a war woop and discharge of stones: I was at this moment employ'd in putting specimens of Plants in paper and had scarcely time to collect my scatter'd paper boxes andc and make a hasty retreat.' Brown was accompanying Matthew Flinders on this survey of the region, having departed northwards from Port Jackson two weeks earlier. The plants had been collected and the task now was to package them securely, ready for the long journey back to the imperial centre. In this way, they became transformed from being parts of living ecosystems into botanical specimens for the enhancement of growing scientific and natural history collections.
1802年8月初,植物学家罗伯特·布朗遇到了一个问题。他在探索柯蒂斯港(Port Curtis)——今天位于澳大利亚热带东北部沿海边缘的昆士兰州小镇格莱斯顿(Gladstone)——时收获了大量植物,但他和他的团队遭到了一些当地土著人的袭击。布朗写道:“进攻是用一声战吼和投掷的石头发动的。此时我正忙着把植物标本放在纸上,几乎没有时间收拾我散落的纸盒,然后匆忙撤退。”布朗两周前从杰克逊港向北出发,陪同马修·弗林德斯对该地区进行了调查。植物已经收集好了,现在的任务是把它们安全地包装起来,准备长途跋涉返回帝国中心。通过这种方式,它们从生命生态系统的一部分转变为植物标本,以增强不断增长的科学和自然历史收藏。
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引用次数: 3
'Black velvet' and 'purple Indignation': Print responses to Japanese 'poaching' of Aboriginal women “黑丝绒”和“紫色愤慨”:对日本“偷猎”土著妇女的回应
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.37.2013.03
Liz Conor
In 1936 a flurry of newspaper reports alleged widespread prostitution of Aboriginal women and girls to Japanese pearlers. The claims had a dramatic impact. Within weeks of them being printed a report was placed before the Department of the Interior. A vessel was commissioned to patrol the Arnhem Land coast. The allegations were raised at the first meeting of State Aboriginal protection authorities. Cabinet closed Australian waters to foreign pearling craft and a control base was established in the Tiwi Islands. Japanese luggers were fired upon with machine guns and a crew detained in Darwin. These escalating events occurred within five years of a series of attacks on Japanese by Aborigines (culminating in the infamous Caledon Bay spearing of five trepangers, along with the killings of two white men and one policeman on Woodah Island), and only five years before Australian and Japanese forces waged war. Much ink was spilt over the course of this print scandal, and while reports made use of established language such as 'vice' and 'outrage', a telling omission was the commonly known phrase 'Black Velvet'. The lapse could be considered a deliberate attempt to mask the expression's explicit reference to the tactile sensations associated with illicit white contact with racialised genitals. However tracing its use reveals that the phrase exclusively pertained to white men's sexualisation of Aboriginal women. Aboriginal women were not 'Black Velvet' to Japanese men, indicating this colloquial language played a role in establishing settlers' sense of proprietorial ownership of Aboriginal women's bodies - quite literally, for whom Aboriginal women were out-of-bounds.
1936年,大量报纸报道称,土著妇女和女孩向日本采珠人卖淫的现象普遍存在。这些说法产生了巨大的影响。在印刷后的几周内,一份报告被提交给了内政部。一艘船奉命在阿纳姆海岸巡逻。这些指控是在国家土著保护当局的第一次会议上提出的。内阁禁止外国采珠船进入澳大利亚水域,并在提维群岛建立了一个控制基地。日本渔船遭到机关枪扫射,一名船员在达尔文被拘留。这些不断升级的事件发生在土著对日本人的一系列袭击(在臭名昭著的Caledon Bay刺死五名侵略者,以及在伍达岛(Woodah Island)杀害两名白人和一名警察的事件中达到高潮)的五年内,而就在澳大利亚和日本军队发动战争的五年前。在这场印刷丑闻的过程中,大量的笔墨被泼出,尽管报道使用了“恶习”和“愤怒”等既定语言,但一个明显的遗漏是众所周知的短语“黑天鹅绒”。这一失误可以被认为是故意掩盖这一表达的明确含义,即白人与种族化生殖器的非法接触所带来的触觉。然而,追溯其用法可以发现,这个短语专门用于白人男性对土著女性的性化。对日本男人来说,土著妇女不是“黑丝绒”,这表明这种口语化的语言在建立定居者对土著妇女身体的所有权意识方面发挥了作用——毫不夸张地说,对他们来说,土著妇女是禁区。
