Korean Journal of Medical History最新文献

Immediately after the liberation, the health care system debate was studied focusing on the orientation of the American and Soviet medical systems, roughly divided into Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. However, the existence of people who are not explained in the American and Soviet health care systems' orientation led to the need to reconsider the existing premise. Therefore, this study identifies the characters that were not explained in the perspective of existing studies, and reevaluates the arguments of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. This paper raises the following questions: First, what is the background of the policy orientation that Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok had? Second, if there are people who made different arguments from Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok, what direction did they set and argue? third, how the orientations of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok and etc. converge into the answer to the Joint Soviet-American Commission? In response to theses questions, this study confirms the following: first, Lee Yong-seol's and Choi Eung-seok's health care policies were established based on realism and empiricism. As a policyholder, Lee Yong-seol emphasized withholding medical state administration and raising the level of medical education and medical systems according to the condition at that time, although the American system was mobilized by Lee as the basis for his judgment and administrative assets. On the other hand, Choi Eung-seok aimed for a Soviet-style systems in health care but this was realistically put on hold. Choi insisted on the establishment of the Medical Service Associations and rural cooperative hospitals that appeared in Japan's medical socialization movement. In summary, immediately after the liberation, Lee Yong-seol's and Choi Eung-seok's policy arguments were based on policies that could be implemented in Korea, and the American system and Soviet system served as criteria for the policy resources. Second, Jeong Gu-chung and Kim Yeon-ju show that the topography of the health care debate immediately after the liberation was not represented only by Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. Both Jeong and Kim were consequently led to medical socialization, which was the implementation of a health care system that encompasses social reform, but the context was different. Jeong drew the hierarchy of the health care system, which peaked in the United States, from the perspective of social evolution based on his eugenics, but the representation suitable for Korea was the Soviet model absorbed into his understanding. On the contrary, Kim argued that representations suitable for Korea should be found in Korea. As national medical care, Kim's idea aimed at a medical state administration that provides equal opportunities for all Koreans. Third, the aspect of convergence to the Joint Soviet-American Commission reply proposal was complicated. Among the policies of Lee Yong-seol, the promotion of missionary medical institu

It was in 1907 when Korea was annexed by Japan in the field of health care systems as the Gwangje Hospital, Uihakgyo the National Medical School and the Korean Red Cross Hospital were merged into the colonial Daehan Hospital, and massive cholera epidemic controls by the Japanese Army were enforced. However, despite their importance, the cholera epidemic of 1907 in Korea and preventive measures taken at that time have not yet been studied extensively as a single research subject. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more concrete and broader understanding of the Korea-Japan annexation of health care systems under the rule of the Japanese Resident-General of Korea by revealing new facts and correcting existing errors. In 1907, cholera was transmitted to Korea from China and Japan and spread across the Korean Peninsula, resulting in a major public health crisis, perhaps one of the most serious cholera outbreaks in the twentieth century Korea. Although Busan and Pyeongyang were the cities most infected with cholera, the targets for the most intensive interventions were Gyeongseong (Seoul) and Incheon, where the Japanese Crown Prince were supposed to make a visit. The Japanese police commissioner took several anti-cholera preventive measures in Gyeongseong, including searching out patients, disinfecting and blocking infected areas, and isolating the confirmed or suspected. Nevertheless, cholera was about to be rampant especially among Japanese residents. In this situation, Itō Hirobumi, the first Resident-General of Korea, organized the temporary cholera control headquarters to push ahead the visit of the Japanese Crown Prince for his political purposes to colonize Korea. To dispel Emperor Meiji's concerns, Itō had to appoint Satō Susumu, the famous Japanese Army Surgeon General, as an advisor, since he had much credit at Court. In addition, as the Japanese-led Korean police lacked epidemic control ability and experience, the headquarters became an improvised organization commanded by the Japanese Army in Korea and wielded great influence on the formation of the colonial disease control systems. Its activities were forced, violent, and negligent, and many Korean people were quite uncooperative in some anti-cholera measures. As a result, the Japanese Army in Korea took the initiative away from the Korean police in epidemic controls, serving the heavy-handed military policy of early colonial period. In short, the cholera epidemic and its control in 1907 were important events that shaped the direction of Japan's colonial rule.

