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Space as a Competition Domain: Threats and Opportunities 太空作为竞争领域:威胁与机遇
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-2-95-106
D. Stefanovich, D. Porras
The article deals with the unfolding race for military, technological, and political infl uence in space. Great powers have competed in space since the dawn of the Space Age. Today we are once again faced with the possibility of space warfi ghting, but there are more than two players in the game now and civil infrastructure depends on space more than ever before. Theoretical space war threats are often analysed through an assessment of possible targets. And there are real-life challenges and threats here, including but not limited to rendezvous and proximity operations (RPO), existing destructive anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, non-destructive electronic warfare, and cyber and jamming capabilities. The greatest threat, though, comes from simple misperceptions of actions in space by diff erent actors. Space cannot be separated from dynamics on Earth, but there might be some room for space-specifi c confi dence-building, risk reduction and even arms control measures.
这篇文章讨论了在太空中展开的军事、技术和政治影响力竞赛。从太空时代开始,大国就在太空竞争。今天,我们再次面临着太空战争的可能性,但现在有不止两个玩家在游戏中,民用基础设施比以往任何时候都更依赖于太空。理论上的太空战威胁通常是通过对可能目标的评估来分析的。这里存在着现实生活中的挑战和威胁,包括但不限于交会和接近作战(RPO)、现有的破坏性反卫星(ASAT)能力、非破坏性电子战以及网络和干扰能力。然而,最大的威胁来自不同参与者对太空行动的简单误解。空间不能与地球上的动态分开,但可能有一些空间来建立特定于空间的信任、减少风险甚至采取军备控制措施。
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引用次数: 0
Hybridity as a Central Feature of Contemporary International Conflicts 杂交性是当代国际冲突的中心特征
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-2-12-22
D. Trenin
.
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引用次数: 0
“Inevitable” and “Imminent” Invasions: The Logic Behind Western Media War Stories “不可避免”和“迫在眉睫”的入侵:西方媒体战争故事背后的逻辑
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-2-43-58
G. Simons
In the 21st century, great power geopolitics is back as the Western-centric U.S. unipolar order is facing relative decline due to the challenges posed by the non-Western-centric multipolar order, specifi cally by China and Russia. In political and practical terms, geopolitics is about being able to manage and represent the nature of international relations in terms of actor relations and power dynamics. It concerns the ability of actors to make representations and interpretations of actors, events, and processes taking place in the physical realm. Informational geopolitics as an indirect and non-kinetic form of competition and confl ict has gained increasing prominence in the 21st century, where information and knowledge form the fi fth dimension of strategy. This leads to increasingly unstable international relations as the U.S. seeks to prevent other powers from growing at its expense. Hence, the critical role played by Western mainstream mass media outlets as a means of obstructive foreign policy in preserving the unipolar order through specifi c discursive practices employed in international news. Critical discourse analysis is used to analyse and interpret Western news stories on “inevitable” and “imminent” Chinese and Russian invasions. Informational geopolitics is used as a means of limiting opponent’s operational choices and opportunities in their pursuit of foreign policy objectives.
进入21世纪,由于受到非西方为中心的多极秩序,特别是中国和俄罗斯的挑战,以西方为中心的美国单极秩序面临相对衰落,大国地缘政治卷土重来。在政治和实践方面,地缘政治是关于能够在行动者关系和权力动态方面管理和代表国际关系的本质。它关注参与者对在物理领域中发生的参与者、事件和过程进行表示和解释的能力。信息地缘政治作为一种间接的、非动态的竞争和冲突形式,在21世纪日益突出,信息和知识构成了战略的第五个维度。这导致国际关系日益不稳定,因为美国试图阻止其他大国以牺牲自己为代价而发展。因此,西方主流大众媒体作为一种阻碍外交政策的手段,通过在国际新闻中采用的具体话语实践,在维护单极秩序方面发挥了关键作用。批评话语分析是用来分析和解读西方关于中俄“不可避免”和“迫在眉睫”入侵的新闻报道。信息地缘政治被用作限制对手在追求外交政策目标时的行动选择和机会的手段。
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引用次数: 1
From “Countering” To “Constructing” Russian Threats in Mikheil Saakashvili’s Georgia 在萨卡什维利治下的格鲁吉亚,从“反击”到“构建”俄罗斯的威胁
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-2-59-78
A. Sikharulidze
This paper looks at the securitization process that took place during M. Saakashvili’s time as President of Georgia. It argues that, in order to overshadow political misdeeds and non-democratic state-policy as a whole, M. Saakashvili and his political allies used “constructed” Russian threats to discredit and marginalize opponents. Furthermore, M Saakashvili’s regime tended to restrict freedom of speech, civil liberties and other democratic rights by referring to non-existent constructed threats from the Moscow. Through security dimension, Russia poses a menace to Georgia’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and Western aspirations. But at the time of M. Saakashvili’s presidency it has been turned into a political tool to be used against opponents. This paper off ers a scholarly debate on the issue. Finally, it gives a case-by-case analysis of the most crucial happenings that explain “how” and “why” Russia has been securitized.
