Korean Journal of Medical History最新文献

This study examined three women, AHN Soo-kyung, KIM Youngheung and KIM Hae-ji, who were officially licensed as doctors for the first time in Joseon. I wanted to find a new "starting point" of women's medicine history by scrutinizing their home environment, medical classes, graduation and medical license, and life after becoming doctors. The parents of KIM Young-heung and KIM Hae-ji might have been enlightened and Christians. AHN Soo-kyung did not have a Christian family. Her father, AHN Wang-geo, who was both an educator and a poet, was aware of the need for women's education or modern education. Female medical missionaries such as Rosetta S. Hall and Mary Cutler also worked hard to get them admitted to the medical class. They went to school with a female guardian and a brother and adapted to school life safely. After graduating from Kyongsung Medical College they obtained doctors' licenses and continued their medical activities at the hospital. KIM Young-heung actively engaged in social activities as a female intellectual by giving public lectures. She worked as a doctor in Kyongsung, Pyongyang, and Incheon. KIM Hae-ji did medical work and got married in Pyongyang. However, she had a hard time due to her husband's death and a medical accident. In the end, she seems to have left the medical field by returning her medical license. AHN Soo-kyung had been working at Dongdaemun (East Gate) Women's Hospital for more than 20 years and was willing to participate in what she could do as a woman, doctor and intellectual. Therefore, she established a free maternity clinic in the hospital. She defended Joseon's students and hospitals in protest of the controversy of nursing school and the move to abolish Dongdaemun Women's Hospital. She quietly participated in the Dong-Ah Women's Association and 6.10 the Independence Movement by doing anything she could do to help. She had a shy personality, but she faithfully fulfilled her duty as a doctor with a strong professional sense that saving people was her calling.

Examining debates on the link between civilization and insanity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century United States, this essay engages the discourse of civilization to discuss the ways in which insanity among Asian immigrants, in particular Chinese and Japanese, was understood, defined and debated. During the period, insanity was regarded as a disease of civilization, which had been increasing due to the struggles of modern life. While Americans witnessed insanity among the "colored" and Asians, they argued that these groups had lower rates of insanity than white Americans and European immigrants because they belonged to lower positions on the civilization scale. Though not explicitly racialist or even racist, the discourse of civilization ordered the international world and drew a clear color line between white westerners and non-white others. At the same time, American missionaries and medical professionals stationed in China and Japan, who were there to see and learn about insanity in Asia, reaffirmed the existing medical understandings of insanity and offered a knowledge base for American psychiatrists who would encounter the Asian insane at their mental institutions. The alleged rarity of mental troubles for Chinese and Japanese was not considered an asset; the insanity debates confirmed the non-white, non-American status of Asian immigrants, rendering them forever foreign. Moreover, their very distance from western civilization explained why Asians in America seemed to have suffered less from mental disturbances and how they could resist the debilitating effects of civilization and migration.

Many medical books of the late Joseon Dynasty were based on the medical knowledge of Donguibogam. For this reason, most of the studies have explained the medicine of the late Joseon Dynasty focusing on Donguibogam. However, the appearance of medicine in the late Joseon Dynasty is more complex than that. Although the "treatment knowledge" of Donguibogam had a huge impact in the late Joseon Dynasty, the "medical thought" of Donguibogam was not easily established. This is confirmed through the knowledge system of medical books in the late Joseon Dynasty. Jejungsinpyeon, published by the government in the late Joseon Dynasty, disassembled the contents of Dongibogam and rearranged it into a knowledge system of Uihagibmun. Injeji, which was made in the private sector, followed the same method. They tried to maintain part of the knowledge system of Donguibogam. Nevertheless, the framework of perception that extends from "human" to "disease," the central idea of Donguibogam, was not maintained. This shows that there was a considerable amount of respect for the medicine of Ming Dynasty in the late Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, for a more in-depth understanding of medicine in the late Joseon Dynasty, it is necessary to examine in more detail the influences of other medical books such as Uihagibmun, Bonchogangmok, and Gyeongakjeonseo in addition to Donguibogam. This should be understood as a process in which various medical knowledge and systems compete.

