Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-7-11
S. Markedonov
.
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{"title":"Power and Weakness of Postcolonialism","authors":"S. Markedonov","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-7-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-7-11","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>.</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84436721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-97-115
V. Tsibenko
The article critically examines how Türkiey justifies its proactive foreign policy through the concept of justice. The study analyzes Turkish discourse, blending Islamic teachings with an anticolonial stance, to characterize the understanding of justice. Initially used to legitimize opposition against secular elites, justice now serves as a tool for global leadership, mediation in conflicts involving Muslims, and regional focus on post-Ottoman states. It counters political opponents, gains negotiating advantages in EU accession talks, supports aspirations for a UN Security Council seat, and extends military presence beyond the region. The study concludes that justice grants moral legitimacy to Türkiye’s foreign policy decisions, particularly resonating with Muslim audiences.Rooted in Islamist principles and an anticolonial discourse, Türkiye positions itself as a just leader opposing historical oppression by the West. The concept of justice is crucial in shaping Türkiye’s foreign policy, establishing its authority as a just and moral actor internationally. By leveraging justice, Türkiye aims to assert leadership, mediate conflicts, and prioritize historically significant regions. Understanding the ideologeme of justice provides insights into Türkiye’s strategic decision-making and its aspiration for a just and influential role globally.
{"title":"Ideologeme of Justice and Anticolonial Discourse as Justification for Türkiey’s Foreign Policy","authors":"V. Tsibenko","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-97-115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-97-115","url":null,"abstract":"The article critically examines how Türkiey justifies its proactive foreign policy through the concept of justice. The study analyzes Turkish discourse, blending Islamic teachings with an anticolonial stance, to characterize the understanding of justice. Initially used to legitimize opposition against secular elites, justice now serves as a tool for global leadership, mediation in conflicts involving Muslims, and regional focus on post-Ottoman states. It counters political opponents, gains negotiating advantages in EU accession talks, supports aspirations for a UN Security Council seat, and extends military presence beyond the region. The study concludes that justice grants moral legitimacy to Türkiye’s foreign policy decisions, particularly resonating with Muslim audiences.Rooted in Islamist principles and an anticolonial discourse, Türkiye positions itself as a just leader opposing historical oppression by the West. The concept of justice is crucial in shaping Türkiye’s foreign policy, establishing its authority as a just and moral actor internationally. By leveraging justice, Türkiye aims to assert leadership, mediate conflicts, and prioritize historically significant regions. Understanding the ideologeme of justice provides insights into Türkiye’s strategic decision-making and its aspiration for a just and influential role globally.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84045995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study aimed to assess the effect of the shadow economy on the finance-growth relationship in Tunisia over the period 1984-2020. The authors used a nonlinear autoregressive distributed lags (NARDL) model to verify the impact of the informal economy as measured by Tanzi's method on the finance-growth relationship. The results suggest that in the long term, with a positive change at the level of the shadow economy, the effect of financial development on growth becomes negative. The opposite is also true. However, in the short run, asymmetric effect of the shadow economy is only detected on economic growth and not on the financial development-economic growth nexus. Indeed, the level of the informal economy has an important role in the Tunisian economy. The significant and positive impact of financial development on the economy is strongly influenced by the size of the informal economy.
{"title":"Exploring the Nexus Between the Shadow Economy, Finance, and Economic Growth in Tunisia","authors":"Chokri Terzi, Khalil Mhadhbi, Faouzi Abdennour","doi":"10.4018/ijban.322791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4018/ijban.322791","url":null,"abstract":"This study aimed to assess the effect of the shadow economy on the finance-growth relationship in Tunisia over the period 1984-2020. The authors used a nonlinear autoregressive distributed lags (NARDL) model to verify the impact of the informal economy as measured by Tanzi's method on the finance-growth relationship. The results suggest that in the long term, with a positive change at the level of the shadow economy, the effect of financial development on growth becomes negative. The opposite is also true. However, in the short run, asymmetric effect of the shadow economy is only detected on economic growth and not on the financial development-economic growth nexus. Indeed, the level of the informal economy has an important role in the Tunisian economy. The significant and positive impact of financial development on the economy is strongly influenced by the size of the informal economy.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48195301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the tendency of short-term return spillover across Bahrain stocks, bitcoin, and other commodity assets factoring in the dynamic effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. The study employed vector autoregression (VAR) model using the daily returns of Bahrain All Shares Index, bitcoin, crude oil, and gold futures from January 2018 to March 2022. The results showed a persistent unidirectional short-term spillover of return from the Bahrain stock market to the futures gold market for both the period before and during the pandemic. Moreover, the results also showed that the significant positive shock in the bitcoin returns as granger-caused by the returns of the Bahrain stock market is only during the period before the pandemic. Finally, a significant negative contemporaneous short-term effect on the crude oil market returns can be statistically explained by the shocks in the Bahrain stock market only during the COVID-19 period.