Since ancient times, fake drugs have been on the market in Chinese society. However, during the Ming-Qing Dynasty, this problem intensified as the size of the pharmaceutical market grew, the collection and distribution structure of pharmaceutical products became increasingly complex, and the phenomenon of separation between the prescription and distribution of drugs advanced. Additionally, the government did not manage the manufacturing or quality of drugs and there was no law or institution designed to solve the problem of fake drugs. Furthermore, social opinion also criticized the widespread problem of fake drugs, and patients and doctors had to rely on various pharmacognostic books and medical knowledge to find reliable drugs in the drug market. Meanwhile, as merchants participated and invested commercial capital in the pharmaceutical industry, large reputable pharmacies began to emerge in large cities and produced drugs. With the commercialization of the pharmaceutical market, the public gained interest in drugs and consumed drugs produced by these pharmacies. Moreover, there were frequent problems in the market as fake drugs imitating popular drugs were distributed and the names of famous pharmacies were stolen. Although fake drugs were a universal social problem, the Qing government was reluctant to strictly control them tried to solve this issue by enforcing banning and punishment through local governments. Prominent pharmacies filed several lawsuits against the government over the theft of fake drugs and drug names. They also advertised the legitimacy and authenticity of drugstore to the public and customers. Doctors and merchants responded to the problem of fake drugs by following occupational morality, developing drug discrimination, cracking down on organizational discipline, filing complaints with government offices, and advertising their authenticity. However, the fake medicines did not easily disappear despite such a response, as there was no state control or legislation. Evidently, the pharmaceutical market was already highly commercialized and its structure were complex. Moreover, the financial benefits of fake drugs, competition in the pharmaceutical market, and public demand for drugs with similar effects at low prices also affected the popularity of fake drugs. Hence, the distribution of fake medicine in the Qing society can be seen as a phenomenon of separation between the prescription and distribution of drugs, commercialization and consumption of drugs, and competition on the medical market.

Uiyeokju Palsebo is a genealogy record that contains the eighth generation of patrilineal ancestors, maternal grandfathers, and fathers-in-law of technical officials who worked in three fields: medicine, linguistics, and mathematics. This book covers members of influential families who monopolized the positions of technical officers. In that respect, it seems to have had an effect like a kind of 'white list'. This paper identifies the range of families based on common ancestors above eight generations according to the editing method of this book, attempting various statistical analysis. The results of the analysis shows that it is possible to determine the size of the medical families, which varied according to the number of medical bureaucrats and the distance of kinship between them. Most of the families had workers in the three fields of medicine, linguistics, and mathematics, but there were also 'families more specialized in medicine' that produced a large number of medical figures. The ancestors of medical figures were mainly engaged in the three fields of medicine, linguistics, and mathematics, but there were also a small number of officials in charge of "unhak(including astronomy, geography, and fortune-telling)," law, art, and transcription. For distant ancestors from common ancestors to the fifth generation, the proportion of technical officers was small, but for relatively close ancestors, the proportion of technical officers, especially medical officers, increased. It can be seen that the status as a medical officer tends to be hereditary further down the generations. The fields of activity of the maternal grandfathers and fathers-in-law of medical figures were more concentrated in the medical field. This can be the result of confirming the influence of the marital relationship network that was formed in the close period with the medical persons being investigated. In this paper, only medical figures were considered as primary research subjects, but their macroscopic networks were relatively evenly spread out in the three fields of medicine, linguistics, and mathematics. In this network, Uiyeokju Palsebo contained homogeneous hierarchies that could continuously dominate a specific field of government office.

The anti-cholera measures of 1969-70 represent one of the most unsuccessful quarantine cases in modern Korea. The military government, which overthrew the democratic government in 1961, tried to amend the Constitution aiming for a long-term seizure of power, and had to overcome the cholera crisis of 1969-70. Previous scholarship has emphasized the limitation of the state power when it came to controlling the cholera epidemic or the poor sanitation system of 1969-70. However, it is undeniable that the military government did have organizations, facilities, and human capital available. When a cholera epidemic broke out in 1963-64, the military government defended its people against cholera as part of the Revolutionary Tasks. Furthermore, it took counsel from a team of medical professionals knowledgeable in microbiology. In 1969, the possibility of bacteriological warfare by North Korea emerged while the government responded to cholera. To avoid this crisis, Park Chŏng-hŭi's military government, which had been preparing for longterm rule, had to provide successful model in the cholera defense. For the military government, the concealment and distortion of infectious disease information was inevitable. Many other medical professionals trusted the activities of international organizations more than they did the government bodies, and the media accused the government of fabricating cholera death statistics. As the government failed to prevent the cholera crisis, it tightened its secrecy by concealing facts and controlling information.

The Korean parasite control program is regarded as one of the most successful examples of health care movement in Korea. This 'Parasite Eradication Program' which was conducted from 1969 to 1995, involved testing and treating of 300 million people. In cooperation with Japan, parasitologists and activists who participated in the parasite control program formed a common system called the 'Mass Testing, Mass Treatment.' This study focuses on the localization process of Praziquantel, Clonorchiasis treatment production and its application in Clonorchiasis control program. Parasitologists rapidly introduced newly developed Praziquantel, and Korean chemists quickly reverse engineered the compound to evade patent issues. This allowed for the mass production of Praziquantel at a lower price, which in turn enabled a nationwide Clonorchiasis control program. At the same time, low price and stable supply opened the private market for Praziquantel. However, acceptance and understanding of the Praziquantel differed significantly among the stakeholders. For the government, it was a means for policy propaganda, and for the health agencies, it was a means for mass scale control program, while for the public, it was a means for maintaining conventional eating habits without risk of infection. This study reveals how the material end of a disease control policy is accepted and interpreted by different actors.