This study focused its investigation on esoteric Buddhist treatment methods during Goryeo. In Goryeo, they published dharani scriptures related to illness. Beomseo-chongji-jip, a collection of dharanis, contains few dharanis for treatment. The publication of a dharani scripture was a precondition of dharani-based Buddhist prayers. There had been cases of treating illness through Buddhist prayers based on a dharani since ancient times, and Hyetong of Samgukyusa is a good example. The religious sect of esoteric Buddhism that inherited the line of Hyetong in Goryeo was Chongji-jong, which seems to have been partially responsible for royal medicine and engaged in relief activities for people to end an infectious disease. During the period of Yuan's interventions, Yeom Seung-ik became a favorite of the king for his ability of treating illness through his spells. He was not a Buddhist monk, and his case reflects the wide spread of disease-treating spells among common people those days. The establishment of a ritual was one of the traditional therapies. In Goryeo, various esoteric Buddhist rituals were held for therapeutic purposes. Marijicheon-doryang, Gongjakwang-doryang, and Buljeongsim-doryang were established to expel infectious diseases, and Sojae-doryang and Boseong-doryang were established to treat the illness of kings and queens. They were intended to treat illness by eliminating the causes of epidemics and diseases by the virtue of dharanis. Esoteric Buddhist therapies containing Taoist elements were also developed. The utilization of Eight-Gate Transformation and talismans are the exampels. In early Joseon, Buddhist monks of Chongji-jong were said to have contributed to the treatment of diseases by using Eight-Gate Transformation. They were used to predict a good direction for the treatment of a patient. This practice of Chongji-jong Buddhist monks in early Joseon seems to have inherited the heritage of Goryeo, which suggests that Eight-Gate Transformation was one of the therapies practiced by esoteric Buddhist monks in Goryeo. Talismans are commonly known to be used in Taoism and shamanism, but Buddhist scriptures, especially esoteric Buddhist scriptures, contain a variety of talismans. Buljeongsim-darani-gyeong has talismans on its last page and records that one can treat his or her illness by burning the talisman and taking its ash. This therapy proposed by this scripture seems to have enjoyed considerable popularity in Goryeo, when its simplified versions comprised only of dharani phrases and talismans were made. These various esoteric Buddhist therapies demonstrate that human beings made utmost efforts to overcome their personal and social crises. Therapies are a total reflection of a society's contemporary politics, religion, ideas, and culture. Esoteric Buddhist therapies may seem like superstitions in the eyes of modern people, but they must have been reliable treatment methods whose efficacy was guaranteed within the thinking s

How did the Japanese establish a medical welfare system? In answering this question, historians of modern Japan have accentuated the assertive role of state bureaucrats, especially from those of the Home Ministry (naimushō). Historians of Japanese medicine also emphasized the role of the state. William Johnston, in his pioneering work on tuberculosis in Japan, explored the rise of a hygiene administration on this disease as a state enterprise. In the medical history of Japan, scholars highlighted the significance of the wartime period in the birth of this system. The emphasis on the Japanese wartime state is justified. The Japanese government managed to establish a national health insurance in 1935, while the United States government has not been able to establish a medical insurance for every citizen to this day. However, these scholars have not explored how welfare benefits were distributed to members of Japanese society. This article seeks to fill this historiographical gap by looking at the Student Health Center of Tokyo Imperial University (Tōdai), Japan's first state-established university founded in 1886. This university, I contend, was a critical locus in the birth of medical welfare in Japan. At this university were the most privileged medical facilities and practitioners who could provide medical services, as well as students without stable incomes of their own, thus in need of welfare support. The demand of staff of Tōdai's Student Association to establish a Student Health Center was accepted and realized in 1926, and Tōdai students became the beneficiaries of state-managed medical support. The Tōdai Student Health Center was different from other medicare facilities in that its role was not limited to save students from poverty. Student Health Center practitioners helped students check health for university admission, campus life, and job placement to be white-collar elites. Student Health Center practitioners evaluated students' health when they tried to enter Tōdai and get jobs and inculcated students in how to manage living as mental-worker "gentlemen," in coping with tuberculosis, venereal diseases, and neurotic breakdown. Also, they produced statistics about the health condition of Tōdai students, which immediately stimulated further investment in the facilities of Tōdai authorities for the center. Based on statistical data, Tōdai authorities developed a hygiene campaign against tuberculosis so that students could take advantage the of state-of-the-art treatments inexpensively. As such, Tōdai students became among the biggest beneficiaries of this process. In other words, the Student Health Center had a dual significance at Tōdai: a medicare institution as well as part of privileged campus culture. Tōdai was a symbolic locus that reveals the uneven diffusion of medical welfare benefits in Japanese society. Through the lens of this facility, this article seeks to explore the paradox of welfare in meritocracy that contributed