{"title":"The Granger Causality of Bahrain Stocks, Bitcoin, and Other Commodity Asset Returns","authors":"M. Doblas, Maria Cecilia P. Lagaras","doi":"10.4018/ijban.322304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4018/ijban.322304","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the tendency of short-term return spillover across Bahrain stocks, bitcoin, and other commodity assets factoring in the dynamic effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. The study employed vector autoregression (VAR) model using the daily returns of Bahrain All Shares Index, bitcoin, crude oil, and gold futures from January 2018 to March 2022. The results showed a persistent unidirectional short-term spillover of return from the Bahrain stock market to the futures gold market for both the period before and during the pandemic. Moreover, the results also showed that the significant positive shock in the bitcoin returns as granger-caused by the returns of the Bahrain stock market is only during the period before the pandemic. Finally, a significant negative contemporaneous short-term effect on the crude oil market returns can be statistically explained by the shocks in the Bahrain stock market only during the COVID-19 period.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48596809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the paper is to examine the various factors that influence turnover intentions of working women at the threshold of motherhood. The impact and interrelationships of variables like organisational and supervisory support perceptions, flexible-work-options, work-family conflict, job and family satisfaction, and their effect on turnover intentions are examined. A questionnaire survey of 203 working women of three categories—women undergoing infertility treatment, pregnant women, and new mothers of the Indian IT sector—was conducted and hypotheses tested through structural equation modelling. Results validated the model developed and confirmed the causal relationships whereby employees working in family-supportive work environments experienced lower levels of work-family conflict, and reduced work-family conflict thereby led to greater job and family satisfaction followed by lesser turnover intentions. The study reiterates the need for organisations to offer specific policies that allow working-women to continue their careers as they go through motherhood.
{"title":"Impact of Organizational and Supervisory Support Perceptions on the Turnover Intentions of Working Mothers-to-Be","authors":"Bhawna Agarwal, Merlin Mythili Nelson","doi":"10.4018/ijban.321536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4018/ijban.321536","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the paper is to examine the various factors that influence turnover intentions of working women at the threshold of motherhood. The impact and interrelationships of variables like organisational and supervisory support perceptions, flexible-work-options, work-family conflict, job and family satisfaction, and their effect on turnover intentions are examined. A questionnaire survey of 203 working women of three categories—women undergoing infertility treatment, pregnant women, and new mothers of the Indian IT sector—was conducted and hypotheses tested through structural equation modelling. Results validated the model developed and confirmed the causal relationships whereby employees working in family-supportive work environments experienced lower levels of work-family conflict, and reduced work-family conflict thereby led to greater job and family satisfaction followed by lesser turnover intentions. The study reiterates the need for organisations to offer specific policies that allow working-women to continue their careers as they go through motherhood.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48650408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-111-122
O. Leshenyuk
The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the impact of unilateral coercive measures on sustainable development processes in the Republic of Belarus, as well as their influence on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Belarus and the Union State. Divided into three sections, the article begins by examining how Belarus has adapted its legal framework and state policy to conform to the 2030 Agenda. However, the use of unilateral coercive measures by the collective West to pressure and incentivize “appropriate” behavior, in contradiction of the decisions of the UN Security Council, diverts the country’s resources toward safeguarding its sovereignty and non-intervention in the aff airs of other states. The second section delves into the role of integration associations and the Union State in overcoming coercive restrictive measures. Finally, the third section sheds light on the impact of such measures on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Specifi cally, the sectoral sanctions imposed by the US and EU on Belarus in 2021 hinder the development of a common agricultural policy, as well as gas, oil, and petroleum markets of the Union State, while simultaneously creating a fi nancial rift between Belarus and Russia. This underscores the negative eff ects of these measures in the short term.
