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Sentic-Emotion Classifier on eWallet Reviews 电子钱包评论的情感分类器
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-09-05 DOI: 10.4018/ijban.329928
Tong Ming Lim, Yuen Kei Khor, Chi Wee Tan
Emotion classification using hybrid framework using lexicon and machine learning algorithms have been proven to be more accurate. This research analyses emotions from reviews of a popular eWallet mobile application in Malaysia. The proposed Sentic-Emotion Classifier is evaluated on its performance as it analyses the code-switched reviews crawled that contain formal and informal or out-of-vocab words. The code-switched reviews are mainly made up of words and expressions in English and Malay language models. This research designs, implements, and investigates several novel techniques that have been shown to have reliable and consistent predictive outcomes, and these outcomes are validated with manually annotated reviews so that the proposed classifier can be evaluated objectively. The novel contributions of the Sentic-Emotion Classifier consist of 2-tier sentiment classification, extended emolex framework, and multi-layer discrete emotion hierarchical classes which is hypothesized to be able to yield better accuracy for emotion and intensity prediction for the proposed framework.
使用词典和机器学习算法的混合框架进行情感分类已被证明是更准确的。这项研究分析了马来西亚流行的电子钱包移动应用程序的评论情绪。本文通过对包含正式、非正式或非词汇词的代码切换评论进行分析,对所提出的情感分类器的性能进行了评估。代码转换评论主要由英语和马来语模式的单词和短语组成。本研究设计、实现和研究了几种新技术,这些技术已被证明具有可靠和一致的预测结果,并且这些结果通过手动注释的评论进行验证,以便可以客观地评估所提出的分类器。情感分类器的新贡献包括两层情感分类、扩展的情感框架和多层离散的情感层次分类,这些分类被假设能够为所提出的框架提供更好的情感和强度预测精度。
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引用次数: 0
Narratives in School History Textbooks: An East African Perspective 学校历史教科书中的叙事:一个东非视角
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-133-147
A. Shishkina, T. O. Dunde, L. Issaev
This study conducts an in-depth analysis of the content in school history textbooks from East Africa, assessing the potential impact on socio-political stability in the region. Citing relevant research on multiperspectivity, the authors recognize the significant role power dynamics play in shaping historical narratives, suggesting that colonial structures and the dominance of majority groups continue to influence these dynamics. The paper provides a historical context by reviewing the educational systems in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. It particularly notes the challenges faced by the Muslim minority group, who often study in public schools managed by Christian entities or the government. These institutions predominantly use secular history textbooks, potentially biasing the learning experience. The researchers employed content analysis to qualitatively evaluate the data in these textbooks. The results indicated a biased presentation of historical events, overemphasizing the colonial and post-colonial periods while underrepresenting the influence of Islam in East Africa. The authors argue that this selective approach to history education might intensify existing socio-political tensions in the region. They advocate for a more balanced and inclusive representation of historical events in educational materials to foster a more equitable learning environment.
本研究对东非学校历史教科书的内容进行了深入分析,评估了对该地区社会政治稳定的潜在影响。引用多视角的相关研究,作者认识到权力动态在塑造历史叙事中发挥的重要作用,表明殖民结构和多数群体的主导地位继续影响着这些动态。本文通过回顾肯尼亚、乌干达和坦桑尼亚的教育制度提供了一个历史背景。报告特别指出了穆斯林少数群体面临的挑战,他们经常在基督教实体或政府管理的公立学校学习。这些机构主要使用世俗的历史教科书,这可能会影响学习体验。研究人员采用内容分析的方法对教材中的数据进行定性评价。调查结果表明,对历史事件的描述存在偏见,过分强调殖民和后殖民时期,而对伊斯兰教在东非的影响的描述不足。作者认为,这种选择性的历史教育方法可能会加剧该地区现有的社会政治紧张局势。他们提倡在教育材料中更加平衡和包容地描述历史事件,以营造更公平的学习环境。
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引用次数: 0
Malaysia’s Neocolonial Struggle: Unraveling the Complexities of Postcolonial Dynamics 马来西亚的新殖民主义斗争:揭示后殖民动态的复杂性
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-148-165
Ju. V. Roknifard
The article dissects the case of Malaysia in the context of postcolonial studies. After an introduction to the aspects of postcolonial studies that are instrumental in analyzing the case, the article begins by exploring the postcolonial landscape of Malaysia, including the existing discourses, values, and the public sentiments they embody. It then highlights significant milestones in the country’s foreign policy and provides a comparative perspective on different periods. Finally, it assesses the most recent developments related to the geopolitical power struggle between China and the US in Southeast Asia. The article’s main thesis argues that Malaysia has not fully undergone the process of decolonization. Initially, the ruling political elite preserved some colonial instruments to maintain their own dominance, and later, Malaysia became entangled in the rivalry between the US and China, with both establishing neocolonial dominance over the country in different ways. Malaysia’s history since independence has not led to the formation of a cohesive nation, which has exposed it to foreign influence that exploits gaps in national consciousness and modes of governance.