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引用次数: 6
'We are Lutherans from Germany': Music, language, social history and change in Hopevale “我们是来自德国的路德教徒”:Hopevale的音乐、语言、社会历史和变化
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.36.2013.05
M. S. Reigersberg
The excerpt is a transcription of fieldwork footage filmed during the Carols by Candlelight festivities in December 2004 in the Lutheran Australian Aboriginal community of Hopevale, Northern Queensland. It documents the speech given by local Indigenous Pastor George Rosendale in which he reflected on the Lutheran heritage of the former Northern Queensland Hopevale Mission.2 He urged local Indigenous people to seek support in their Lutheran religious heritage of three generations suggesting it might encourage them to reflect on the level of alcohol misuse in the community and alter their ways. He stated that the excessive drinking habits of many local Indigenous people is a negative way in which they seek to imitate white Anglo-Australian culture. As an alternative, Pastor Rosendale advocated that not only should Hopevalians seek support in their Lutheran faith, but that they should also consider Indigenising it through re-introducing the practice of singing Christian songs in their local Indigenous language Guugu Yimithirr, as opposed to English. He also referred to the German heritage of the Lutheran faith and suggests that the loss of faith and the increasing loss of language competency in Guugu Yimithirr amongst the local population are causing a loss of pride. This is because, Pastor Rosendale believes, the singing of hymns in the local language is more meaningful and speaks to the heart as people are better able to understand how they are worshipping.
这段节选是2004年12月在北昆士兰霍普瓦尔的路德会澳大利亚土著社区烛光颂歌庆祝活动中拍摄的田野调查镜头的转录。它记录了当地土著牧师George Rosendale的演讲,他在演讲中反思了前北昆士兰Hopevale传教会的路德教遗产。2他敦促当地土著人民从他们三代人的路德教遗产中寻求支持,这可能会鼓励他们反思社区中酗酒的程度,并改变他们的生活方式。他说,许多当地土著居民过度饮酒的习惯是一种消极的方式,他们试图模仿白人英澳文化。作为替代方案,Rosendale牧师主张,希望人不仅应该在他们的路德教信仰中寻求支持,而且还应该考虑通过重新引入用当地土著语言Guugu Yimithirr(而不是英语)唱基督教歌曲的做法,将其本土化。他还提到路德宗信仰的德国遗产,并表示当地居民丧失了对Guugu Yimithirr的信仰和语言能力的日益丧失正在造成自豪感的丧失。罗森代尔牧师认为,这是因为用当地语言唱赞美诗更有意义,更能打动人心,因为人们能更好地理解他们是如何敬拜的。
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引用次数: 1
'What a howl there would be if some of our folk were so treated by an enemy': The evacuation of Aboriginal people from Cape Bedford Mission, 1942 “如果我们的一些人被敌人如此对待,那将会有多么大的嚎叫啊!”:1942年,从贝德福德角教会撤离土著人
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.36.2013.04
Jonathan Richards
One fine and warm winter morning in May 1942, the Poonbar, a medium-sized coastal vessel, steamed into the Endeavour River at Cooktown, North Queensland, and berthed at the town's wharf. After she tied up, over 200 Aboriginal people carrying a small amount of personal possessions emerged from a cargo shed on the wharf. The people were herded by about a dozen uniformed Queensland police as they boarded the boat. The loading, completed in just over an hour, was supervised by three military officers, two senior police and a civilian public servant. As the ship cast off, the public servant, who boarded the boat with the Aboriginal people, threw a coin to a constable on the wharf and shouted 'Wire Cairns for a meal!' Unfortunately, the wire did not arrive at Cairns in time, and as a result the party of Aboriginal people was given little food until they reached their destination, 1200 kilometres and two day's travel away.