{"title":"Impact of Unilateral Coercive Measures on Implementation of the 2030 Agenda in the Republic of Belarus","authors":"O. Leshenyuk","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-111-122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-111-122","url":null,"abstract":" The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the impact of unilateral coercive measures on sustainable development processes in the Republic of Belarus, as well as their influence on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in Belarus and the Union State. Divided into three sections, the article begins by examining how Belarus has adapted its legal framework and state policy to conform to the 2030 Agenda. However, the use of unilateral coercive measures by the collective West to pressure and incentivize “appropriate” behavior, in contradiction of the decisions of the UN Security Council, diverts the country’s resources toward safeguarding its sovereignty and non-intervention in the aff airs of other states. The second section delves into the role of integration associations and the Union State in overcoming coercive restrictive measures. Finally, the third section sheds light on the impact of such measures on the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Specifi cally, the sectoral sanctions imposed by the US and EU on Belarus in 2021 hinder the development of a common agricultural policy, as well as gas, oil, and petroleum markets of the Union State, while simultaneously creating a fi nancial rift between Belarus and Russia. This underscores the negative eff ects of these measures in the short term.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80855780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-37-51
E. Arapova
The relevance and scientific novelty of the study lies in the author’s identifi cation of fundamentally new modalities of the global sanctions policy, including: the gradual expansion of the circle of countries initiating sanctions, the transformation of sanctions tools and thematic regimes of sanctions, the replication of the practice of using unilateral sanctions as tools to achieve foreign policy goals in a crisis of the unilateral world order and increasing competition and strategic confrontation between the great powers. The discourse and content analysis of legal documents regulating the institutionalization of sanctions regimes in the initiating countries made it possible to identify a number of important global trends in the last decade in the fi eld of sanctions policy. First, in the context of the growing popularity of fi nancial restrictions in the last decade, they are rapidly becoming more complex. The practice of imposing sanctions against Central banks and freezing the foreign exchange reserves of sanctioned countries is being replicated. From “freezing” the assets of sanctioned persons (individuals and legal entities), the initiators of sanctions are increasingly moving towards the practice of their confi scation, while forming appropriate legal mechanisms. Secondly, there are important shifts in the thematic regimes of sanctions: the “collective” legalization of cybersanctions regimes, the massive introduction of liability for circumvention of sanctions into national legislations and the replication of the experience of introducing sanctions restrictions against transactions with cryptocurrency and alternative mechanisms for cross-border settlements. Thirdly, the gradual replication of secondary sanctions tools is obvious, which are beginning to be used not only by the United States, but also by the United Kingdom and China, which in the long term (taking into account the strategic confrontation between China and the United States) might create a fundamentally new phenomenon of actual competition of sanctions extraterritoriality.
{"title":"New Modalities of the Global Sanctions Policy","authors":"E. Arapova","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-37-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-37-51","url":null,"abstract":" The relevance and scientific novelty of the study lies in the author’s identifi cation of fundamentally new modalities of the global sanctions policy, including: the gradual expansion of the circle of countries initiating sanctions, the transformation of sanctions tools and thematic regimes of sanctions, the replication of the practice of using unilateral sanctions as tools to achieve foreign policy goals in a crisis of the unilateral world order and increasing competition and strategic confrontation between the great powers. The discourse and content analysis of legal documents regulating the institutionalization of sanctions regimes in the initiating countries made it possible to identify a number of important global trends in the last decade in the fi eld of sanctions policy. First, in the context of the growing popularity of fi nancial restrictions in the last decade, they are rapidly becoming more complex. The practice of imposing sanctions against Central banks and freezing the foreign exchange reserves of sanctioned countries is being replicated. From “freezing” the assets of sanctioned persons (individuals and legal entities), the initiators of sanctions are increasingly moving towards the practice of their confi scation, while forming appropriate legal mechanisms. Secondly, there are important shifts in the thematic regimes of sanctions: the “collective” legalization of cybersanctions regimes, the massive introduction of liability for circumvention of sanctions into national legislations and the replication of the experience of introducing sanctions restrictions against transactions with cryptocurrency and alternative mechanisms for cross-border settlements. Thirdly, the gradual replication of secondary sanctions tools is obvious, which are beginning to be used not only by the United States, but also by the United Kingdom and China, which in the long term (taking into account the strategic confrontation between China and the United States) might create a fundamentally new phenomenon of actual competition of sanctions extraterritoriality.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89798433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-72-91