这篇文章在后殖民研究的背景下剖析了马来西亚的案例。在介绍了有助于分析案例的后殖民研究的各个方面之后,文章首先探讨了马来西亚的后殖民景观,包括现有的话语、价值观和它们所体现的公众情绪。然后,它突出了该国外交政策的重要里程碑,并提供了不同时期的比较视角。最后,它评估了中国和美国在东南亚地缘政治权力斗争的最新发展。这篇文章的主要论点是,马来西亚并没有完全经历非殖民化的过程。最初,执政的政治精英保留了一些殖民工具来维持自己的统治地位,后来,马来西亚陷入了美国和中国之间的竞争中,两国都以不同的方式建立了对该国的新殖民统治。马来西亚自独立以来的历史并没有形成一个团结的国家,这使它暴露在利用民族意识和治理模式差距的外国影响之下。
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引用次数: 0
Significance of the Fezzan Region in French Policy in Libya and the Sahel 费赞地区在法国对利比亚和萨赫勒地区政策中的意义
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-166-182
A. Nadzharov
For a hundred years, since the French colonization of Chad and Niger, the Libyan region of Fezzan has played a significant role in the French strategy in Africa. The determining factor in the importance of the region for the policy of Paris was played by the transnational processes of the Fezzan border. The ethnic proximity of Fezzan and the northern regions of the Sahelian countries catalyzed the Franco-Libyan clashes in Chad in the 1900s, when the colonialists faced the resistance of the Senussi order, which was suppressed only with the beginning of the Italian conquest of Libya. The desire of Paris to establish control over the region to ensure the security of its possessions in the Sahel and their connection with the Algerian departments formed the basis of its policy in the middle of the 20th century. The significant influence of the region on the Sahel after decolonization prevailed, most clearly manifested in the 1970s and 1980s, when the Libyan Arab Republic tried to use ethnic contradictions in Chad to establish its hegemony in the north of the country, which, in turn, led to a conflict with Paris, in which the Fifth Republic, thanks to skillful work with the tribes of the Libyan-Chadian borderlands. After the outbreak of the civil war in Libya in 2011, Fezzan regained its importance for French politics due to the emergence in the region of terrorist structures associated with transnational Sahelian crime, the Chadian opposition and the forces of other great powers. The article examines the patterns of the French strategy towards Fezzan, in particular the French security policy in the Fezzan borderlands. The study of the historical retrospective of French politics allows us to more thoroughly determine the motives and intentions of the strategy of the Fifth Republic in southwestern Libya at the present stage.
自法国殖民乍得和尼日尔以来的一百年里,利比亚的费赞地区在法国的非洲战略中发挥了重要作用。该地区对巴黎政策的重要性的决定性因素是费赞边界的跨国进程。费赞和萨赫勒国家北部地区的种族接近促成了20世纪初乍得的法利冲突,当时殖民者面临塞努西秩序的抵抗,直到意大利征服利比亚才被镇压。巴黎希望建立对该地区的控制,以确保其在萨赫勒地区的财产的安全,以及这些财产与阿尔及利亚各省的联系,这一愿望构成了其20世纪中期政策的基础。非殖民化后,该地区对萨赫勒地区的重大影响占了主导地位,最明显的表现是在1970年代和1980年代,当时阿拉伯利比亚共和国试图利用乍得的种族矛盾在该国北部建立霸权,这反过来导致了与巴黎的冲突,在这场冲突中,第五共和国由于与利比亚-乍得边境地区的部落进行了巧妙的合作。2011年利比亚内战爆发后,由于该地区出现了与跨国萨赫勒犯罪有关的恐怖组织、乍得反对派和其他大国的势力,费赞在法国政治中重新获得了重要性。本文考察了法国对费赞的战略模式,特别是法国在费赞边境的安全政策。对法国政治历史回顾的研究,使我们能够更彻底地确定现阶段第五共和国在利比亚西南部的战略动机和意图。
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引用次数: 0
Postcolonial History in the Service of Anticolonial Politics: Critical Historiography and National Myth in Contemporary India 为反殖民政治服务的后殖民历史:当代印度的批判史学与民族神话
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-35-48
A. Kupriyanov
The article examines the relationship between the shaping of Indian foreign policy discourse, macro-historical processes that influence the formation of Indian political elites, and the development of historical knowledge about the Indian Ocean region. Its purpose is to ascertain the factors that influenced the specific perception of India’s place in the region by Indian elites and how this perception evolved within the framework of foreign policy discourse. Additionally, the role of historians who have studied the past of the Indian Ocean is explored. The author concludes that the changes in global political discourse following the First World War played a crucial role in shaping the ideas of India’s position in the world among the elites. These elites adopted the stance that the nation-state, with its own industrial base, was the only viable option. From the early stages of independent India, its political elites, influenced by British or Anglicized upbringing and education, rejected the notion of continuity between the new Indian state and the British Raj and the possessions of the East India Company. Instead, they attempted to establish historical continuity with pre-British Indian polities. Indian and foreign historians supported them in this endeavor. The author demonstrates how India’s political elites utilized the findings of scholars to serve their own purposes, selectively adopting suitable historical narratives while discarding others. This process gradually drew the community of historians into the production of discourse. During the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi, the Mughal Empire received the most attention as the last pre-British Indian polity. However, with the Bharatiya Janata Party coming into power, research on Hindu polities and personalities is now encouraged.
