Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/23477970231207255
Priyanka Patel, Sameer Patil, Arun Vishwanathan
India, like all major military powers, has been making sustained attempts at indigenously meeting its defence requirements. However, when one looks at the macro picture, it is apparent that the country has had limited successes in inducting defence platforms or weapon systems that are indigenously designed, tested, manufactured and inducted into the military. There have been some exceptions to this like the HF-24 Marut fighter jet, the Light Combat Aircraft Tejas, the Main Battle Tank Arjun, Leander class frigates, Indigenous Aircraft Carrier Vikrant, Kolkata and Vishakhapatnam class destroyers and the Arihant nuclear submarine. While these examples only prove the general rule, they also point out India’s relative success in creating domestic capacity to build naval platforms. As India embarks on the path of Atmanirbharta (self-reliance), it is crucial for the political and military decision-makers to understand what, why and how the above-mentioned projects, particularly the naval ones, became successful, so that their success can be replicated elsewhere. The article attempts to understand the reasons behind the Navy’s successes. These successes have been the result of an institutionalised—as opposed to an individual-centric—approach by the Navy to create in-house design capabilities, organisational structure, planning procedure, capacity building efforts and linkages with other stakeholders like naval Defence Public Sector Units, Defence Research and Development Organisation and other scientific establishments and industry. This has made the Indian Navy more successful as compared to the other two services of the Indian military when it comes to designing, testing, constructing and inducting indigenous naval platforms.
{"title":"India’s Quest for Defence Indigenisation: A Case Study of the Indian Navy","authors":"Priyanka Patel, Sameer Patil, Arun Vishwanathan","doi":"10.1177/23477970231207255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231207255","url":null,"abstract":"India, like all major military powers, has been making sustained attempts at indigenously meeting its defence requirements. However, when one looks at the macro picture, it is apparent that the country has had limited successes in inducting defence platforms or weapon systems that are indigenously designed, tested, manufactured and inducted into the military. There have been some exceptions to this like the HF-24 Marut fighter jet, the Light Combat Aircraft Tejas, the Main Battle Tank Arjun, Leander class frigates, Indigenous Aircraft Carrier Vikrant, Kolkata and Vishakhapatnam class destroyers and the Arihant nuclear submarine. While these examples only prove the general rule, they also point out India’s relative success in creating domestic capacity to build naval platforms. As India embarks on the path of Atmanirbharta (self-reliance), it is crucial for the political and military decision-makers to understand what, why and how the above-mentioned projects, particularly the naval ones, became successful, so that their success can be replicated elsewhere. The article attempts to understand the reasons behind the Navy’s successes. These successes have been the result of an institutionalised—as opposed to an individual-centric—approach by the Navy to create in-house design capabilities, organisational structure, planning procedure, capacity building efforts and linkages with other stakeholders like naval Defence Public Sector Units, Defence Research and Development Organisation and other scientific establishments and industry. This has made the Indian Navy more successful as compared to the other two services of the Indian military when it comes to designing, testing, constructing and inducting indigenous naval platforms.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"188 1","pages":"364 - 394"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139224926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/23477970231207256
Shreya Sinha
India’s vision for Atmanirbhar Bharat adopted in 2020 attempts to make the country and its citizens self-reliant in all aspects. India, being the third largest military spender after the US and China, has also worked towards achieving self-reliance in defence production while maintaining a constant push towards ‘Make in India’. The Indian embassy in Paris has reiterated France’s commitment and complete support to India’s vision of self-reliance in areas of defence industrialisation, joint research, and development in India across a broad spectrum of advanced capabilities. The first part of the article examines the historical background of evolving security relationship between India and France, analysing defence and security cooperation as a principal pillar of their Strategic Partnership. The second part of the article attempts to study the impact of France on India’s military modernisation through the transfer of resources and technology, and through co-development and co-production of equipment. It tracks France’s role in assisting India to reduce dependence on Russia for their military hardware requirements, in its path towards indigenous defence production. The concluding part of the article extrapolates the findings onto the future in order to examine the challenges faced by India in its attempt towards military modernisation. It also seeks to examine challenges in the partnership between the two actors and its impact on France’s role in India’s defence modernisation.
