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Mobilising across colour lines: Intimate encounters between Aboriginal women and African American and other allied servicemen on the World War II Australian home front 跨肤色的动员:土著妇女与非裔美国人和其他盟军军人在第二次世界大战澳大利亚大后方的亲密接触
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.22459/AH.41.2017.03
K. Hughes
Stationed at General Douglas MacArthur’s Australian headquarters, the famous black war correspondent Vincent Tubbs reported in the Baltimore Afro-American, 25 March 1944: ‘I know of 10 cases in which our boys have married Australian girls. In eight instances the girls are of mixed blood. In the other two, they are so called “pure Australian girls”’, adding, ‘They have real concern as to how they will get their wives home on one of Uncle Sam’s ships’.1
1944年3月25日,驻扎在道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军澳大利亚总部的著名黑人战地记者文森特·塔布斯在《巴尔的摩非裔美国人》上报道说:“我知道有10起我们的男孩娶了澳大利亚女孩的案例。在8个案例中,女孩是混血儿。在另外两篇文章中,她们是所谓的“纯粹的澳大利亚女孩”,并补充说,“她们真正关心的是如何让自己的妻子登上山姆大叔的一艘船回家。
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引用次数: 3
Two Victorian corroborees: Meaning making in response to European intrusion 两个维多利亚时代的corroborees:对欧洲入侵的回应
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2017-12-20 DOI: 10.22459/AH.41.2017.06
J. Newton
Soon after separation of Port Phillip District from New South Wales, in 1851 and 1852, Guardian of Aborigines William Thomas witnessed and recorded new corroborees at Moonee Ponds, west of Melbourne, and on the northern bank of the Yarra. The first ceremony in 1851 was performed by the Wathawurrung from Leigh Creek, Buninyong and Bacchus Marsh and a few Bunwurrung from Melbourne. A leader, Ninggollobin, told Thomas that it was a new 'Sunday' or sacred dance sent down from the clouds by Veinnee (also spelt Vienie) to the Mt Emu Wathawurrung people.
1851年和1852年,在菲利浦港区与新南威尔士州分离后不久,土著守护者威廉·托马斯(William Thomas)在墨尔本西部的穆尼池塘(Moonee Ponds)和雅拉河(Yarra)北岸见证并记录了新的corroborees。1851年的第一次仪式是由来自Leigh Creek, Buninyong和Bacchus Marsh的Wathawurrung和一些来自墨尔本的Bunwurrung主持的。一位名叫宁格洛宾的领袖告诉托马斯,这是一种新的“星期天”或神圣的舞蹈,是由维恩尼(也拼写为维恩尼)从云层中传给Emu Wathawurrung山的人的。
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引用次数: 1
Deaconess Winifred Hilliard and the cultural brokerage of the Ernabella craft room 女执事温妮弗雷德·希利亚德和厄纳贝拉工艺室的文化经纪人
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2017-12-17 DOI: 10.22459/AH.41.2017.04
Diana Young
Deaconess Winifred Hilliard arrived at the Presbyterian Ernabella mission craft room in far north-west South Australia in 1954 to work as a qualified missionary. She was 33.1 Her job: to work among Pitjantjatjara women as the 'handcraft supervisor' at the mission.
女执事温妮弗雷德·希利亚德于1954年来到南澳大利亚西北部的长老会厄纳贝拉传教工艺室,作为一名合格的传教士工作。她的工作是在Pitjantjatjara妇女中担任“手工监督员”。
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引用次数: 1
Fragile Settlements: Aboriginal Peoples, Law, and Resistance in South-West Australia and Prairie Canada by Amanda Nettelbeck, Russell Smandych, Louis A. Knafla and Robert Foster 脆弱的定居点:澳大利亚西南部和加拿大草原的原住民、法律和抵抗,作者:阿曼达·内特贝克、拉塞尔·斯曼迪奇、路易斯·a·纳夫拉和罗伯特·福斯特
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.41.2017
P. Edmonds
In the early twentieth century, Canada was viewed in national settler narratives as a place of ‘gentle occupation’; likewise, Australia was deemed the ‘quiet continent’, a country that had been ‘settled but not invaded’. Both were cast triumphantly as homogenous ‘whiteman’s lands’. Canada and Australia share deep genealogies and long legacies of settler colonialism and, thanks largely to persistent indigenous political activism, a present and urgent requirement to face historical injustices. Over the last two decades, both Canada and Australia have moved towards various programs for national reconciliation and redress and, more recently, national apologies to indigenous peoples.
在20世纪早期,加拿大在国家定居者的叙述中被视为一个“温和占领”的地方;同样,澳大利亚被认为是“安静的大陆”,一个“有人定居但没有被入侵”的国家。这两个地方都被得意地描述为同质的“白人的土地”。加拿大和澳大利亚有着深厚的宗谱和殖民主义的悠久遗产,而且,在很大程度上,由于土著居民坚持不懈的政治活动,现在迫切需要面对历史上的不公正。在过去二十年中,加拿大和澳大利亚都采取了各种民族和解和补救方案,最近还向土著人民进行了全国道歉。
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引用次数: 0
The homestead as fortress: fact or folklore? 宅基地作为堡垒:事实还是民间传说?