本文考察了印度外交政策话语的形成、影响印度政治精英形成的宏观历史进程以及印度洋地区历史知识的发展之间的关系。其目的是确定影响印度精英对印度在该地区地位的具体看法的因素,以及这种看法如何在外交政策话语的框架内演变。此外,还探讨了研究印度洋历史的历史学家的作用。作者的结论是,第一次世界大战后全球政治话语的变化在塑造印度在精英中的世界地位方面发挥了至关重要的作用。这些精英采取的立场是,拥有自己工业基础的民族国家是唯一可行的选择。从独立初期开始,受英国或英国化教养和教育影响的印度政治精英,就拒绝接受新印度国家与英国统治和东印度公司属地之间存在连续性的概念。相反,他们试图建立与英国之前的印度政治的历史连续性。印度和外国历史学家支持他们的这一努力。作者展示了印度的政治精英如何利用学者的发现来服务于自己的目的,有选择地采用合适的历史叙事,而抛弃其他的。这一过程逐渐将历史学家群体吸引到话语的生产中。在贾瓦哈拉尔·尼赫鲁(Jawaharlal Nehru)和英迪拉·甘地(Indira Gandhi)的领导下,莫卧儿帝国(Mughal Empire)作为前英国统治时期的最后一个印度政体,受到了最多的关注。然而,随着印度人民党(Bharatiya Janata Party)上台,对印度教政治和人物的研究现在受到鼓励。
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引用次数: 0
Anticolonialism as a Guiding Principle of Chinese Foreign Policy 反殖民主义:中国对外政策的指导原则
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-23-34
I. Zuenko, Cui Heng
This article explores the ideology of anticolonialism as a guiding principle in the foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It highlights the close association of anticolonialism with decolonialism, anti-imperialism, and the Nonaligned Movement, emphasizing their importance throughout the history of the PRC. While the current Chinese leadership may not emphasize anticolonial rhetoric as frequently as during the Mao Zedong era (1950–1970s), the core essence of Chinese foreign policy remains unchanged. China acknowledges its former semi-colonial status and aligns its policies with the interests of developing countries, seeking cooperation to protect its own interests amidst potential superpower pressures. Recent initiatives by Xi Jinping, such as the Belt and Road Initiative and the concept of a “Community with a shared future for mankind,” demonstrate a universal character that extends beyond developing countries. Authored by scholars from Russia and China, this article aims to familiarize the international audience with China’s official discourse on its semi-colonial past, anticolonialism, and decolonization. The authors also highlight the potential for cooperation between Russia and China based on their shared perspectives on these issues. Understanding China’s foreign policy principles provides valuable insights into its historical context and contemporary approach to international relations.