{"title":"India’s Military Modernisation: Role and Impact of France","authors":"Shreya Sinha","doi":"10.1177/23477970231207256","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231207256","url":null,"abstract":"India’s vision for Atmanirbhar Bharat adopted in 2020 attempts to make the country and its citizens self-reliant in all aspects. India, being the third largest military spender after the US and China, has also worked towards achieving self-reliance in defence production while maintaining a constant push towards ‘Make in India’. The Indian embassy in Paris has reiterated France’s commitment and complete support to India’s vision of self-reliance in areas of defence industrialisation, joint research, and development in India across a broad spectrum of advanced capabilities. The first part of the article examines the historical background of evolving security relationship between India and France, analysing defence and security cooperation as a principal pillar of their Strategic Partnership. The second part of the article attempts to study the impact of France on India’s military modernisation through the transfer of resources and technology, and through co-development and co-production of equipment. It tracks France’s role in assisting India to reduce dependence on Russia for their military hardware requirements, in its path towards indigenous defence production. The concluding part of the article extrapolates the findings onto the future in order to examine the challenges faced by India in its attempt towards military modernisation. It also seeks to examine challenges in the partnership between the two actors and its impact on France’s role in India’s defence modernisation.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"23 1","pages":"325 - 341"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139222348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/23477970231207250
B. Poornima
The Indian armed forces today face a significant threat of cyberattacks, particularly from hostile neighbouring states like China and Pakistan. Cyberattacks could potentially damage or cripple critical weapons platforms, major communications and ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) systems, and vital infrastructure, undermining the military’s preparedness and war-fighting capabilities. How prepared is the Indian military to neutralise cyberattacks from adversaries such as China and Pakistan? This is the central question that this article attempts to address. The article contends that the delayed development of technical, policy, and organisational measures in the cyber domain indicates vulnerabilities in the Indian military’s current state of cyber preparedness, leaving room for enemy cyberattacks. It emphasises the need for immediate actions to address the critical gaps in India’s cybersecurity strategy. In particular, the Indian military must focus on drastically strengthening its defensive cyber capabilities to neutralise potential enemy cyberattacks on weapons platforms, communication and ISR systems, and critical infrastructure. The article concludes that without enhanced defensive cyber capabilities, India’s military modernisation may fall short of responding adequately to technology-driven warfare threats from the hostile states in the neighbourhood.
{"title":"Cyber Preparedness of the Indian Armed Forces","authors":"B. Poornima","doi":"10.1177/23477970231207250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231207250","url":null,"abstract":"The Indian armed forces today face a significant threat of cyberattacks, particularly from hostile neighbouring states like China and Pakistan. Cyberattacks could potentially damage or cripple critical weapons platforms, major communications and ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) systems, and vital infrastructure, undermining the military’s preparedness and war-fighting capabilities. How prepared is the Indian military to neutralise cyberattacks from adversaries such as China and Pakistan? This is the central question that this article attempts to address. The article contends that the delayed development of technical, policy, and organisational measures in the cyber domain indicates vulnerabilities in the Indian military’s current state of cyber preparedness, leaving room for enemy cyberattacks. It emphasises the need for immediate actions to address the critical gaps in India’s cybersecurity strategy. In particular, the Indian military must focus on drastically strengthening its defensive cyber capabilities to neutralise potential enemy cyberattacks on weapons platforms, communication and ISR systems, and critical infrastructure. The article concludes that without enhanced defensive cyber capabilities, India’s military modernisation may fall short of responding adequately to technology-driven warfare threats from the hostile states in the neighbourhood.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"117 1","pages":"301 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139222184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/23477970231207258
K. G. Ramkumar, Prakash Panneerselvam
In the twenty-first century, undersea warfare is changing. The role of submarines and ASW is also adapting to the new maritime environment in the Indo-Pacific region. The Submarine arm of the Indian Navy plays a crucial role in this region. Except for the four recently inducted Scorpene submarines, the other conventional submarines are more than two decades old. India’s ageing submarine fleet calls for greater focus on submarine acquisition. The 30-year (2000–2030) submarine building plan drawn up in 1998 envisaged the development of two parallel lines of six conventional submarines, to be constructed in India over twelve years. This is to be followed by 12 submarines of indigenous design based on the learning curve of the two lines to be constructed over the next twelve years. But, as of now, Project 75 has been planned for six submarines (with French design) in 2006, of which five are on active duty and the last one is undergoing sea trials. Project 75I has been sanctioned to build six submarines but with a new model involving two Indian firms, with the introduction of a strategic partner from the private sector to encourage their participation in the ‘Make in India’ policy. Despite India’s capability to design, develop, build and operate strategic submarines with very high indigenous content, India’s lack of capability to design conventional submarines raises the following questions, which this paper has tried to address: Is it related to inadequacies in capability or policy decision-making? Are there inconsistencies in defence procurement policy/procedure? Is there a need to evaluate the Strategic Partnership model before implementation? Is there a lack of access to technology?
