Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-49-72
N. Kim, A. V. Soloviev
This article delves into the intricate ways in which anti- and postcolonial narratives shape the formation of political myths in both the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea. Political myth, as a discursive system, elucidates how people are molded and what objectives they serve through a complex interplay of signs and symbols. Having established the prerequisites for when historical narrative converges with political myth (drama, significance, and political action), the authors identify three clusters of historical narratives, each associated with a significant trauma: the loss of independence, the attainment of independence through external aid, and the division of the people. Scrutinizing these narratives, the authors extract common and specific features of political myths as they manifest in the North and South, and pinpoint the key historical and political circumstances that account for these divergences and convergences.
{"title":"Anticolonial and Postcolonial Narratives in the Context of Political Myth in the DPRK and the Republic of Korea","authors":"N. Kim, A. V. Soloviev","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-49-72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-49-72","url":null,"abstract":"This article delves into the intricate ways in which anti- and postcolonial narratives shape the formation of political myths in both the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea. Political myth, as a discursive system, elucidates how people are molded and what objectives they serve through a complex interplay of signs and symbols. Having established the prerequisites for when historical narrative converges with political myth (drama, significance, and political action), the authors identify three clusters of historical narratives, each associated with a significant trauma: the loss of independence, the attainment of independence through external aid, and the division of the people. Scrutinizing these narratives, the authors extract common and specific features of political myths as they manifest in the North and South, and pinpoint the key historical and political circumstances that account for these divergences and convergences.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79198145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-73-96
V. Kuznetsov, A. I. Vasilenko
The article is devoted to the problem of the colonial past in Algerian-French relations. In the early 2020s, it gained particular urgency for three reasons. Firstly, in the context of the transformation of the global world order and the deep social cleavages that have engulfed both many Eastern and Western societies, issues of historical memory, external and internal decolonization began to come to the fore both in public discussions within individual states and in international relations. Secondly, the coming to power in France of E. Macron marked an attempt at a serious transformation of the country’s foreign policy, strengthening its position in the world as a whole, and in the region of the Middle East and North Africa, in particular. Related to this were the (mostly unsuccessful) initiatives of E. Macron on the Palestinian-Israeli and Libyan settlements, the Lebanese crisis, and the resolution of accumulated contradictions with Algeria. Thirdly, A. Tebboune’s coming to power in Algeria in 2019 also gave impetus to the country’s foreign policy and created the conditions for revising relations with France. In these circumstances, the idea arose of preparing reports by the two sides on the possibilities of overcoming the negative colonial legacy in bilateral relations. The Algerian side did not submit the report, and the French text was prepared by B. Stora by January 2021 and caused wide response. The purpose of this article is to determine, based on the analysis of this text and the materials of the discussions that followed it, the French vision of the problem of reconciliation with Algeria. The article was written using the method of “slow reading” of the source - its main part is a detailed analysis of the report by B. Stor, followed by a review of the discussion he caused. The result of this approach is the identification of not only the widely discussed contradictions in matters of historical memory (both between Algeria and France, and within French society), but also the identification of some non-obvious problems of the French perception of this problem.
