Latin American Policy最新文献

In 2018, Jair Bolsonaro won the Brazilian presidential election with the political support of conservative groups and large business groups that aimed to intensify a neo-extractivist model of economic growth, leading to severe environmental damage. This article analyzes the first years of this government to understand how conservative neo-populism associates economic growth strategies with brusque changes regarding the environment. We have identified the main measures adopted in the environmental arena, observing changes in the legislation, management bodies, and spaces available for civil society participation. This analysis demonstrates how Bolsonaro's government destroyed the institutional bases established during Brazilian redemocratization to intensify the neo-extractivism model and gratify its supporters. Furthermore, we discuss how this dismantling of environmental governance implies grave consequences for the ecosystems, indigenous people, and other traditional populations.

2018年，雅伊尔·博索纳罗在保守派团体和大型商业集团的政治支持下赢得了巴西总统大选，这些集团旨在强化一种关于经济增长的新采掘主义，后者会导致严重的环境破坏。本文分析了该政府的前几年，以理解保守的新民粹主义如何将经济增长战略与粗暴的环境变化相联系。我们识别了环境领域中采取的主要措施，观察了“立法、管理机构和公民社会参与空间”的变化。该分析证明了博索纳罗政府如何摧毁巴西重新民主化期间建立的制度基础，以强化新采掘主义模式并取悦其支持者。此外，我们还探讨了环境治理的瓦解如何对生态系统、土著人民和其他传统人口造成严重后果。

En 2018, Jair Bolsonaro ganó las elecciones presidenciales brasileñas con el apoyo político de grupos conservadores y grandes grupos empresariales que pretendían intensificar un modelo neoextractivista de crecimiento económico, lo que provocó graves daños ambientales. Este artículo analiza los primeros años de este gobierno para entender cómo el neopopulismo conservador asocia estrategias de crecimiento económico con cambios bruscos en relación con el medio ambiente. Hemos identificado las principales medidas adoptadas en el área ambiental, observando cambios en la legislación, órganos de gestión y espacios disponibles para la participación de la sociedad civil. Este análisis demuestra cómo el gobierno de Bolsonaro destruyó las bases institucionales, establecidas durante la redemocratización brasileña, para intensificar el modelo neoextractivista y gratificar a sus partidarios. Además, discutimos cómo este desmantelamiento de la gobernanza ambiental implica graves consecuencias para los ecosistemas, los pueblos indígenas y otras poblaciones tradicionales.

This article discusses the transfer process of the psychosocial support component of the Chile Solidario program to the Tekoporã program in Paraguay, which occurs within the diffusion wave of Conditional Cash Transfer programs in Latin America. Applying the process-tracing method, we unpack the transfer mechanism in a temporal sequence of events and identify the actors involved and their motivations and capacities. The findings indicate the development of a mechanism of emulation due to the weak institutional capacities present in Paraguay's social protection system. The case study contributes to the understanding of transfer processes in the Global South and enriches the literature on the transfer and diffusion of policies in Latin America, and the link between the two processes.

本文探讨了“智利团结计划”的一项组成部分（即社会心理支持）向“巴拉圭健康计划”的转移过程，此举发生在拉丁美洲有条件现金转移支付计划的扩散过程中。应用过程追踪方法，我们将转移机制分解为一系列事件的时间序列，并确定所涉及的行动者及其动机和能力。研究结果表明，由于巴拉圭社会保护系统的制度能力薄弱，因此形成了一种效仿机制。该案例研究为理解全球南方的政策转移过程一事作贡献，并丰富了关于“拉丁美洲政策转移和扩散以及这两个过程的联系”的文献。

Este artículo aborda el proceso de transferencia del componente de apoyo psicosocial del programa Chile Solidario al programa Tekoporã de Paraguay, el que ocurre dentro de la ola de difusión de los programas de Transferencias Monetarias Condicionadas en América Latina. Al aplicar el método de rastreo de procesos, descomponemos el mecanismo de transferencia en una secuencia temporal de eventos e identificamos los actores involucrados, así como sus motivaciones y capacidades. Los hallazgos indican el desarrollo de un mecanismo de emulación debido a las débiles capacidades institucionales presentes en el sistema de protección social de Paraguay. El estudio de caso contribuye a la comprensión de los procesos de transferencia en el Sur Global y enriquece la literatura sobre transferencia y difusión de políticas en América Latina, y el vínculo entre ambos procesos.