1942年5月一个晴朗而温暖的冬日早晨,一艘中型沿海船“Poonbar”号驶进北昆士兰库克敦的奋进河,停泊在该镇的码头。在她被绑起来后,200多名原住民带着少量个人物品从码头的货仓里出来。这些人在登船时,被大约12名身穿制服的昆士兰警察簇拥着。在三名军官、两名高级警察和一名文职公务员的监督下,装载工作在一个多小时内完成。当船离港时,与土著人一起上船的公务员向码头上的一名警察扔了一枚硬币,并喊道:“给凯恩斯一顿饭!”不幸的是,电线没有及时到达凯恩斯,结果这群土著居民在到达目的地之前几乎没有得到食物,他们要走1200公里,需要两天的路程。
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引用次数: 6
Food and governance on the frontiers of colonial Australia and Canada's North West Territories 澳大利亚殖民地和加拿大西北地区边境的食物和治理
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.36.2013.02
A. Nettelbeck, R. Foster
In recent decades historians have been turning from a national towards a transnational framework to examine the patterns and processes of colonial governance. This paper aims to contribute to those debates by examining the roles and outcomes of ration distribution as an institutionalised tool of Aboriginal governance on the nineteenth century settler frontiers of colonial Australia and north-west Canada. In so doing it is not our aim to rehearse established scholarship on the history of rations policy in specific times and localities,2 but to consider the degree to which the evolution of rationing policies reflects shared administrative goals and dilemmas in Aboriginal governance across different colonial contexts. To date, there has been little attention to the role of rationing policy across Australia's colonies, let alone in comparison with other jurisdictions of British settlement. In some key respects, Australia from the 1840s and western Canada from the 1870s represent two ends of a spectrum in shared colonial policy across British settler colonies. On the one hand, they shared a set of similarities in the issues and problems their governments faced with the rapid expansion of settlement after the mid-nineteenth century, of securing Aboriginal people's amenability to British rule, and of approaching the management of Aboriginal populations through a mixture of conciliatory and coercive measures. On the other hand, administrative approaches to Aboriginal peoples in these two jurisdictions evolved in light of some crucial differences.
近几十年来,历史学家一直在从国家框架转向跨国框架来研究殖民统治的模式和过程。本文旨在通过研究配给分配作为19世纪殖民地澳大利亚和加拿大西北部定居者边界上土著治理的制度化工具的作用和结果,为这些辩论做出贡献。在这样做的过程中,我们的目的并不是重述特定时期和地区的口粮政策历史,而是考虑在不同殖民背景下,口粮政策的演变在多大程度上反映了共同的行政目标和土著治理的困境。迄今为止,很少有人关注配给政策在澳大利亚殖民地的作用,更不用说与英国殖民的其他司法管辖区进行比较了。在一些关键方面,19世纪40年代的澳大利亚和19世纪70年代的加拿大西部代表了英国殖民殖民地共同殖民政策的两个极端。一方面,他们的政府在19世纪中叶之后迅速扩张的定居点,确保土著人民对英国统治的顺从,以及通过和解和强制措施的混合来接近土著人口的管理方面面临着一系列相似的问题和问题。另一方面,这两个司法管辖区对土著人民的行政管理办法由于一些关键的差异而演变。
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引用次数: 7
Assimilation discourses and the production of Ella Simon's 'through my eyes' 同化话语和艾拉·西蒙的作品《透过我的眼睛》
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.36.2013.01
J. Jones
Through My Eyes (1978) was among the first Aboriginal women's narratives available to a mainstream audience. Ella Simon, a prominent Biripi woman from Taree on the mid north coast of New South Wales, made oral recordings of her life story in 1973. She was determined that her resultant autobiography would prove to Aboriginal and white readers alike that 'white and black can live together; that they've got a lot in common'. Ella Simon believed that publishing her life story would provide a forum for her complex and then controversial views on assimilation. This article contests, on the contrary, that the editorial process that transformed Simon's oral recordings into a written text did not respect nor accurately convey Ella Simon's views on how 'white and black' could 'live together'. By examining transcripts of Simon's original oral recordings, I demonstrate how lack of cultural literacy amongst her non-Aboriginal collaborators led to the prioritisation of monocultural understanding of assimilation, to the detriment of Simon's more pluralist views.
1978年的《透过我的眼睛》是主流观众最早看到的原住民女性叙事作品之一。艾拉·西蒙(Ella Simon)是一位来自新南威尔士州中北部海岸塔利(Taree)的著名比里皮族妇女,她在1973年录制了自己的生活故事。她下定决心,她最终的自传将向土著和白人读者证明,“白人和黑人可以共同生活;他们有很多共同点。”艾拉·西蒙认为,出版她的人生故事将为她关于同化的复杂而有争议的观点提供一个论坛。相反,这篇文章质疑,将西蒙的口头录音转化为书面文本的编辑过程没有尊重也没有准确地传达埃拉·西蒙关于“白人和黑人”如何“共同生活”的观点。通过检查西蒙原始口头录音的抄本,我证明了她的非土著合作者缺乏文化素养是如何导致对同化的单一文化理解的优先考虑,从而损害了西蒙更多元的观点。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Aboriginal History
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