{"title":"'We want a good mission not rubish please': Aboriginal petitions and mission nostalgia","authors":"Laura Rademaker","doi":"10.22459/AH.40.2016.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.40.2016.05","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"1 1","pages":"119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73192471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-04-01Epub Date: 2016-01-13DOI: 10.1007/s00125-015-3859-2
Kuntol Rakshit, Tu Wen Hsu, Aleksey V Matveyenko
Aims/hypothesis: Obesity and consequent insulin resistance are known risk factors for type 2 diabetes. A compensatory increase in beta cell function and mass in response to insulin resistance permits maintenance of normal glucose homeostasis, whereas failure to do so results in beta cell failure and type 2 diabetes. Recent evidence suggests that the circadian system is essential for proper metabolic control and regulation of beta cell function. We set out to address the hypothesis that the beta cell circadian clock is essential for the appropriate functional and morphological beta cell response to insulin resistance.
Methods: We employed conditional deletion of the Bmal1 (also known as Arntl) gene (encoding a key circadian clock transcription factor) in beta cells using the tamoxifen-inducible CreER(T) recombination system. Upon adulthood, Bmal1 deletion in beta cells was achieved and mice were exposed to either chow or high fat diet (HFD). Changes in diurnal glycaemia, glucose tolerance and insulin secretion were longitudinally monitored in vivo and islet morphology and turnover assessed by immunofluorescence. Isolated islet experiments in vitro were performed to delineate changes in beta cell function and transcriptional regulation of cell proliferation.
Results: Adult Bmal1 deletion in beta cells resulted in failed metabolic adaptation to HFD characterised by fasting and diurnal hyperglycaemia, glucose intolerance and loss of glucose-stimulated insulin secretion. Importantly, HFD-induced beta cell expansion was absent following beta cell Bmal1 deletion indicating impaired beta cell proliferative and regenerative potential, which was confirmed by assessment of transcriptional profiles in isolated islets.
Conclusion/interpretation: Results of the study suggest that the beta cell circadian clock is a novel regulator of compensatory beta cell expansion and function in response to increased insulin demand associated with diet-induced obesity.
{"title":"Bmal1 is required for beta cell compensatory expansion, survival and metabolic adaptation to diet-induced obesity in mice.","authors":"Kuntol Rakshit, Tu Wen Hsu, Aleksey V Matveyenko","doi":"10.1007/s00125-015-3859-2","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s00125-015-3859-2","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Aims/hypothesis: </strong>Obesity and consequent insulin resistance are known risk factors for type 2 diabetes. A compensatory increase in beta cell function and mass in response to insulin resistance permits maintenance of normal glucose homeostasis, whereas failure to do so results in beta cell failure and type 2 diabetes. Recent evidence suggests that the circadian system is essential for proper metabolic control and regulation of beta cell function. We set out to address the hypothesis that the beta cell circadian clock is essential for the appropriate functional and morphological beta cell response to insulin resistance.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We employed conditional deletion of the Bmal1 (also known as Arntl) gene (encoding a key circadian clock transcription factor) in beta cells using the tamoxifen-inducible CreER(T) recombination system. Upon adulthood, Bmal1 deletion in beta cells was achieved and mice were exposed to either chow or high fat diet (HFD). Changes in diurnal glycaemia, glucose tolerance and insulin secretion were longitudinally monitored in vivo and islet morphology and turnover assessed by immunofluorescence. Isolated islet experiments in vitro were performed to delineate changes in beta cell function and transcriptional regulation of cell proliferation.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Adult Bmal1 deletion in beta cells resulted in failed metabolic adaptation to HFD characterised by fasting and diurnal hyperglycaemia, glucose intolerance and loss of glucose-stimulated insulin secretion. Importantly, HFD-induced beta cell expansion was absent following beta cell Bmal1 deletion indicating impaired beta cell proliferative and regenerative potential, which was confirmed by assessment of transcriptional profiles in isolated islets.</p><p><strong>Conclusion/interpretation: </strong>Results of the study suggest that the beta cell circadian clock is a novel regulator of compensatory beta cell expansion and function in response to increased insulin demand associated with diet-induced obesity.</p>","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"1 1","pages":"734-43"},"PeriodicalIF":8.2,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s00125-015-3859-2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52094521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Archibald Meston is remembered as the major architect of Queensland's 1897 legislation that was to regulate its Indigenous people for almost a century, and also as its Southern Protector of Aborigines from 1898 to 1904. Meston's contribution as a policymaker and Protector has received much scholarly attention, however, his activities as a showman - that is, in exhibiting live Indigenous people and himself joining in the performances - are not so well known and have been documented only sporadically. Even his best known offering, the Wild Australia Show, which was the subject of an exhibition held by the University of Queensland's Anthropology Museum in 2015, has not been fully explored. This article takes a closer look at Meston's exhibiting activities, which can now be traced more easily with the help of online searching of newspapers. It shows that these activities were central to his policies for solving Queensland's 'Aboriginals problem' and to his work as a Protector, and eventually gained him a national reputation (or notoriety) as a showman. Further, Meston's forays into the sphere of popular entertainment highlight a paradox in the treatment of Indigenous people in Queensland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, whereby these people were publicly paraded as 'noble savages' while behind the scenes they were being dispossessed, institutionalised, or at worst, exterminated. Meston's activities also highlight the narrow line of demarcation that existed at the time between ethnology and entertainment, enabling him to claim scientific credibility for his observations of Aboriginal life that were mostly more sensationalist than accurate.