{"title":"Indian Navy’s Submarine Development Programme: A Critical Assessment","authors":"K. G. Ramkumar, Prakash Panneerselvam","doi":"10.1177/23477970231207258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231207258","url":null,"abstract":"In the twenty-first century, undersea warfare is changing. The role of submarines and ASW is also adapting to the new maritime environment in the Indo-Pacific region. The Submarine arm of the Indian Navy plays a crucial role in this region. Except for the four recently inducted Scorpene submarines, the other conventional submarines are more than two decades old. India’s ageing submarine fleet calls for greater focus on submarine acquisition. The 30-year (2000–2030) submarine building plan drawn up in 1998 envisaged the development of two parallel lines of six conventional submarines, to be constructed in India over twelve years. This is to be followed by 12 submarines of indigenous design based on the learning curve of the two lines to be constructed over the next twelve years. But, as of now, Project 75 has been planned for six submarines (with French design) in 2006, of which five are on active duty and the last one is undergoing sea trials. Project 75I has been sanctioned to build six submarines but with a new model involving two Indian firms, with the introduction of a strategic partner from the private sector to encourage their participation in the ‘Make in India’ policy. Despite India’s capability to design, develop, build and operate strategic submarines with very high indigenous content, India’s lack of capability to design conventional submarines raises the following questions, which this paper has tried to address: Is it related to inadequacies in capability or policy decision-making? Are there inconsistencies in defence procurement policy/procedure? Is there a need to evaluate the Strategic Partnership model before implementation? Is there a lack of access to technology?","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"106 1","pages":"395 - 416"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139219143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-21DOI: 10.1177/23477970231152363
Abdul Razaque Larik, Shahnawaz Mangi, Syed Majid Ali Shah Bukhari
Classical realism believes in the primacy of systemic pressures as independent variable and suggests states to choose appropriate balancing policies as dependent variable. However, this complex causal chain requires the role of intervening variables, which the neoclassical realist theory offers. This article employs the neoclassical realist perspective to the unexplored case of Pakistan–China ties from 1972 to 2018 presenting a causal chain that explains elite consensus as the intervening variable between the perceived Indian threat and the preference of Pakistani decision-makers for strong Pakistan–China bond. This article presents the theoretical perspective, perceived Indian threat, the balancing options available to Pakistan and elite typology. We conclude by presenting the contribution of elite consensus in Pakistan’s choice for forging closer ties with China as an appropriate balancing strategy against the perceived Indian threat specifically and external threats in general.
{"title":"Elite Consensus and Balancing: A Neoclassical Realist Perspective on Pakistan–China Ties","authors":"Abdul Razaque Larik, Shahnawaz Mangi, Syed Majid Ali Shah Bukhari","doi":"10.1177/23477970231152363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231152363","url":null,"abstract":"Classical realism believes in the primacy of systemic pressures as independent variable and suggests states to choose appropriate balancing policies as dependent variable. However, this complex causal chain requires the role of intervening variables, which the neoclassical realist theory offers. This article employs the neoclassical realist perspective to the unexplored case of Pakistan–China ties from 1972 to 2018 presenting a causal chain that explains elite consensus as the intervening variable between the perceived Indian threat and the preference of Pakistani decision-makers for strong Pakistan–China bond. This article presents the theoretical perspective, perceived Indian threat, the balancing options available to Pakistan and elite typology. We conclude by presenting the contribution of elite consensus in Pakistan’s choice for forging closer ties with China as an appropriate balancing strategy against the perceived Indian threat specifically and external threats in general.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41939750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.1177/23477970231173525
Sumanto Al Qurtuby
Since the downfall of Suharto’s authoritarian government in 1998, Indonesia has witnessed a variety of violent conflicts, intergroup tensions and Islamist radicalism, which in turn pose threats to the country’s security, safety and peace. This article examines various forms of religious violence, particularly Islamist violence, and ways of overcoming them tactically or strategically in post-Suharto Indonesia. This article underscores the need to go beyond the liberal peace framework, underlines the significance of the implementation of tactical peacebuilding and highlights the central roles of domestic religious actors in the peace and reconciliation processes. This article suggests that tactical peacebuilding requires multiple approaches that utilise various sources, including religion and culture, and needs a strategic collaboration among manifold actors—religious and secular, state and society, domestic and foreign. The Indonesian case shows that religion is not only a source of conflict, violence and ‘violence-building’ but also a useful resource for reconciliation, conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
