Latin American Policy最新文献

Recent years have seen several waves of irregular migrants and asylum seekers from many different countries transit through Mexico and arrive at the US–Mexico border. Although the goal of these migrants is to cross into the United States, many find themselves stranded on the Mexican side of the border for various reasons, forced to insert themselves in its cities' urban spaces and activities. Their presence has forced government actors, the public and civil society organizations, and market players to deal with them. Each of these actors deploys different strategies to deal with the migrants' presence, all of which can be pinned on a spectrum of inclusion and exclusion, according to their interests and perception of the migrants' station in their midst. This article examines the practices of social inclusion and exclusion of migrants in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico, based on concepts by Bramley and Power, and outlines the challenges of inclusion for migrants and residents as both perceive their sojourn in the city as mainly transitory.

近年来，来自许多不同国家的几波非正常移民和寻求庇护者通过墨西哥过境，到达美墨边境。尽管这些移民的目标是进入美国，但许多移民发现，自己由于各种原因被困在墨西哥一侧的边境，被迫融入边境城市的城市空间和活动。他们的存在迫使政府行动者、公众和公民社会组织以及市场参与者与其打交道。这些行动者中的每一个都采取不同的策略来应对移民的存在，这些策略都能根据行动者的兴趣和对移民地位的感知而固定在包容和排斥光谱上。本文根据Bramley和Power提出的概念，分析了墨西哥奇瓦瓦州华雷斯城对移民的社会包容和排斥实践，并概述了移民和居民在社会融入方面面临的挑战，因为他们都认为自己在城市的逗留主要是短暂的。

En años recientes ha habido varias olas de migrantes irregulares y peticionarios de asilo de muchos países transitando por México hacia la frontera con los Estados Unidos. Aunque el objetivo de estos migrantes es ingresar a Estados Unidos, muchos se quedan varados en las ciudades del lado mexicano de la frontera, y se ven obligados a insertarse en los espacios y actividades de esos centros urbanos. La presencia de estos migrantes ha obligado a actores gubernamentales, al público y a la sociedad civil y a representantes del mercado laboral a implementar estrategias para con los migrantes. Cada uno de estos actores ha desplegado distintas acciones para con la comunidad migrante, las cuales se pueden ubicar sobre un espectro que va desde la inclusión hasta la exclusión, dependiendo de sus propios intereses y percepciones de los migrantes en la ciudad. Este ensayo examina las prácticas concretas de inclusión y exclusión de los migrantes en Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, México, utilizando el marco conceptual propuesto por Bramley y Power para analizar los desafíos que representa el integrar a migrantes y residentes permanentes bajo el entendido que ambos conciben la estancia de los migrantes como meramente transitoria.

Migrants in Latin America are increasingly vulnerable to organized crime violence while en route to their destination. Public opinion regarding how to address this problem varies. While many residents of countries along migration routes support policies protecting migrants from organized crime, others oppose them. What explains this variation? To investigate this situation, we draw on nationally representative survey data from one of Latin America's most important migrant corridors, Mexico, where sustained criminal violence makes migrants vulnerable to criminal predation en route. We integrate insight from theories about helping refugees amid political violence with studies about aiding migrants amid peace to develop and test hypotheses about an understudied research phenomenon, protecting migrants amid large-scale criminal violence. We argue that attitudes toward protecting migrants are influenced by feelings of empathy. We test hypotheses related to two conduits of empathic perspective taking—crime victimization and imagining one could become a victim in the future. We find these channels of perspective taking are positively associated with support for migrant protective policies among crime victims and nonvictims alike. Our research reveals new information about attitudes toward immigration policy in criminally violent contexts and advances knowledge about the public endorsement of policies to preserve migrant rights and dignity.

This ethnographic research examines practices related to alcohol consumption in the traditional area of San Andrés Cholula, namely, in the region comprised of the eight neighborhoods participating in the “cargo system,” a religious and socio-spatial institution responsible for organizing ecclesiastical festivities. Using anthropological fieldwork as the research methodology, it observes how male alcoholization, shielded by popular religiosity and supported by local authorities, institutionalizes gender practices that legitimize violence. These practices, veiled under the guise of “traditions,” act to the detriment of the living conditions of local women. In this context, the lens of postcolonial feminism enables the understanding of women's responses and actions in the face of impositions and demands from the local gender regime.

Over the last decade, Mexico has gone from being a major source of immigrants to an important transit and destination country for asylum seekers and migrants from Central and South America. When President Andrés Manuel López Obrador took office in December 2018, he pledged to implement a migration policy that prioritized humanitarian protection and honored Mexico's international and national human rights commitments. To what extent have these goals been achieved? In this article, I rely on a variety of sources to document the widening gap between Mexico's legal and stated commitments to the protection of migrants' rights and their implementation. I argue that there are both external and domestic constraints that hinder the implementation of human rights commitments and contribute to the migrant protection gap in Mexico. First, Mexican migration and humanitarian goals are inevitably shaped by the pervasive asymmetry characterizing relations with the United States. Second, capacity problems and domestic political tensions have undermined the Mexican government's ability to protect the safety of migrants. Meanwhile, the Mexican case is useful to highlight the sometimes neglected but important role of transnational nongovernmental and international organizations in filling the protection gap by providing support to host country governments and offering complementary protection to migrants.

This article explores the social construction of international migrants as a threat to public health and public safety in Mexico, specifically in the case of the Metropolitan Area of Monterrey, since relations within this new sense of “otherness” in this city cause issues for public health and citizen security as traditionally conceived. An in-depth review of the secondary literature on citizen security and health security related to migration and of the Mexican legal framework was conducted, and public information requests were made to Mexican public agencies. If citizen and health security are complementary paradigms, migrants seem excluded from their application. Far from being considered holders of rights, they are primarily restricted in their exercise of rights because they are not “citizens.” These “newcomers” are perceived as “pathogenic agents” and “criminal illegal immigrants” rather than as deserving of these rights by the authorities, the media, and the majority population of Monterrey. These dynamics are likely to keep them not only on the fringes of “the city” but also in a very vulnerable position to fall victim to of all kinds of exploitation, resulting in a form of “management” of human mobility based on exclusion.

This article addresses two issues related to citizen security and its developments in Mexico. First, it analyzes the limits of citizen security in terms of its exclusions and marginalizations as they particularly affect women and migrants. It is argued that citizen security policy does not capture the multilayered security concerns that affect women. As programs of citizen security are primarily directed at public spaces, gender-based violence, in particular domestic violence, is not included in its conceptualization. Second, migrants in transit are being excluded from citizen security for being noncitizens and thus “underserving subjects.” Moreover, citizen security tends to be place-bound as it is directed at the community level, while migrants are persons in situations of mobility and therefore escape place-bound initiatives. The second part of this article focuses on how the current militarization of Mexico's security policy has affected citizen security. It finds that this militarization has deprioritized citizen security, affecting women and migrants in particular.