{"title":"Staged savagery: Archibald Meston and his Indigenous exhibits","authors":"J. Mckay, P. Memmott","doi":"10.22459/AH.40.2016.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.40.2016.07","url":null,"abstract":"Archibald Meston is remembered as the major architect of Queensland's 1897 legislation that was to regulate its Indigenous people for almost a century, and also as its Southern Protector of Aborigines from 1898 to 1904. Meston's contribution as a policymaker and Protector has received much scholarly attention, however, his activities as a showman - that is, in exhibiting live Indigenous people and himself joining in the performances - are not so well known and have been documented only sporadically. Even his best known offering, the Wild Australia Show, which was the subject of an exhibition held by the University of Queensland's Anthropology Museum in 2015, has not been fully explored. This article takes a closer look at Meston's exhibiting activities, which can now be traced more easily with the help of online searching of newspapers. It shows that these activities were central to his policies for solving Queensland's 'Aboriginals problem' and to his work as a Protector, and eventually gained him a national reputation (or notoriety) as a showman. Further, Meston's forays into the sphere of popular entertainment highlight a paradox in the treatment of Indigenous people in Queensland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, whereby these people were publicly paraded as 'noble savages' while behind the scenes they were being dispossessed, institutionalised, or at worst, exterminated. Meston's activities also highlight the narrow line of demarcation that existed at the time between ethnology and entertainment, enabling him to claim scientific credibility for his observations of Aboriginal life that were mostly more sensationalist than accurate.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"28 1","pages":"181-203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80411566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There remains much mystery, misconception and myth surrounding the history of Aboriginal involvement with the South African Anglo-Boer War (hereafter Boer War). Unquestionably, Aboriginal men did go to South Africa and play a part, but the numbers, identity and background of these men remains sketchy. The war in South Africa remains itself somewhat the forgotten war. Jim Davidson has reflected that its memory 'slipped from public consciousness relatively quickly ... Collective Memory of the Boer War was soon swamped by the Great War'. In this study I reflect on some of the known and unknown stories and experiences of Aboriginal people during the Boer War. What were the living circumstances of Aboriginal people in Australia leading up to and during the Boer War and did this have any impact? Did Aboriginal people and communities support the war in South Africa? What do we know of the Aboriginal men that went to South Africa? Why were they there? How did they get there and did they get home? Whilst acknowledging the lack of archival sources, I will address or reveal some of the complexities of these issues through this article.