N. Kozhanov
In recent years, conservative forces in Iran have lambasted their moderate and pragmatic rivals for their inability to solve the country’s economic issues and improve the living standards of its populace. However, since Ebrahim Raisi won the presidential election in 2021, Iranian conservatives have had their own chance to tackle the country’s internal challenges, being the last of the political forces without direct influence on the economic decision-making system for a long time. Nevertheless, their failed attempts to foster economic growth under sanctions pressure may prove critical to the Islamic Republic. Not only the conservative part of the establishment but the entire political system may risk losing what remains of its credibility with the Iranian people, who could perceive it as incapable of eff ectively managing the economy. Furthermore, the government’s success in resolving the current socio-economic development issues is also pivotal to the political future of E. Raisi. His failure would deprive him of any opportunity to claim the post of the next supreme leader of Iran. Meanwhile, the accumulated structural problems of the Iranian economy and the external sanctions pressure can render achieving economic progress a daunting, if not insurmountable, task. This paper seeks to elucidate why there is signifi cant social tension in Iran, resulting in periodic outbursts of protest, and why the economic situation is deemed a crisis, despite the relative resilience of the Iranian economy to external and internal challenges, as well as the macroeconomic performance dynamics, which are not necessarily inferior to those of Iran’s regional neighbors. To answer this question, the paper analyzes the main economic challenges facing the country’s leadership and the extent to which the goals and priorities of the implemented “resistance economy” doctrine provide an adequate response to them. As a theoretical tool, the author employs the ideas of M. Todaro, A. Sen, S. Smith, J. Foster, and C. Handy, justifying the need for any state to transcend the simple parameters of economic growth in formulating its development strategy and think more comprehensively, focusing primarily on creating a social and economic environment that is comfortable for its citizens. As a result, the author concludes that the model of the Iranian economy that has been formed in an aggressive environment prioritizes the survival of the existing political system, approaching the issue of economic growth as secondary and failing to satisfy some popular needs beyond the basic ones. It is incapable of ensuring comprehensive sustainable socio-economic development, which over time leads to the accumulation of internal tension in Iranian society.
{"title":"Between Development, Growth and Survival: Some Current Features of Iran’s Model of Socio-Economic Development","authors":"N. Kozhanov","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-72-91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-72-91","url":null,"abstract":" In recent years, conservative forces in Iran have lambasted their moderate and pragmatic rivals for their inability to solve the country’s economic issues and improve the living standards of its populace. However, since Ebrahim Raisi won the presidential election in 2021, Iranian conservatives have had their own chance to tackle the country’s internal challenges, being the last of the political forces without direct influence on the economic decision-making system for a long time. Nevertheless, their failed attempts to foster economic growth under sanctions pressure may prove critical to the Islamic Republic. Not only the conservative part of the establishment but the entire political system may risk losing what remains of its credibility with the Iranian people, who could perceive it as incapable of eff ectively managing the economy. Furthermore, the government’s success in resolving the current socio-economic development issues is also pivotal to the political future of E. Raisi. His failure would deprive him of any opportunity to claim the post of the next supreme leader of Iran. Meanwhile, the accumulated structural problems of the Iranian economy and the external sanctions pressure can render achieving economic progress a daunting, if not insurmountable, task. This paper seeks to elucidate why there is signifi cant social tension in Iran, resulting in periodic outbursts of protest, and why the economic situation is deemed a crisis, despite the relative resilience of the Iranian economy to external and internal challenges, as well as the macroeconomic performance dynamics, which are not necessarily inferior to those of Iran’s regional neighbors. To answer this question, the paper analyzes the main economic challenges facing the country’s leadership and the extent to which the goals and priorities of the implemented “resistance economy” doctrine provide an adequate response to them. As a theoretical tool, the author employs the ideas of M. Todaro, A. Sen, S. Smith, J. Foster, and C. Handy, justifying the need for any state to transcend the simple parameters of economic growth in formulating its development strategy and think more comprehensively, focusing primarily on creating a social and economic environment that is comfortable for its citizens. As a result, the author concludes that the model of the Iranian economy that has been formed in an aggressive environment prioritizes the survival of the existing political system, approaching the issue of economic growth as secondary and failing to satisfy some popular needs beyond the basic ones. It is incapable of ensuring comprehensive sustainable socio-economic development, which over time leads to the accumulation of internal tension in Iranian society.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"87 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84317730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-138-148