Since 2015, Venezuela has been home to numerous protests, instigated mostly by people's discontent with the government and its public services. Despite the seriousness of these protests, limited studies have examined the Venezuelans’ evaluation of their government and democracy, and only a few of these studies have used quantitative analysis. To fill this gap, this article offers a snapshot of the ongoing crisis using the Americas Barometer survey data collected between 2016 and 2017. We first identified Venezuelans’ three main concerns during this time—shortage of food and necessities, economic crisis, and crime—and examined their relationships with the respondents’ trust in government and satisfaction with democracy. We found that shortages of food and necessities and increasing crime were negatively associated with Venezuelans’ trust in their government (although shortages were a more significant factor than crime). The long-standing problem of economic crisis was not a significant factor in people's trust in the government. Furthermore, these three factors were not directly linked to Venezuelans’ satisfaction with democracy, but people who showed low levels of trust in government tended to have low satisfaction levels with Venezuelan democracy. Our results invite future studies to compare different times and contexts in Venezuela's ever-changing political landscape.

The Trump presidency was an unwavering source of controversy and attention for four years; it can now be evaluated for its legacy. This article assesses the Trumpian contribution to US foreign policy, turning to the case study of US policy toward Argentina. Situating it in the wider historical context of traditional US “dollar diplomacy,” it argues that, despite warnings from the US foreign policy elite, Trump has not weakened US hegemony in Latin America, but conversely, has acted as an indicator of its strength. We contextualize Trump's influence on US hegemony by suggesting that the occupant of the White House had less of an effect on transforming the broader contours of US foreign policy than the deep-rooted structural factors shaping it. By viewing US hegemony as a complex adaptive system, able to absorb changes such as the shift from Obama to Trump, it is possible to reconceptualize the way foreign policy is understood and evaluated in both the Latin American and the global context.

Education can be seen as a driver for social development because people with a higher level of education can access a better income and a better quality of life. The Colombian state has proclaimed various public policies that guarantee this right, especially for rural populations that face more disparities resulting from the internal armed conflict and drug trafficking, among other issues. The purpose of this article is to describe the evolution of public policies for access to rural higher education in Colombia, as well as the starting point of the policies implemented. An interpretative method was adopted to consider the purpose of public policies from various perspectives. The results show that education can be perceived as one of the ways in which states can overcome social disparities in rural areas, which would mean different public policies for access, permanence, and timely graduation to higher education.

教育能被视为社会发展的驱动力，因为受教育程度更高的人可以获得更好的收入和更好的生活质量。哥伦比亚政府宣布了不同的公共政策来保障这项权利，特别是针对因国内武装冲突和贩毒等问题而面临更多不平等的农村人口。本文旨在描述用于获取哥伦比亚农村高等教育的公共政策的演变，以及政策实施的起点。采用一项诠释性方法，从不同角度考量公共政策的目的。结果表明，教育可被视为各州克服农村地区社会不平等的方式之一，这意味着在高等教育的获取、持续教育和及时毕业方面存在不同的公共政策。

La educación puede ser vista como un motor de desarrollo social porque las personas con un mayor nivel educativo pueden acceder a mejores ingresos y a una mejor calidad de vida. El Estado colombiano ha proclamado diversas políticas públicas que garantizan este derecho, especialmente para las poblaciones rurales que enfrentan mayores disparidades producto del conflicto armado interno y el narcotráfico, entre otros. El propósito de este artículo es describir la evolución de las políticas públicas de acceso a la educación superior rural en Colombia, así como el punto de partida de las políticas implementadas. Se adoptó un método interpretativo para considerar el propósito de las políticas públicas desde diversas perspectivas. Los resultados muestran que la educación puede ser percibida como una de las formas en que los Estados pueden superar las disparidades sociales en las zonas rurales, lo que implicaría diferentes políticas públicas de acceso, permanencia y graduación oportuna a la educación superior.

Since the governments of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru inaugurated a new Latin American integration mechanism, the Pacific Alliance, in 2011, the bloc has recorded both encouraging and disappointing results, depending on the evolution of the Alliance's main five aspects—political, economic, institutional, cooperative, and societal linkages. Although economic integration did not advance at the expected pace, owing to the abolition of a Mexican visa for Peru and Colombia, between 2011 and 2019, there has been a significant increase in social exchanges of nationals of the four countries, which included activities such as tourism, education, business trips, and others of similar nature (the Pacific Alliance's fifth element). Yet, despite these developments, scholars did not attempt to examine the societal linkage within the bloc, referred to in this article as the “fifth element” of the Pacific Alliance. To narrow the gap, this article examines the path of the Alliance toward deep integration by identifying the effect of strengthening social interactions, using a transnationalist framework and paying particular attention to the changing patterns of individual trips over more than 10 years of the Alliance's existence.