This study has focused on studying Chinese medical history for the past 10 years (2010-2019). There has been no overall introduction to how the study of Chinese medical history has been carried out so far in Korea. To understand the trend for the recent 10 years, understanding of the period before that is needed. This study had classified the study trend of Chinese medical history from the 1950s when the study of Chinese medical history started in full swing until the last 10 years into the following three periods: First period: internal study period on Chinese medical history (the 1950s-1980s) Second period: external study period on Chinese medical history (the 1980s-1990s) Third period: diverse study period on Chinese medical history through integration and communication (2010-2019) There can be an opinion that various studies by each period have not been adequately reflected, and the classification has been excessively simplified. For example, the internal study has been considerably performed in the second period, and the consciousness of conflict between the internal study and external study remains in the third period. Nonetheless, the keywords that connote each period's characteristics for the past 70 years are considered the keywords presented above. The study of Chinese medical history has mainly placed importance on the modern times. Indeed, no change has been present as well. However, the fact that the study on the Chinese pre-modern medical history in Korean academia for the past 10 years has quantitatively grown from just a comparison of the number of papers can be identified. Also, the researchers and study themes have been confirmed to be diversified. In the past, ancient Chinese medicine was understood as a connection between Taoism and medicine. The environmental history researchers dealt with the connection between natural disasters and diseases, and just a few studies in the fields of medicinal herb distribution and the viewpoint of the body were carried out. Meanwhile, studies from the pre-Qin Dynasty to the Han Dynasty were carried out based on new data such as the archaeological relics and bamboo and wooden slips in the Korean academia for the past 10 years. Discovering new data is undoubtedly a driving force to activate studies. Studies on the Tang Dynasty Medical System and laws based on 'Chunsungryeong' are significant achievements connecting the Qin Dynasty & Han Dynasty and the Song Dynasty & Yuan Dynasty. Identification of each period's medical system in medical history is the most essential thing, and the combination of environment and medical history is conducted. It is significant to examine medical history from the viewpoint of the academic disciplines' integration. Approaching medical history from the female viewpoint has already started in the U.S., Europe, and Taiwan, and it is nice that such a study has been conducted in Korean academia. There are not many researchers on Chinese medical history in Korean

This study examines the life and research of Miki Sakae, a historian of Korean medicine, to explore the relationship between the study of medical history in Korea and Japan. Miki's investigation and research on old medical books conducted in colonial Korea became the starting point and foundation for the study of the history of Korean medicine. However, due to the peculiarity of being 'a Japanese who studied the history of Korean medicine,' there was no sufficient research on him. The gist of his research can be summed up as: 'You cannot talk about Japanese and Chinese medicine without knowing the medicine in the Korean Peninsula.' This was a challenge to the Japanese medical history circles that tended to understand and interpret the history of medicine centered on their own country. Miki defines the Korean Peninsula as an important place in East Asian medicine, based on the understanding that medicine does not spread from one center to other places, but moves and mixes with other systems of medicine like water flows and creates new things through it. By paying attention to the medical interrelation between Korea and Japan, which had continued from the ancient times, Miki recognized that the problem of disease is a problem of culture and people. In particular, focusing on infectious diseases in Korea, he attempted to prove the influence and relationship between Korea and Japan. Since Miki lived in Korea during the Japanese colonial period and was a physician who majored in Western medicine, his study of traditional Korean medicine was rather limited. However, despite the Japanese medical community's indifference after the defeat in the Second World War, he did his best to introduce the value of traditional Korean medicine to the academic community in Japan and left meaningful data to the future generations. This study focuses on medical studies from the perspective of the history of Korea-Japan relations that Miki pursued, and explores the changes in his attitude toward Korean medicine, the patterns of exchanges that is found in the history of Korean-Japanese medicine he studied, as well as the spread of infectious diseases.