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.22459/AH.41.2017.07
Heather Burke, Lynley A. Wallis, B. Barker, Megan Tutty, N. Cole, I. Davidson, E. Hatte, Kelsey M. Lowe
Houses are quintessential statements of identity, encoding elements of personal and social attitudes, aspirations and realities. As functional containers for human life, they reflect the exigencies of their construction and occupation, as well as the alterations that ensued as contexts, occupants and uses changed. As older houses endure into subsequent social contexts, they become drawn into later symbolic landscapes, connoting both past and present social relationships simultaneously and connecting the two via the many ways they are understood and represented in the present. As historical archaeologist Anne Yentsch has argued: ‘Many cultural values, including ideas about power relationships and social inequality, are expressed within the context of the stories surrounding houses’.1 This paper is one attempt to investigate the stories surrounding a ruined pastoral homestead in central northern Queensland in light of relationships between non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal people on the frontier.
房屋是身份的典型陈述,编码个人和社会态度、愿望和现实的元素。作为人类生活的功能性容器,它们反映了建筑和职业的紧迫性,以及随着环境、居住者和用途的变化而发生的变化。随着老房子融入后来的社会环境,它们被吸引到后来的象征性景观中,同时隐含着过去和现在的社会关系,并通过许多方式将两者联系起来,这些方式在现在被理解和表现。正如历史考古学家Anne Yentsch所说:“许多文化价值,包括关于权力关系和社会不平等的观念,都是在房屋周围故事的背景下表达出来的。本文试图从非原住民与边疆原住民之间的关系出发,调查昆士兰中北部一个被毁的牧区的故事。
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引用次数: 4
Stanley Middleton's response to assimilation policy in his fight for Aboriginal people's equality, 1948-62 斯坦利·米德尔顿在争取原住民平等的斗争中对同化政策的回应(1948- 1962)
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2016-12-06 DOI: 10.22459/AH.40.2016.02
Angela Lapham
From earliest childhood until I left home at the age of seventeen I heard so frequently the story of my birth and the role played by the kindly aborigines that it requires no effort even now to recount word for word as told to me by my mother. It never failed to stir me emotionally and the telling does to this day. I often considered in those early days, if ever and how I might be able to repay in some measure the kindness of these gentle people. Eventually that opportunity did come to me, not in my home state but on the opposite side of the continent. When I was placed in charge of the Native Affairs department in Western Australia I perceived the opportunity to contribute something towards their welfare and took as much advantage of it as the limits of Government policy, politics, money and public attitudes would permit. I know I succeeded up to a point but wish I could have done more. I - we - owe it to them.
从童年到十七岁离家,我经常听到我出生的故事,以及善良的土著居民所扮演的角色,即使到现在,我也不需要费力就能把母亲讲给我的故事一字一句地复述出来。它从来没有不触动我的情感,直到今天仍然如此。在那些早期的日子里,我经常考虑,如果我能报答这些善良的人,我该如何报答他们。最终,这个机会来到了我的面前,不是在我的家乡,而是在大陆的另一边。当我被任命为西澳大利亚州土著事务部门的负责人时,我意识到有机会为他们的福利做出贡献,并在政府政策、政治、金钱和公众态度允许的范围内尽可能地利用了这个机会。我知道我在一定程度上取得了成功,但我希望我能做得更多。我——我们——欠他们的。
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引用次数: 3
Ending isolation? Leprosy, welfare and Indigenous Australians 1950–86 结束隔离?麻风病,福利和土著澳大利亚人1950-86
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2016-12-06 DOI: 10.22459/AH.40.2016.03
C. Robson
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引用次数: 4
Ross v Chambers: Assimilation law and policy in the Northern Territory 罗斯诉钱伯斯:北领地的同化法律和政策
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2016-12-06 DOI: 10.22459/AH.40.2016.01
Katharine Booth, L. Ford
On 9 September 1955, Jack Chambers, co-owner of Eva Downs Station in the Northern Territory, had an argument with his Aboriginal cook, Dolly Ross. That morning, Ross had refused to prepare breakfast for her fellow Aboriginal pastoral workers because she said she was ill. Chambers claimed that Dolly was malingering because she had quarrelled with her husband. After the argument, Dolly, her husband Jim and a minor named Munro left the station. Chambers claimed that he had ordered them off the property. The Ross family testified that they had left in protest when Chambers threatened to ‘liven up’ Dolly if she did not do her work. Later that morning, Jack Chambers, Colin Chambers, manager Jack Britt, and stockmen George Booth and Francis Booth rode out from the station either to muster cattle or to pursue the Ross family. Either motive was possible: there were cattle to be mustered and all hands were needed on deck.