Yaroslav Lissovolik
The global economy is currently experiencing unprecedented changes as the BRICS nations establish themselves as a signifi cant power center and a crucial factor in the transformation of the international economic framework. Following China’s chairmanship of BRICS, which culminated in the BRICS+ meetings with a diverse range of emerging market economies, these and other countries have expressed their desire to join the BRICS group. The expansion process was largely catalyzed by the openness exhibited by BRICS through the BRICS+ format. The main question at this juncture is how the BRICS+ format will develop and whether it can enhance the position of BRICS in the global arena and among the Global South. This paper explores some of the opportunities presented by the BRICS+ concept in the creation of new global governance, particularly through the establishment of platforms – including those in the real sector and fi nancial platforms aimed at promoting greater cooperation among the sovereign wealth funds and regional development banks of the Global South. Another critical area is the launch of a new reserve currency that could serve as the foundation for greater economic integration across the broad platform of the developing world.
{"title":"BRICS-Plus: the New Force in Global Governance","authors":"Yaroslav Lissovolik","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-138-148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-138-148","url":null,"abstract":" The global economy is currently experiencing unprecedented changes as the BRICS nations establish themselves as a signifi cant power center and a crucial factor in the transformation of the international economic framework. Following China’s chairmanship of BRICS, which culminated in the BRICS+ meetings with a diverse range of emerging market economies, these and other countries have expressed their desire to join the BRICS group. The expansion process was largely catalyzed by the openness exhibited by BRICS through the BRICS+ format. The main question at this juncture is how the BRICS+ format will develop and whether it can enhance the position of BRICS in the global arena and among the Global South. This paper explores some of the opportunities presented by the BRICS+ concept in the creation of new global governance, particularly through the establishment of platforms – including those in the real sector and fi nancial platforms aimed at promoting greater cooperation among the sovereign wealth funds and regional development banks of the Global South. Another critical area is the launch of a new reserve currency that could serve as the foundation for greater economic integration across the broad platform of the developing world.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85776372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-123-137
E. Entina, A. Životić
The issue of sanctions, which has acquired a new dimension in the contemporary era, has transformed from a subject area in International Law into an interdisciplinary one, and has been widely analyzed in political science, sociology, and other fi elds. The case of Yugoslavia, which represents one of the earliest examples of the application of sanctions as a means to modify not only international actions, but also a political regime, has formed, among other things in modern history, the increasingly popular phenomenon of “cancelling” a nation. Given the external similarity of the processes that took place in the former Yugoslavia, in which Belgrade was involved, and in the post-Soviet space, it is of undisputed interest. This article delves into the situation of the Yugoslav economy, its reaction to the regime of comprehensive restrictions, as well as the eff ects of the sanctions policy in a comparative relation to the situation in modern Russia and the anti-Russian sanctions regime.
{"title":"The Efficiency of Sanctions Policy. The Case of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1991- 2001).","authors":"E. Entina, A. Životić","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-123-137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-1-123-137","url":null,"abstract":" The issue of sanctions, which has acquired a new dimension in the contemporary era, has transformed from a subject area in International Law into an interdisciplinary one, and has been widely analyzed in political science, sociology, and other fi elds. The case of Yugoslavia, which represents one of the earliest examples of the application of sanctions as a means to modify not only international actions, but also a political regime, has formed, among other things in modern history, the increasingly popular phenomenon of “cancelling” a nation. Given the external similarity of the processes that took place in the former Yugoslavia, in which Belgrade was involved, and in the post-Soviet space, it is of undisputed interest. This article delves into the situation of the Yugoslav economy, its reaction to the regime of comprehensive restrictions, as well as the eff ects of the sanctions policy in a comparative relation to the situation in modern Russia and the anti-Russian sanctions regime.","PeriodicalId":42590,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Business Analytics","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90935353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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