Ginseng started to emerge as an international medicinal material during the Joseon Dynasty. This paper examines ginseng as a tribute presented to the Ming royal family by Joseon Dynasty. Joseon Dynasty presented peeled and dried ginseng (white ginseng) to the emperor. The Ming Dynasty demanded chosam (natural ginseng) with no peeling in 1602. By the request of Joseon Dynasty during the period of Lord Gwanghae, the presented ginseng was again changed to pasam (boiled and dried ginseng). Although Nurhachi of the Jurchen is known to have invented this method of processing pasam, Joseon was exporting pasam to the Ming Dynasty earlier than that. As such, the Nurhachi theory of the invention of the pasam should be reexamined. Joseon Dynasty presented ginseng to each emperor and heir to the throne through its envoys. The total amount of ginseng sent to the royal family of the Ming Dynasty during the Joseon Dynasty is estimated to be approximately 664 to 880 geuns per year in the fifteenth century, 300 to 500 geuns in the sixteenth century, and about 160 to 360 geuns in the 17th century. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea occurred in 1592, the Joseon government informed the Ming Dynasty of the miserable situation of the Joseon people and chose to reduce the tribute. However, even after the war, the amount of tribute ginseng in Joseon continued to be small. This is because the medical industry in the Ming Dynasty grew significantly, and medical books prescribing Joseon ginseng increased, and the rich people of the Ming Dynasty loved ginseng so much that they imported Joseon ginseng at high prices. Local residents of Guangdong, China, a major customer base of Joseon ginseng, also used ginseng as a preventive medicine for JangGi. From the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the amount of ginseng that Joseon tributed to the Ming Dynasty continued to decrease, and the ginseng processing method also moved in the direction of reducing the burden of processing. This was caused by changes in the environment surrounding the use of ginseng, including changes in the international situation at the time, growth of the medical industry, increasing interest in ginseng by the people of the Ming, and economic considerations of the Joseon government. The two countries sought changes in the ginseng tribute through an agreement.

This study explores the history of research in Medical Anthropology by examining key concepts in the field with a focus on their relevance with findings from the field of History of Medicine. The concepts discussed in this paper are Medical Pluralism, Social Suffering, Biopolitics, and Care. Since concepts internalize the ethnographic gaze, what this paper aims is to trace the development of the gaze on a historical axis. Although concepts come from a specific historical period, they are by no means exclusive to it, as they are revisited again and again through various discourses. In other words, the insight that the previous meaning of a concept has grasped is instilled into the revisited concept. In this way, concepts engage in historical communication, create intersections with the interests of History of Medicine. By discussing these intersections with each concept, this paper suggests the complementary roles of the two fields and their approach to historical events and phenomena.

This article examines major issues in the historiography of Western medical history between 2011 and 2020 through an analysis of scholarly articles published in journals based in the United States, Britain, and South Korea. The subject matter and methodology of the history of medicine in the West have greatly transformed since the start of the second millennium, from biographical history to historicism to social history to intellectual and cultural history. Through this process, the definition of "medicine" has been continuously denaturalized and expanded, and so have the topics its scholars deal with. Having a variety of perspectives and keeping their disciplinary boundaries porous, historians of Western medical history have examined issues of health, disease, and medicine. They have also vigilantly pursued advancements in methodology for historical analysis, experimented with different writing styles, and expanded historical resources, including visual and audio records. In recent decades, the history of medicine has seen additional experimentation with the changing understanding of the relationship between medicine and society, especially with the emergence of a knowledge- and information-based society and globalization. Furthermore, historians have attempted to establish the value of the history of medicine in response to changing perceptions of medicine and history in the twenty-first century. Their efforts have vitalized the field of medical history by treating it as a useful lens for observing medicine's past as well as formulating critical questions about its present.