{"title":"Reading Stora Carefully: Problems of Historical Memory in Algerian-French Relations in the Early 2020s","authors":"V. Kuznetsov, A. I. Vasilenko","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-73-96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-73-96","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the problem of the colonial past in Algerian-French relations. In the early 2020s, it gained particular urgency for three reasons. Firstly, in the context of the transformation of the global world order and the deep social cleavages that have engulfed both many Eastern and Western societies, issues of historical memory, external and internal decolonization began to come to the fore both in public discussions within individual states and in international relations. Secondly, the coming to power in France of E. Macron marked an attempt at a serious transformation of the country’s foreign policy, strengthening its position in the world as a whole, and in the region of the Middle East and North Africa, in particular. Related to this were the (mostly unsuccessful) initiatives of E. Macron on the Palestinian-Israeli and Libyan settlements, the Lebanese crisis, and the resolution of accumulated contradictions with Algeria. Thirdly, A. Tebboune’s coming to power in Algeria in 2019 also gave impetus to the country’s foreign policy and created the conditions for revising relations with France. In these circumstances, the idea arose of preparing reports by the two sides on the possibilities of overcoming the negative colonial legacy in bilateral relations. The Algerian side did not submit the report, and the French text was prepared by B. Stora by January 2021 and caused wide response. The purpose of this article is to determine, based on the analysis of this text and the materials of the discussions that followed it, the French vision of the problem of reconciliation with Algeria. The article was written using the method of “slow reading” of the source - its main part is a detailed analysis of the report by B. Stor, followed by a review of the discussion he caused. The result of this approach is the identification of not only the widely discussed contradictions in matters of historical memory (both between Algeria and France, and within French society), but also the identification of some non-obvious problems of the French perception of this problem.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84845858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-116-132
K. Godovanyuk
The article explores interrelation between the postcolonial discourse and modern British foreign policy, designated as a “postcolonial moment” in the strategic thinking of the political establishment. It is noted that the withdrawal from the EU has again attracted public and academic attention to the imperial past, which is sometimes regarded not only as a possible reason for Brexit, but also as a starting point for design of the country’s foreign policy under the new conditions (the idea of “Global Britain”). The post-imperial discourse in the modern British political environment is analyzed within several aspects: how it affects the strategic reasoning of the elite circles, specific trends in dealing with the former colonies, and postcolonialism components in the new foreign strategy (case of “Indo-Pacific tilt”). Proceeding from the paradigm of postcolonial constructivism, the article shows that the issues of imperial heritage still remain an important aspect in British foreign policy identity, but in the context of strategic planning it takes on new meanings. Firstly, the political establishment continues to search for a new international role and appeals to the former colonies as a resource of their foreign policy (whether it is economy, strategy, or image). Secondly, distancing themselves from the rhetoric of the colonial past, they refer to “common history” and identity as the world politics see the formation of a polycentric system. This trend is reflected in the challenge of building new long-term alliances through “patient diplomacy.” The “Global Britain” discourse, due to its direct connotation with the postcolonial past, becomes undesirable for both the ruling political elite and the opposition.
{"title":"“Poscolonial Moment” in Foreign Policy Discourse: the Casus of “Global Britain”","authors":"K. Godovanyuk","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-116-132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-116-132","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores interrelation between the postcolonial discourse and modern British foreign policy, designated as a “postcolonial moment” in the strategic thinking of the political establishment. It is noted that the withdrawal from the EU has again attracted public and academic attention to the imperial past, which is sometimes regarded not only as a possible reason for Brexit, but also as a starting point for design of the country’s foreign policy under the new conditions (the idea of “Global Britain”). The post-imperial discourse in the modern British political environment is analyzed within several aspects: how it affects the strategic reasoning of the elite circles, specific trends in dealing with the former colonies, and postcolonialism components in the new foreign strategy (case of “Indo-Pacific tilt”). Proceeding from the paradigm of postcolonial constructivism, the article shows that the issues of imperial heritage still remain an important aspect in British foreign policy identity, but in the context of strategic planning it takes on new meanings. Firstly, the political establishment continues to search for a new international role and appeals to the former colonies as a resource of their foreign policy (whether it is economy, strategy, or image). Secondly, distancing themselves from the rhetoric of the colonial past, they refer to “common history” and identity as the world politics see the formation of a polycentric system. This trend is reflected in the challenge of building new long-term alliances through “patient diplomacy.” The “Global Britain” discourse, due to its direct connotation with the postcolonial past, becomes undesirable for both the ruling political elite and the opposition.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87200701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-7-11
S. Markedonov
.