{"title":"'Let us go' ... it's a 'blackfellows' war': Aborigines and the Boer War","authors":"J. Maynard","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.07","url":null,"abstract":"There remains much mystery, misconception and myth surrounding the history of Aboriginal involvement with the South African Anglo-Boer War (hereafter Boer War). Unquestionably, Aboriginal men did go to South Africa and play a part, but the numbers, identity and background of these men remains sketchy. The war in South Africa remains itself somewhat the forgotten war. Jim Davidson has reflected that its memory 'slipped from public consciousness relatively quickly ... Collective Memory of the Boer War was soon swamped by the Great War'. In this study I reflect on some of the known and unknown stories and experiences of Aboriginal people during the Boer War. What were the living circumstances of Aboriginal people in Australia leading up to and during the Boer War and did this have any impact? Did Aboriginal people and communities support the war in South Africa? What do we know of the Aboriginal men that went to South Africa? Why were they there? How did they get there and did they get home? Whilst acknowledging the lack of archival sources, I will address or reveal some of the complexities of these issues through this article.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"1 1","pages":"143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89041881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In April 1916, 'The Age' ran a short story headed 'Aborigines in camp: Others willing to fight', announcing the presence of two 'full-blooded [sic] natives' among the soldiers at the Ballarat training camp.1 The men's presence blatantly contradicted popular interpretations of the 'Defence Act 1909' (Cth). Only men of 'substantial European origin' were eligible to enlist in the First Australian Imperial Force (AIF), although, in May 1917, the regulations were modified allowing 'half-caste' Aboriginal men entry. The Aboriginal men volunteering to fight in April 1916 were James Arden and Richard King, Gunditjmara men from the Lake Condah Aboriginal Reserve in the Victorian Western District. In the Condah area there was already an acceptance of Aboriginal men's participation in sport and labour; during the First World War, this extended to military service. The men's 'splendid physique' may have justified their acceptance into the military. James Arden was a 'well known rough rider' and Richard King had 'claimed distinction as a footballer and all-round athlete'. The journalist portrayed the spectacle of the Aboriginal men at the Ballarat training camp to promote white men's enlistment. Articles announcing Indigenous enlistments were published across south-eastern Australia during the 1916 and 1917 recruitment drives.
{"title":"'Willing to fight to a man': The First World War and Aboriginal activism in the Western District of Victoria","authors":"Jessica L. Horton","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.10","url":null,"abstract":"In April 1916, 'The Age' ran a short story headed 'Aborigines in camp: Others willing to fight', announcing the presence of two 'full-blooded [sic] natives' among the soldiers at the Ballarat training camp.1 The men's presence blatantly contradicted popular interpretations of the 'Defence Act 1909' (Cth). Only men of 'substantial European origin' were eligible to enlist in the First Australian Imperial Force (AIF), although, in May 1917, the regulations were modified allowing 'half-caste' Aboriginal men entry. The Aboriginal men volunteering to fight in April 1916 were James Arden and Richard King, Gunditjmara men from the Lake Condah Aboriginal Reserve in the Victorian Western District. In the Condah area there was already an acceptance of Aboriginal men's participation in sport and labour; during the First World War, this extended to military service. The men's 'splendid physique' may have justified their acceptance into the military. James Arden was a 'well known rough rider' and Richard King had 'claimed distinction as a footballer and all-round athlete'. The journalist portrayed the spectacle of the Aboriginal men at the Ballarat training camp to promote white men's enlistment. Articles announcing Indigenous enlistments were published across south-eastern Australia during the 1916 and 1917 recruitment drives.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"160 1","pages":"203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86177416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article we consider how Tasmanian soldiers of Aboriginal descent experienced the aftermath of the First World War, drawing on and supplementing several case studies from a wider body of research Andrea Gerrard has undertaken into the recruitment and front line experiences of these men. Our particular focus here is to examine how the Repatriation (hereafter ‘the Repat’) Commission responded to these men post-war.1 War changed these men both physically and mentally; literally their lives were twisted out of shape in ways that would have been unimaginable when they initially volunteered. We are particularly interested in interrogating whether the Tasmanian servicemen of Aboriginal descent and their families received treatment equal to that being meted out to other Tasmanian returned servicemen. We unsettle notions that returned Aboriginal servicemen continued to suffer significant discrimination with regard to repatriation benefits in post-war Tasmania, while acknowledging that their particular circumstances may have made the requisite application process more difficult than it was for other Tasmanian returned servicemen. As the Repat records have only recently been made available to researchers, it remains to be seen whether such experiences were distinctly Tasmanian or were emulated across mainland Australia