Desde que en el año 2011 los gobiernos de Chile, Colombia, México y Perú crearon a la Alianza del Pacífico, como un nuevo mecanismo de integración latinoamericana, el bloque ha registrado resultados tanto alentadores como decepcionantes, en función del estado de los cinco principales pilares que la conforman: el político, el económico, su estructura institucional, la cooperación y la vinculación social entre los nacionales de los países miembros. Si bien la integración económica no ha avanzado al ritmo esperado, entre 2011 y 2019 en el seno de la Alianza se produjeron importantes intercambios societales entre los países miembros, que incluyeron turismo, educación, viajes de negocios, y otros, cuyos flujos muestran un incremento significativo. Sin embargo, a pesar de esta dinámica, este rubro del mecanismo latinoamericano no ha sido suficientemente analizado, el cual este artículo aborda y lo conceptualiza como el “quinto elemento” de la Alianza del Pacífico. Para ello, mediante el marco teórico transnacional, el artículo examina el camino de la Alianza hacia una integración profunda mediante la identificación de interacciones sociales representativas entre los países integrantes durante diez años.

自智利、哥伦比亚、墨西哥和秘鲁政府于 2011 年启动新的拉美一体化机制——太平洋联盟以来，该联盟已取得了一系列成就与失败，这取决于联盟在政治联系、经济联系 、制度联系、合作联系和社会联系这五个主要方面的进展。尽管经济一体化没有以预期的速度推进，但由于墨西哥对秘鲁和哥伦比亚取消了签证要求，在2011 年至 2019 年期间，这四个国家的国民社会交流，包括旅游、教育、商务旅行等活动，和其他类似性质的活动（即太平洋联盟的第五要素）都出现显著增长。不过，尽管存在这些发展，学者并未试图分析该集团内部的社会联系（本文将其称为太平洋联盟的“第五要素”）。 为填补该研究空白距，本文通过识别“加强社会互动”一事产生的影响，以分析太平洋联盟的深度一体化路径。本文使用一项跨国主义框架，特别聚焦于联盟成立 10 多年来个人旅行模式的变化。

Since its creation a decade ago, the Pacific Alliance has established itself as one of the most important regional blocs in Latin America. Its free-market orientation, clearly neoliberal, and its pragmatic decision-making strategy have been highlighted as its main strengths. This article will demonstrate that, despite the ideological changes that have taken place in its members, the Alliance will continue to be an important tool in these members' respective foreign policies. Precisely because of its pragmatism, the coming to power in Peru and Chile of governments critical of neoliberalism did not affect the development of the Pacific Alliance. Likewise, the political changes that have occurred more recently in Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru do not seem to imply a weakening of the of it. By contrast, following its pragmatic profile, the new ideological framework prevailing in the Alliance could serve to face the difficult situation and advance in bloc's process of deep integration.

Desde su creación hace una década, la Alianza del Pacífico se ha establecido como uno de los bloques regionales más significativos de América Latina. Su orientación de libre mercado, notablemente neoliberal, y su estrategia pragmática de toma de decisiones destacan como sus principales puntos fuertes. Este artículo demuestra que, a pesar de los cambios ideológicos que se han dado entre sus miembros, la Alianza continuará como una herramienta importante en la respectiva política exterior de estos miembros. Debido precisamente a su pragmatismo, la llegada al poder en Perú y Chile de gobiernos críticos del neoliberalismo no afectaron el desarrollo de la Alianza del Pacífico. De la misma manera, los cambios de política que se han dado en fechas más recientes en Chile, Colombia, México y Perú no parecieran implicar su debilitamiento. Al contrario, según su perfil pragmático, el nuevo marco ideológico que prevalece en la Alianza serviría para enfrentar la situación compleja por la que atraviesa y para avanzar en el proceso de integración profunda del bloque.

Climate change and the low-carbon transition are drastically changing the energy paradigm. A critical aspect is the burgeoning demand for lithium-ion batteries and the massive amount of minerals and metals that will be required to create them. How and where these resources will be extracted, transformed, and manufactured, involve contested geopolitical interests that are currently reshaping the global energy map. This article explores the geopolitical relations and interdependencies emerging in the lithium extraction and manufacturing of lithium-ion batteries. It discusses the characteristics of the lithium-ion battery supply value chain to argue that lithium is not just a strategic resource. It has become a material that is part of a much larger geopolitical energy transformation, with China emerging as the primary global force in terms of technology and battery manufacturing. The article then analyzes the governance frameworks of the South American salt flats of Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina, which show a heterogeneous panorama in terms of economic structures and business strategies. Both condition new forms of interdependencies with China in terms of business networks and market access.