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{"title":"Power and Weakness of Postcolonialism","authors":"S. Markedonov","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-7-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-7-11","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>.</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84436721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-97-115
V. Tsibenko
The article critically examines how Türkiey justifies its proactive foreign policy through the concept of justice. The study analyzes Turkish discourse, blending Islamic teachings with an anticolonial stance, to characterize the understanding of justice. Initially used to legitimize opposition against secular elites, justice now serves as a tool for global leadership, mediation in conflicts involving Muslims, and regional focus on post-Ottoman states. It counters political opponents, gains negotiating advantages in EU accession talks, supports aspirations for a UN Security Council seat, and extends military presence beyond the region. The study concludes that justice grants moral legitimacy to Türkiye’s foreign policy decisions, particularly resonating with Muslim audiences.Rooted in Islamist principles and an anticolonial discourse, Türkiye positions itself as a just leader opposing historical oppression by the West. The concept of justice is crucial in shaping Türkiye’s foreign policy, establishing its authority as a just and moral actor internationally. By leveraging justice, Türkiye aims to assert leadership, mediate conflicts, and prioritize historically significant regions. Understanding the ideologeme of justice provides insights into Türkiye’s strategic decision-making and its aspiration for a just and influential role globally.
{"title":"Ideologeme of Justice and Anticolonial Discourse as Justification for Türkiey’s Foreign Policy","authors":"V. Tsibenko","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-97-115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-97-115","url":null,"abstract":"The article critically examines how Türkiey justifies its proactive foreign policy through the concept of justice. The study analyzes Turkish discourse, blending Islamic teachings with an anticolonial stance, to characterize the understanding of justice. Initially used to legitimize opposition against secular elites, justice now serves as a tool for global leadership, mediation in conflicts involving Muslims, and regional focus on post-Ottoman states. It counters political opponents, gains negotiating advantages in EU accession talks, supports aspirations for a UN Security Council seat, and extends military presence beyond the region. The study concludes that justice grants moral legitimacy to Türkiye’s foreign policy decisions, particularly resonating with Muslim audiences.Rooted in Islamist principles and an anticolonial discourse, Türkiye positions itself as a just leader opposing historical oppression by the West. The concept of justice is crucial in shaping Türkiye’s foreign policy, establishing its authority as a just and moral actor internationally. By leveraging justice, Türkiye aims to assert leadership, mediate conflicts, and prioritize historically significant regions. Understanding the ideologeme of justice provides insights into Türkiye’s strategic decision-making and its aspiration for a just and influential role globally.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84045995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study aimed to assess the effect of the shadow economy on the finance-growth relationship in Tunisia over the period 1984-2020. The authors used a nonlinear autoregressive distributed lags (NARDL) model to verify the impact of the informal economy as measured by Tanzi's method on the finance-growth relationship. The results suggest that in the long term, with a positive change at the level of the shadow economy, the effect of financial development on growth becomes negative. The opposite is also true. However, in the short run, asymmetric effect of the shadow economy is only detected on economic growth and not on the financial development-economic growth nexus. Indeed, the level of the informal economy has an important role in the Tunisian economy. The significant and positive impact of financial development on the economy is strongly influenced by the size of the informal economy.
{"title":"Exploring the Nexus Between the Shadow Economy, Finance, and Economic Growth in Tunisia","authors":"Chokri Terzi, Khalil Mhadhbi, Faouzi Abdennour","doi":"10.4018/ijban.322791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4018/ijban.322791","url":null,"abstract":"This study aimed to assess the effect of the shadow economy on the finance-growth relationship in Tunisia over the period 1984-2020. The authors used a nonlinear autoregressive distributed lags (NARDL) model to verify the impact of the informal economy as measured by Tanzi's method on the finance-growth relationship. The results suggest that in the long term, with a positive change at the level of the shadow economy, the effect of financial development on growth becomes negative. The opposite is also true. However, in the short run, asymmetric effect of the shadow economy is only detected on economic growth and not on the financial development-economic growth nexus. Indeed, the level of the informal economy has an important role in the Tunisian economy. The significant and positive impact of financial development on the economy is strongly influenced by the size of the informal economy.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48195301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the tendency of short-term return spillover across Bahrain stocks, bitcoin, and other commodity assets factoring in the dynamic effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. The study employed vector autoregression (VAR) model using the daily returns of Bahrain All Shares Index, bitcoin, crude oil, and gold futures from January 2018 to March 2022. The results showed a persistent unidirectional short-term spillover of return from the Bahrain stock market to the futures gold market for both the period before and during the pandemic. Moreover, the results also showed that the significant positive shock in the bitcoin returns as granger-caused by the returns of the Bahrain stock market is only during the period before the pandemic. Finally, a significant negative contemporaneous short-term effect on the crude oil market returns can be statistically explained by the shocks in the Bahrain stock market only during the COVID-19 period.