{"title":"Lives twisted out of shape! Tasmanian Aboriginal soldiers and the aftermath of the First World War","authors":"A. Gerrard, K. Harman","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.09","url":null,"abstract":"In this article we consider how Tasmanian soldiers of Aboriginal descent experienced the aftermath of the First World War, drawing on and supplementing several case studies from a wider body of research Andrea Gerrard has undertaken into the recruitment and front line experiences of these men. Our particular focus here is to examine how the Repatriation (hereafter ‘the Repat’) Commission responded to these men post-war.1 War changed these men both physically and mentally; literally their lives were twisted out of shape in ways that would have been unimaginable when they initially volunteered. We are particularly interested in interrogating whether the Tasmanian servicemen of Aboriginal descent and their families received treatment equal to that being meted out to other Tasmanian returned servicemen. We unsettle notions that returned Aboriginal servicemen continued to suffer significant discrimination with regard to repatriation benefits in post-war Tasmania, while acknowledging that their particular circumstances may have made the requisite application process more difficult than it was for other Tasmanian returned servicemen. As the Repat records have only recently been made available to researchers, it remains to be seen whether such experiences were distinctly Tasmanian or were emulated across mainland Australia","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"6 1","pages":"183-201"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88580030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is well known that the rationale for state intervention in the lives of Indigenous Australians performed a volte face when 'assimilation' was adopted in 1937. By the 1960s, 'integration' had emerged as a preferred guiding principle, but the goal remained the same: to incorporate Aborigines within the broader community as self-directed social and economic equals. However, a fundamental lack of respect for Aboriginal culture, combined with the idea that 'part‑Aborigines' had no cultural heritage, ensured that Aboriginal identity, agency and autonomy were largely ignored. Since then, we have witnessed shifts to 'self-determination', 'reconciliation' and to 'closing the [health and well-being] gap', but there is still a long way to go before any of these principles are fully achieved.
{"title":"Allawah Grove native settlement: Housing and assimilation","authors":"S. Delmege","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.04","url":null,"abstract":"It is well known that the rationale for state intervention in the lives of Indigenous Australians performed a volte face when 'assimilation' was adopted in 1937. By the 1960s, 'integration' had emerged as a preferred guiding principle, but the goal remained the same: to incorporate Aborigines within the broader community as self-directed social and economic equals. However, a fundamental lack of respect for Aboriginal culture, combined with the idea that 'part‑Aborigines' had no cultural heritage, ensured that Aboriginal identity, agency and autonomy were largely ignored. Since then, we have witnessed shifts to 'self-determination', 'reconciliation' and to 'closing the [health and well-being] gap', but there is still a long way to go before any of these principles are fully achieved.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"260 1","pages":"83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75767168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When I started researching Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander military service history in 2004, this was a very niche academic area. David Huggonson did some work in the 1980s and 1990s on the First World War, and Robert Hall's canonical texts 'The Black Diggers' (1989) and 'Fighters from the Fringe' (1995) had set a dominant narrative of the First and Second World War experiences: notwithstanding regulations explicitly prohibiting enlistment of persons 'not substantially of European origin or descent', Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people managed to circumvent the rules and served in both conflicts. For those men and women enlisted in regular units, it was largely an egalitarian experience - often for the first times in their lives - yet they returned home to continuing discrimination. Huggonson estimated about 400 Aboriginal men served in the First World War; Hall estimated approximately 3,000 Aboriginal people and 850 Torres Strait Islanders formally served in the Second World War, not to mention the hundreds more who served in informal, labouring capacities in remote northern Australia. Some local histories enhanced this dominant narrative of participation, including the works of scholars such as Heather Goodall, Kay Saunders and Elizabeth Osborne. Now the estimates have increased to at least 1,000 and 5,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander personnel in the First and Second World Wars respectively. These men and women came from diverse cultural, educational, linguistic, regional and employment backgrounds.