1955年9月9日,北领地伊娃唐斯车站的共同所有人杰克钱伯斯与他的土著厨师多莉罗斯发生了争执。那天早上,罗斯拒绝为她的土著牧区同事准备早餐,因为她说她病了。钱伯斯声称多莉是装病,因为她和丈夫吵过架。争吵结束后,多莉、她的丈夫吉姆和一个名叫芒罗的未成年人离开了车站。钱伯斯声称他已经命令他们离开这处房产。罗斯一家作证说,钱伯斯威胁说,如果多莉不做她的工作,就“让她活跃起来”,他们离开是为了抗议。那天上午晚些时候,杰克·钱伯斯、科林·钱伯斯、经理杰克·布里特以及饲养员乔治·布斯和弗朗西斯·布斯骑马从车站出来,不是赶牛就是追捕罗斯一家。这两种动机都有可能:甲板上需要召集牲畜,所有的人都得上甲板。
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引用次数: 1
The space of conflict: Aboriginal/European interactions and frontierviolence on the western Central M urray, South Australia, 1830-41 冲突的空间:1830- 1841年,南澳大利亚中西部地区土著/欧洲人的互动和边境暴力
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2016-12-06 DOI: 10.22459/AH.40.2016.06
Heather Burke, A. Roberts, Michael Morrison, Vanessa S Sullivan
Colonialism was a violent endeavour. Bound up with the construction of a market-driven, capitalist system via the tendrils of Empire, it was intimately associated with the processes of colonisation and the experiences of exploiting the land, labour and resources of the New World. All too often this led to conflict, particularly between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Overt violence (the euphemistic 'skirmishes', 'affrays' and 'collisions' of the documentary record), clandestine violence (poisonings, forced removals, sexual exploitation and disease) and structural violence (the compartmentalisation of Aboriginal people through processes of race, governance and labour) became routinised aspects of colonialism, buttressed by structures of power, inequality, dispossession and racism. Conflict at the geographical margins of this system was made possible by the general anxieties of life at, or beyond, the boundaries of settlement, closely associated with the normalised violence attached to ideals of 'manliness' on the frontier.
殖民主义是一种暴力行为。它通过帝国的卷须与市场驱动的资本主义制度的建设紧密相连,与殖民进程和剥削新大陆土地、劳动力和资源的经历密切相关。这往往导致冲突,特别是土著人民与非土著人民之间的冲突。公开的暴力(委婉的“小规模冲突”、“斗殴”和“冲突”的文献记录)、秘密的暴力(投毒、强迫迁移、性剥削和疾病)和结构性暴力(通过种族、治理和劳动的过程将土著人分开)成为殖民主义的常规方面,由权力结构、不平等、剥夺和种族主义所支持。在这一体系的地理边缘地带发生冲突,是由于人们对定居边界内外生活的普遍焦虑,与边界上“男子气概”理想所附带的常态化暴力密切相关。
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引用次数: 22
‘We had to be off by sundown’: Narungga contributions to farming industries on Yorke Peninsula (Guuranda), South Australia “我们必须在日落前离开”:南澳大利亚Yorke半岛(Guuranda)的Narungga对农业的贡献
IF 0.1 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2016-12-06 DOI: 10.22459/AH.40.2016.04
Belinda G. Liebelt, A. Roberts, C. O'Loughlin, Doug Milera
Aboriginal peoples around Australia have played a significant role in the establishment and development of many of the country's successful agricultural industries. Despite this, Australian rural histories rarely acknowledge or celebrate Aboriginal people's labour as an important contributing factor in the prosperity of agricultural ventures. This lack of recognition is often symptomatic of more widespread absences that exist within Australian historical discourse regarding Aboriginal people's working lives since European colonisation. These absences are often at their most pronounced in rural areas, where there has been a strong desire to erase any contrary evidence that could undermine 'the pioneer success story' or challenge the idea of European settlers as anything other than guileless agents engaged in 'a struggle over adversity that became the foundation stone of nation building'. Increasingly, however, these mediated absences are being contested as a greater emphasis is placed on documenting and including Aboriginal people's historic and lived experiences within farming and pastoral industries around the country. One of the objectives of these studies has been to highlight how Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people's lives are often entangled, helping to negate narratives that presuppose Aboriginal people's exclusion and separation from greater Australian working life.4 Finding ways to accurately represent the specificities of these cross-cultural 'entanglements' in appropriate ways for both cultural groups has been an ongoing challenge.
澳大利亚各地的土著人民在该国许多成功的农业产业的建立和发展中发挥了重要作用。尽管如此,澳大利亚的农村历史很少承认或颂扬土著人民的劳动是农业企业繁荣的重要贡献因素。这种缺乏认识往往是自欧洲殖民以来澳大利亚关于土著人民工作生活的历史话语中普遍存在的缺失的症状。这种缺失通常在农村地区最为明显,在那里,人们强烈希望抹去任何可能破坏“先驱成功故事”的相反证据,或者挑战欧洲定居者的想法,而不是参与“与逆境作斗争,成为国家建设的基石”的诚实特工。然而,随着越来越多的人强调在全国各地的农业和畜牧业中记录和包括土著人民的历史和生活经历,这些调解的缺席正在受到质疑。这些研究的目的之一是强调土著人和非土著人的生活是如何经常纠缠在一起的,这有助于否定那些假定土著人被排斥和分离于更大的澳大利亚工作生活的叙述寻找一种方法,以适当的方式准确地代表这些跨文化“纠葛”的特殊性,对两种文化群体都是一个持续的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Aboriginal History
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