{"title":"The Granger Causality of Bahrain Stocks, Bitcoin, and Other Commodity Asset Returns","authors":"M. Doblas, Maria Cecilia P. Lagaras","doi":"10.4018/ijban.322304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4018/ijban.322304","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the tendency of short-term return spillover across Bahrain stocks, bitcoin, and other commodity assets factoring in the dynamic effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. The study employed vector autoregression (VAR) model using the daily returns of Bahrain All Shares Index, bitcoin, crude oil, and gold futures from January 2018 to March 2022. The results showed a persistent unidirectional short-term spillover of return from the Bahrain stock market to the futures gold market for both the period before and during the pandemic. Moreover, the results also showed that the significant positive shock in the bitcoin returns as granger-caused by the returns of the Bahrain stock market is only during the period before the pandemic. Finally, a significant negative contemporaneous short-term effect on the crude oil market returns can be statistically explained by the shocks in the Bahrain stock market only during the COVID-19 period.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48596809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the paper is to examine the various factors that influence turnover intentions of working women at the threshold of motherhood. The impact and interrelationships of variables like organisational and supervisory support perceptions, flexible-work-options, work-family conflict, job and family satisfaction, and their effect on turnover intentions are examined. A questionnaire survey of 203 working women of three categories—women undergoing infertility treatment, pregnant women, and new mothers of the Indian IT sector—was conducted and hypotheses tested through structural equation modelling. Results validated the model developed and confirmed the causal relationships whereby employees working in family-supportive work environments experienced lower levels of work-family conflict, and reduced work-family conflict thereby led to greater job and family satisfaction followed by lesser turnover intentions. The study reiterates the need for organisations to offer specific policies that allow working-women to continue their careers as they go through motherhood.
{"title":"Impact of Organizational and Supervisory Support Perceptions on the Turnover Intentions of Working Mothers-to-Be","authors":"Bhawna Agarwal, Merlin Mythili Nelson","doi":"10.4018/ijban.321536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4018/ijban.321536","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to examine the various factors that influence turnover intentions of working women at the threshold of motherhood. The impact and interrelationships of variables like organisational and supervisory support perceptions, flexible-work-options, work-family conflict, job and family satisfaction, and their effect on turnover intentions are examined. A questionnaire survey of 203 working women of three categories—women undergoing infertility treatment, pregnant women, and new mothers of the Indian IT sector—was conducted and hypotheses tested through structural equation modelling. Results validated the model developed and confirmed the causal relationships whereby employees working in family-supportive work environments experienced lower levels of work-family conflict, and reduced work-family conflict thereby led to greater job and family satisfaction followed by lesser turnover intentions. The study reiterates the need for organisations to offer specific policies that allow working-women to continue their careers as they go through motherhood.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48650408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-111-122
O. Leshenyuk
The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the impact of unilateral coercive measures on sustainable development processes in the Republic of Belarus, as well as their influence on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Belarus and the Union State. Divided into three sections, the article begins by examining how Belarus has adapted its legal framework and state policy to conform to the 2030 Agenda. However, the use of unilateral coercive measures by the collective West to pressure and incentivize “appropriate” behavior, in contradiction of the decisions of the UN Security Council, diverts the country’s resources toward safeguarding its sovereignty and non-intervention in the aff airs of other states. The second section delves into the role of integration associations and the Union State in overcoming coercive restrictive measures. Finally, the third section sheds light on the impact of such measures on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Specifi cally, the sectoral sanctions imposed by the US and EU on Belarus in 2021 hinder the development of a common agricultural policy, as well as gas, oil, and petroleum markets of the Union State, while simultaneously creating a fi nancial rift between Belarus and Russia. This underscores the negative eff ects of these measures in the short term.