{"title":"Beyond Liberal Peace: Religious Violence and Tactical Peacebuilding in Indonesia","authors":"Sumanto Al Qurtuby","doi":"10.1177/23477970231173525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231173525","url":null,"abstract":"Since the downfall of Suharto’s authoritarian government in 1998, Indonesia has witnessed a variety of violent conflicts, intergroup tensions and Islamist radicalism, which in turn pose threats to the country’s security, safety and peace. This article examines various forms of religious violence, particularly Islamist violence, and ways of overcoming them tactically or strategically in post-Suharto Indonesia. This article underscores the need to go beyond the liberal peace framework, underlines the significance of the implementation of tactical peacebuilding and highlights the central roles of domestic religious actors in the peace and reconciliation processes. This article suggests that tactical peacebuilding requires multiple approaches that utilise various sources, including religion and culture, and needs a strategic collaboration among manifold actors—religious and secular, state and society, domestic and foreign. The Indonesian case shows that religion is not only a source of conflict, violence and ‘violence-building’ but also a useful resource for reconciliation, conflict resolution and peacebuilding.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"145 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46614937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: Sameer Patil, Securing India in the Cyber Era","authors":"L. Sharma","doi":"10.1177/23477970231173549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231173549","url":null,"abstract":"Sameer Patil, Securing India in the Cyber Era. London and New York: Routledge, 2022, 81 pp. ISBN: 978-1-032-25019-9.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"255 - 258"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43484474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review: James Borton, Dispatches from the South China Sea: Navigating to Common Ground","authors":"Ruikai Xue","doi":"10.1177/23477970231189578","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231189578","url":null,"abstract":"James Borton, Dispatches from the South China Sea: Navigating to Common Ground. Universal-Publishers, 2022, 270 pp. (eBook). ISBN: 978-1627343701.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"258 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45239592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.1177/23477970231173537
I. T. Chen
This article adopted a repeated stag hunt game-theoretic model to explain the evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). It shows that the degree of state cooperation with the SCO relates positively to the expected benefits of legitimate suppression of domestic unrest, to the material and reputational costs of enforcing anti-human rights norms, to the continuation of the three evils and to the tolerance for other members’ occasional betrayal. The SCO thus faces a dilemma. On the one hand, to sustain cooperation, it supports authoritarian leaders’ suppression of political dissidents. On the other hand, the SCO’s norms hostile towards human rights violate established international standards, thereby increasing the potential costs of mutual support. China’s global hunt for Uyghurs, the extension of membership, and Russia’s aggression in the region raise potential costs and harm the mutual trust within the SCO. These factors may gradually undermine leaders’ willingness to support the SCO.
{"title":"Cross-border Threats, Reputational Costs and the Evolution of an Authoritarian Club: The Case of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation","authors":"I. T. Chen","doi":"10.1177/23477970231173537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23477970231173537","url":null,"abstract":"This article adopted a repeated stag hunt game-theoretic model to explain the evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). It shows that the degree of state cooperation with the SCO relates positively to the expected benefits of legitimate suppression of domestic unrest, to the material and reputational costs of enforcing anti-human rights norms, to the continuation of the three evils and to the tolerance for other members’ occasional betrayal. The SCO thus faces a dilemma. On the one hand, to sustain cooperation, it supports authoritarian leaders’ suppression of political dissidents. On the other hand, the SCO’s norms hostile towards human rights violate established international standards, thereby increasing the potential costs of mutual support. China’s global hunt for Uyghurs, the extension of membership, and Russia’s aggression in the region raise potential costs and harm the mutual trust within the SCO. These factors may gradually undermine leaders’ willingness to support the SCO.","PeriodicalId":42502,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"223 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45649654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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