本文探讨了作为中华人民共和国外交政策指导原则的反殖民主义思想。它强调了反殖民主义与去殖民主义、反帝国主义和不结盟运动的密切联系,强调了它们在中华人民共和国历史上的重要性。中国承认自己以前的半殖民地地位,并将其政策与发展中国家的利益保持一致,在潜在的超级大国压力下寻求合作以保护自己的利益。这篇文章由来自俄罗斯和中国的学者撰写,旨在让国际读者熟悉中国关于其半殖民地历史、反殖民主义和非殖民化的官方话语。作者还强调了俄罗斯和中国在这些问题上的共同观点的基础上合作的潜力。了解中国的外交政策原则,有助于了解中国的历史背景和当代处理国际关系的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Postcolonialism Unveiled: At the Nexus of Scientific Inquiry and Political Discourse 揭露后殖民主义:在科学探究和政治话语的联系
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-12-22
R. Tempest, Ron De Santis
Richard Tempest is a Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, and a former director of its Russian, East European, and Eurasian Center. He holds a BA (First Class), MA, and PhD from the University of Oxford. His interests include Russian and world history and culture, military history, and the political science of the body. Tempest is the author of “Overwriting Chaos: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s Fictive Worlds” (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019). Currently, Tempest is researching a monograph on the politics of charisma in the twenty-first century.The conversation was conducted by Sergey Markedonov, Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of International Analytics.
理查德·坦佩斯特是伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳-香槟分校斯拉夫语言与文学教授,曾任该校俄罗斯、东欧和欧亚中心主任。他拥有牛津大学学士(一等)、硕士和博士学位。他的兴趣包括俄罗斯和世界历史和文化,军事史,以及身体的政治科学。Tempest是《重写混乱:亚历山大·索尔仁尼琴的虚构世界》(波士顿:学术研究出版社,2019)的作者。目前,Tempest正在研究一本关于21世纪魅力政治的专著。此次对话由《国际分析杂志》主编谢尔盖·马科多诺夫主持。
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引用次数: 0
Anticolonial and Postcolonial Narratives in the Context of Political Myth in the DPRK and the Republic of Korea 朝鲜民主主义人民共和国与大韩民国政治神话语境下的反殖民与后殖民叙事
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-49-72
N. Kim, A. V. Soloviev
This article delves into the intricate ways in which anti- and postcolonial narratives shape the formation of political myths in both the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea. Political myth, as a discursive system, elucidates how people are molded and what objectives they serve through a complex interplay of signs and symbols. Having established the prerequisites for when historical narrative converges with political myth (drama, significance, and political action), the authors identify three clusters of historical narratives, each associated with a significant trauma: the loss of independence, the attainment of independence through external aid, and the division of the people. Scrutinizing these narratives, the authors extract common and specific features of political myths as they manifest in the North and South, and pinpoint the key historical and political circumstances that account for these divergences and convergences.
本文探讨了反殖民和后殖民叙事对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国和大韩民国政治神话形成的复杂影响。政治神话作为一种话语系统,通过符号和符号的复杂相互作用,阐明了人们是如何塑造的,以及他们为什么目标服务。在确定了历史叙事何时与政治神话(戏剧、意义和政治行动)融合的先决条件之后,作者确定了三种历史叙事,每一种都与重大创伤有关:独立性的丧失、通过外部援助获得独立以及人民的分裂。通过对这些叙事的仔细研究,作者们提炼出了在北方和南方出现的政治神话的共同特征和具体特征,并指出了导致这些差异和趋同的关键历史和政治环境。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Stora Carefully: Problems of Historical Memory in Algerian-French Relations in the Early 2020s 《仔细阅读斯托拉:21世纪20年代初阿尔及利亚与法国关系中的历史记忆问题》
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-73-96
V. Kuznetsov, A. I. Vasilenko
The article is devoted to the problem of the colonial past in Algerian-French relations. In the early 2020s, it gained particular urgency for three reasons. Firstly, in the context of the transformation of the global world order and the deep social cleavages that have engulfed both many Eastern and Western societies, issues of historical memory, external and internal decolonization began to come to the fore both in public discussions within individual states and in international relations. Secondly, the coming to power in France of E. Macron marked an attempt at a serious transformation of the country’s foreign policy, strengthening its position in the world as a whole, and in the region of the Middle East and North Africa, in particular. Related to this were the (mostly unsuccessful) initiatives of E. Macron on the Palestinian-Israeli and Libyan settlements, the Lebanese crisis, and the resolution of accumulated contradictions with Algeria. Thirdly, A. Tebboune’s coming to power in Algeria in 2019 also gave impetus to the country’s foreign policy and created the conditions for revising relations with France. In these circumstances, the idea arose of preparing reports by the two sides on the possibilities of overcoming the negative colonial legacy in bilateral relations. The Algerian side did not submit the report, and the French text was prepared by B. Stora by January 2021 and caused wide response. The purpose of this article is to determine, based on the analysis of this text and the materials of the discussions that followed it, the French vision of the problem of reconciliation with Algeria. The article was written using the method of “slow reading” of the source - its main part is a detailed analysis of the report by B. Stor, followed by a review of the discussion he caused. The result of this approach is the identification of not only the widely discussed contradictions in matters of historical memory (both between Algeria and France, and within French society), but also the identification of some non-obvious problems of the French perception of this problem.