{"title":"Impact of Unilateral Coercive Measures on Implementation of the 2030 Agenda in the Republic of Belarus","authors":"O. Leshenyuk","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-111-122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-111-122","url":null,"abstract":" The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the impact of unilateral coercive measures on sustainable development processes in the Republic of Belarus, as well as their influence on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Belarus and the Union State. Divided into three sections, the article begins by examining how Belarus has adapted its legal framework and state policy to conform to the 2030 Agenda. However, the use of unilateral coercive measures by the collective West to pressure and incentivize “appropriate” behavior, in contradiction of the decisions of the UN Security Council, diverts the country’s resources toward safeguarding its sovereignty and non-intervention in the aff airs of other states. The second section delves into the role of integration associations and the Union State in overcoming coercive restrictive measures. Finally, the third section sheds light on the impact of such measures on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Specifi cally, the sectoral sanctions imposed by the US and EU on Belarus in 2021 hinder the development of a common agricultural policy, as well as gas, oil, and petroleum markets of the Union State, while simultaneously creating a fi nancial rift between Belarus and Russia. This underscores the negative eff ects of these measures in the short term.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80855780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-37-51
E. Arapova
The relevance and scientific novelty of the study lies in the author’s identifi cation of fundamentally new modalities of the global sanctions policy, including: the gradual expansion of the circle of countries initiating sanctions, the transformation of sanctions tools and thematic regimes of sanctions, the replication of the practice of using unilateral sanctions as tools to achieve foreign policy goals in a crisis of the unilateral world order and increasing competition and strategic confrontation between the great powers. The discourse and content analysis of legal documents regulating the institutionalization of sanctions regimes in the initiating countries made it possible to identify a number of important global trends in the last decade in the fi eld of sanctions policy. First, in the context of the growing popularity of fi nancial restrictions in the last decade, they are rapidly becoming more complex. The practice of imposing sanctions against Central banks and freezing the foreign exchange reserves of sanctioned countries is being replicated. From “freezing” the assets of sanctioned persons (individuals and legal entities), the initiators of sanctions are increasingly moving towards the practice of their confi scation, while forming appropriate legal mechanisms. Secondly, there are important shifts in the thematic regimes of sanctions: the “collective” legalization of cybersanctions regimes, the massive introduction of liability for circumvention of sanctions into national legislations and the replication of the experience of introducing sanctions restrictions against transactions with cryptocurrency and alternative mechanisms for cross-border settlements. Thirdly, the gradual replication of secondary sanctions tools is obvious, which are beginning to be used not only by the United States, but also by the United Kingdom and China, which in the long term (taking into account the strategic confrontation between China and the United States) might create a fundamentally new phenomenon of actual competition of sanctions extraterritoriality.
{"title":"New Modalities of the Global Sanctions Policy","authors":"E. Arapova","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-37-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-37-51","url":null,"abstract":" The relevance and scientific novelty of the study lies in the author’s identifi cation of fundamentally new modalities of the global sanctions policy, including: the gradual expansion of the circle of countries initiating sanctions, the transformation of sanctions tools and thematic regimes of sanctions, the replication of the practice of using unilateral sanctions as tools to achieve foreign policy goals in a crisis of the unilateral world order and increasing competition and strategic confrontation between the great powers. The discourse and content analysis of legal documents regulating the institutionalization of sanctions regimes in the initiating countries made it possible to identify a number of important global trends in the last decade in the fi eld of sanctions policy. First, in the context of the growing popularity of fi nancial restrictions in the last decade, they are rapidly becoming more complex. The practice of imposing sanctions against Central banks and freezing the foreign exchange reserves of sanctioned countries is being replicated. From “freezing” the assets of sanctioned persons (individuals and legal entities), the initiators of sanctions are increasingly moving towards the practice of their confi scation, while forming appropriate legal mechanisms. Secondly, there are important shifts in the thematic regimes of sanctions: the “collective” legalization of cybersanctions regimes, the massive introduction of liability for circumvention of sanctions into national legislations and the replication of the experience of introducing sanctions restrictions against transactions with cryptocurrency and alternative mechanisms for cross-border settlements. Thirdly, the gradual replication of secondary sanctions tools is obvious, which are beginning to be used not only by the United States, but also by the United Kingdom and China, which in the long term (taking into account the strategic confrontation between China and the United States) might create a fundamentally new phenomenon of actual competition of sanctions extraterritoriality.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89798433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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