This study examined three women, AHN Soo-kyung, KIM Youngheung and KIM Hae-ji, who were officially licensed as doctors for the first time in Joseon. I wanted to find a new "starting point" of women's medicine history by scrutinizing their home environment, medical classes, graduation and medical license, and life after becoming doctors. The parents of KIM Young-heung and KIM Hae-ji might have been enlightened and Christians. AHN Soo-kyung did not have a Christian family. Her father, AHN Wang-geo, who was both an educator and a poet, was aware of the need for women's education or modern education. Female medical missionaries such as Rosetta S. Hall and Mary Cutler also worked hard to get them admitted to the medical class. They went to school with a female guardian and a brother and adapted to school life safely. After graduating from Kyongsung Medical College they obtained doctors' licenses and continued their medical activities at the hospital. KIM Young-heung actively engaged in social activities as a female intellectual by giving public lectures. She worked as a doctor in Kyongsung, Pyongyang, and Incheon. KIM Hae-ji did medical work and got married in Pyongyang. However, she had a hard time due to her husband's death and a medical accident. In the end, she seems to have left the medical field by returning her medical license. AHN Soo-kyung had been working at Dongdaemun (East Gate) Women's Hospital for more than 20 years and was willing to participate in what she could do as a woman, doctor and intellectual. Therefore, she established a free maternity clinic in the hospital. She defended Joseon's students and hospitals in protest of the controversy of nursing school and the move to abolish Dongdaemun Women's Hospital. She quietly participated in the Dong-Ah Women's Association and 6.10 the Independence Movement by doing anything she could do to help. She had a shy personality, but she faithfully fulfilled her duty as a doctor with a strong professional sense that saving people was her calling.

In this research, I have tried to overview the diagnosis and treatment of smallpox performed by Heo Joon, a representative physician of Joseon dynasty. In order to accomplish this, I analyzed the smallpox related contents shown in the Essentials of Smallpox translated in Korean and a comprehensive medical book Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine, both written by Heo Joon. In examining these sources, I found out that Heo Joon used a medical method called 'Syndrome differentiation' in treating smallpox. Next, I compared the medical cases of smallpox left behind by physicians before and after Heo Joon, so as to shed light on the meaning Heo Joon's smallpox medicine has in the history of medicine. Heo Joon read the Compendium of Smallpox published by the Joseon government and medical books newly imported from Ming China, in order to write the Essentials of Smallpox. His goal was to concentrate all the knowledge related to smallpox in just one book. One aspect that was considered was that this book's target reader did not know anything about smallpox and could not read the Chinese letters. Heo Joon, to solve this problem, collected and organized the essentials of previous medical information and at the same time provided Korean translations. For Heo Joon, the main point of smallpox medicine was to discriminate the good or bad state of prognosis through the looks and colors of the smallpox, and to distinguish the lightness or heaviness of the symptoms through the concomitant symptoms. And such thoughts materialized into judging deficiency and excess, distinguishing concomitant symptoms, and discriminating similar symptoms. Not long after the Essentials of Smallpox was published, Treasured Mirror was published. As a comprehensive medical book that covered many diseases, Treasured Mirror had to have a coherent theoretical system on diagnosing diseases and treating them. What Heo Joon regarded as the most important content, namely discrimination and distinguishment of the looks and symptoms of smallpox, was included in Treasured Mirror in the name of 'Syndrome differentiation'. There are not any specific Heo Joon's medical case left today, so we do not know how much his smallpox medicine contributed to uplifting the cure rate of smallpox in reality. However, comparing the case in the Compendium of Smallpox to case recorded by later physicians such as Park Jinhee, Ryu Sang, syndrome differentiation proposed by Heo Joon was not only succeeded by physicians of later generations but also contributed greatly to the success in treating smallpox. Heo Joon did not know about the pathology, causes of the smallpox, discovered by biomedicine. Even considering this, his medical contribution is clear. Based on the visible symptoms of smallpox and medical accomplishments of the previous eras, he organized and compactly proposed the causes, progression, distinguishing concomitant symptoms, treatments for symptoms development, etc. of the smallpox. In addition, in

Examining debates on the link between civilization and insanity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century United States, this essay engages the discourse of civilization to discuss the ways in which insanity among Asian immigrants, in particular Chinese and Japanese, was understood, defined and debated. During the period, insanity was regarded as a disease of civilization, which had been increasing due to the struggles of modern life. While Americans witnessed insanity among the "colored" and Asians, they argued that these groups had lower rates of insanity than white Americans and European immigrants because they belonged to lower positions on the civilization scale. Though not explicitly racialist or even racist, the discourse of civilization ordered the international world and drew a clear color line between white westerners and non-white others. At the same time, American missionaries and medical professionals stationed in China and Japan, who were there to see and learn about insanity in Asia, reaffirmed the existing medical understandings of insanity and offered a knowledge base for American psychiatrists who would encounter the Asian insane at their mental institutions. The alleged rarity of mental troubles for Chinese and Japanese was not considered an asset; the insanity debates confirmed the non-white, non-American status of Asian immigrants, rendering them forever foreign. Moreover, their very distance from western civilization explained why Asians in America seemed to have suffered less from mental disturbances and how they could resist the debilitating effects of civilization and migration.