这篇文章专门讨论了阿尔及利亚和法国关系中的殖民历史问题。在本世纪20年代初,由于三个原因,这一问题变得尤为紧迫。首先,在全球世界秩序的转变和席卷许多东方和西方社会的深刻社会分裂的背景下,历史记忆、外部和内部非殖民化问题开始在个别国家内部和国际关系的公开讨论中成为突出问题。其次,马克龙(E. Macron)在法国上台,标志着该国外交政策的重大转变,加强了其在整个世界、尤其是在中东和北非地区的地位。与此相关的是马克龙(E. Macron)关于巴以和利比亚定居点、黎巴嫩危机以及解决与阿尔及利亚积累的矛盾的倡议(大多不成功)。第三,特布本2019年在阿尔及利亚执政,也推动了阿尔及利亚外交政策的发展,为修改与法国的关系创造了条件。在这种情况下,产生了由双方就克服双边关系中消极的殖民遗留问题的可能性编写报告的想法。阿尔及利亚方面没有提交报告,法国文本由B. Stora于2021年1月编写,并引起广泛反响。本文的目的是在分析本文及其后讨论的材料的基础上,确定法国对与阿尔及利亚和解问题的看法。这篇文章采用了来源的“慢读”方法——文章的主要部分是对B. Stor的报告进行了详细的分析,然后对他引起的讨论进行了回顾。这种方法的结果是,不仅确定了在历史记忆问题(阿尔及利亚和法国之间以及法国社会内部)中广泛讨论的矛盾,而且还确定了法国对这一问题的一些非明显问题的看法。
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引用次数: 0
“Poscolonial Moment” in Foreign Policy Discourse: the Casus of “Global Britain” 外交政策话语中的“后殖民时刻”:“全球化英国”的成因
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-2-116-132
K. Godovanyuk
The article explores interrelation between the postcolonial discourse and modern British foreign policy, designated as a “postcolonial moment” in the strategic thinking of the political establishment. It is noted that the withdrawal from the EU has again attracted public and academic attention to the imperial past, which is sometimes regarded not only as a possible reason for Brexit, but also as a starting point for design of the country’s foreign policy under the new conditions (the idea of “Global Britain”). The post-imperial discourse in the modern British political environment is analyzed within several aspects: how it affects the strategic reasoning of the elite circles, specific trends in dealing with the former colonies, and postcolonialism components in the new foreign strategy (case of “Indo-Pacific tilt”). Proceeding from the paradigm of postcolonial constructivism, the article shows that the issues of imperial heritage still remain an important aspect in British foreign policy identity, but in the context of strategic planning it takes on new meanings. Firstly, the political establishment continues to search for a new international role and appeals to the former colonies as a resource of their foreign policy (whether it is economy, strategy, or image). Secondly, distancing themselves from the rhetoric of the colonial past, they refer to “common history” and identity as the world politics see the formation of a polycentric system. This trend is reflected in the challenge of building new long-term alliances through “patient diplomacy.” The “Global Britain” discourse, due to its direct connotation with the postcolonial past, becomes undesirable for both the ruling political elite and the opposition.
本文探讨了后殖民话语与现代英国外交政策之间的相互关系,在政治机构的战略思维中,这被称为“后殖民时刻”。值得注意的是,脱欧再次引起了公众和学术界对帝国历史的关注,这有时不仅被视为英国脱欧的可能原因,而且被视为在新条件下设计国家外交政策的起点(“全球英国”的想法)。本文从几个方面分析了现代英国政治环境中的后帝国主义话语:它如何影响精英圈的战略推理,处理前殖民地的具体趋势,以及新外交战略中的后殖民主义成分(以“印太倾斜”为例)。本文从后殖民建构主义范式出发,表明帝国遗产问题仍然是英国外交政策认同的一个重要方面,但在战略规划的背景下,它具有新的意义。首先,政治机构继续寻求新的国际角色,并呼吁前殖民地作为其外交政策(无论是经济、战略还是形象)的资源。其次,在世界政治看到多中心体系的形成时,他们将自己与殖民历史的修辞划清界限,提到“共同历史”和身份。这一趋势反映在通过“耐心外交”建立新的长期联盟的挑战上。“全球化的英国”话语,由于其与后殖民历史的直接内涵,变得不受执政的政治精英和反对派的欢迎。
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引用次数: 0
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International Journal of Business Analytics
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