{"title":"Introduction: Diversifying the black diggers' histories","authors":"N. Riseman","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.06","url":null,"abstract":"When I started researching Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander military service history in 2004, this was a very niche academic area. David Huggonson did some work in the 1980s and 1990s on the First World War, and Robert Hall's canonical texts 'The Black Diggers' (1989) and 'Fighters from the Fringe' (1995) had set a dominant narrative of the First and Second World War experiences: notwithstanding regulations explicitly prohibiting enlistment of persons 'not substantially of European origin or descent', Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people managed to circumvent the rules and served in both conflicts. For those men and women enlisted in regular units, it was largely an egalitarian experience - often for the first times in their lives - yet they returned home to continuing discrimination. Huggonson estimated about 400 Aboriginal men served in the First World War; Hall estimated approximately 3,000 Aboriginal people and 850 Torres Strait Islanders formally served in the Second World War, not to mention the hundreds more who served in informal, labouring capacities in remote northern Australia. Some local histories enhanced this dominant narrative of participation, including the works of scholars such as Heather Goodall, Kay Saunders and Elizabeth Osborne. Now the estimates have increased to at least 1,000 and 5,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander personnel in the First and Second World Wars respectively. These men and women came from diverse cultural, educational, linguistic, regional and employment backgrounds.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"1 1","pages":"137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89919704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The popular construction of unconditional mateship, said to make the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) the band of brothers it never was, today overshadows the existence of racism in the AIF, and the fact that the negative treatment Aboriginal servicemen received post-war was often at the hands of those now said to have been their mates. This mateship myth also obscures the failure of white Australia to recognise the service of Aboriginal men. Before examining these intersecting phenomena, I first consider the diversity of the men who comprised the Aboriginal soldiers of the First World War to counter the oversimplification of this group. This masks individual stories and denies identities, including cultural identity, and in doing so reinforces generalisations about Aboriginal mateship. I then examine the contradictions in the observance of the 'Defence Act 1903' (amended 1909) and draw attention to the pragmatism and racism that underpinned the enlistment of Aboriginal men and their relationships within the AIF. Following this, an examination of the post-war treatment and recognition of Aboriginal servicemen exposes the transient reality of the wartime 'mateship' now prominent in discussion of Aboriginal war service.
{"title":"Aboriginal service in the First World War: Identity, recognition and the problem of mateship","authors":"Philippa Scarlett","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.08","url":null,"abstract":"The popular construction of unconditional mateship, said to make the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) the band of brothers it never was, today overshadows the existence of racism in the AIF, and the fact that the negative treatment Aboriginal servicemen received post-war was often at the hands of those now said to have been their mates. This mateship myth also obscures the failure of white Australia to recognise the service of Aboriginal men. Before examining these intersecting phenomena, I first consider the diversity of the men who comprised the Aboriginal soldiers of the First World War to counter the oversimplification of this group. This masks individual stories and denies identities, including cultural identity, and in doing so reinforces generalisations about Aboriginal mateship. I then examine the contradictions in the observance of the 'Defence Act 1903' (amended 1909) and draw attention to the pragmatism and racism that underpinned the enlistment of Aboriginal men and their relationships within the AIF. Following this, an examination of the post-war treatment and recognition of Aboriginal servicemen exposes the transient reality of the wartime 'mateship' now prominent in discussion of Aboriginal war service.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"72 1","pages":"163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79080857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Alexander Morton and Daisy Bates deployed the photograph as a privileged evidentiary anthropological document. Their photographic representations of Yamaji from Western Australia circulated within a transnational network of discourses and practices involving anthropologists, police, pastoralists and journalists, and served to cement views of Yamaji as racially homogeneous, primitive and uncivilised. This article explores the histories behind these photographs and their polysemy to challenge some of the scientific and popular 'truths' disseminated about their Yamaji subjects. It discusses how Yamaji as figures of Aboriginalist discourse were represented in the work of two influential public figures, Alexander Morton and Daisy Bates, and through their interactions within scientific and colonial networks of power.
{"title":"Unravelling the Yamaji imaginings of Alexander Morton and Daisy Bates","authors":"R. Barrington","doi":"10.22459/AH.39.2015.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/AH.39.2015.02","url":null,"abstract":"In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Alexander Morton and Daisy Bates deployed the photograph as a privileged evidentiary anthropological document. Their photographic representations of Yamaji from Western Australia circulated within a transnational network of discourses and practices involving anthropologists, police, pastoralists and journalists, and served to cement views of Yamaji as racially homogeneous, primitive and uncivilised. This article explores the histories behind these photographs and their polysemy to challenge some of the scientific and popular 'truths' disseminated about their Yamaji subjects. It discusses how Yamaji as figures of Aboriginalist discourse were represented in the work of two influential public figures, Alexander Morton and Daisy Bates, and through their interactions within scientific and colonial networks of power.","PeriodicalId":42397,"journal":{"name":"Aboriginal History","volume":"89 1","pages":"27-61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2015-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90657647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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