本文着眼于萨卡什维利担任格鲁吉亚总统期间发生的证券化过程。它认为,为了掩盖整个政治恶行和不民主的国家政策,萨卡什维利和他的政治盟友利用“编造的”俄罗斯威胁来抹黑和边缘化对手。此外,萨卡什维利政权倾向于限制言论自由、公民自由和其他民主权利,因为他提到了来自莫斯科的不存在的威胁。在安全方面,俄罗斯对格鲁吉亚的领土完整、主权和西方的愿望构成威胁。但在萨卡什维利担任总统期间,它已经变成了一种用来对付对手的政治工具。这篇论文引发了关于这个问题的学术辩论。最后,它对最关键的事件进行了个案分析,解释了俄罗斯“如何”和“为什么”被证券化。
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引用次数: 1
Evolution of National Approaches to Cyber Warfare 国家网络战方法的演变
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-06-27 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-2-79-94
P. A. Karasev
The latest information and communication technologies (ICTs) are increasingly considered by nation-states as a means to project their power and promote national interests. Over the past 20 years the major militarily signifi cant powers have created the doctrinal, logistical and organizational foundations for conducting military activities in the ICT environment and some states have already openly declared the priority of off ensive cyber operations, which increases the risks of crossing “red lines” and inadvertent escalation. The current situation related to the military-political exploitation of the ICT environment predetermines the urgent need for continuous analysis of current trends in this area and the search for approaches to reduce tension, which is the goal of this article. To achieve this goal, the fi rst part of the article considers in detail relevant doctrinal and strategic documents of the United States and other key countries and identifi es certain stages and aspects of evolution of their approaches. Further, the article considers and evaluates factors that infl uence military stability in the ICT environment, taking into account the previously obtained results. It is concluded that the identifi ed factors make the task of developing international frameworks to reduce the escalation in this area uncontested. This task is of particular urgency in the context of general international instability. Analysis of the current international environment in the relevant sphere allows to conclude that international community as a whole and the major players in particular (primarily Russia and the US) are aware of the danger of unintentional escalation in the ICT environment, especially when linked to strategic stability, and are ready to take steps towards developing the framework aimed at regulation and prevention of cyber confl icts. It is very actual now in new political reality but the question mostly is about fi nding the possible format.
最新的信息和通信技术(ict)越来越被民族国家视为投射力量和促进国家利益的手段。在过去的20年里,主要的军事强国已经为在信息通信技术环境下开展军事活动创造了理论、后勤和组织基础,一些国家已经公开宣布将非进攻性网络行动作为优先事项,这增加了越过“红线”和无意升级的风险。与ICT环境的军事政治利用相关的当前形势预先决定了迫切需要对该领域的当前趋势进行持续分析,并寻求减少紧张局势的方法,这也是本文的目标。为了实现这一目标,文章的第一部分详细考虑了美国和其他主要国家的相关理论和战略文件,并确定了他们的方法演变的某些阶段和方面。此外,考虑到先前获得的结果,本文考虑并评估了影响ICT环境下军事稳定的因素。结论是,已查明的因素使制定国际框架以减少该地区局势升级的任务没有争议。在国际普遍不稳定的情况下,这项任务特别紧迫。通过分析当前相关领域的国际环境,我们可以得出这样的结论:整个国际社会,特别是主要参与者(主要是俄罗斯和美国)意识到信息通信技术环境中无意升级的危险,特别是在与战略稳定相关的情况下,并准备采取措施制定旨在监管和预防网络冲突的框架。在新的政治现实中,这是非常现实的,但问题主要是找到可能的形式。
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引用次数: 1
Regional Dimensions of BRICS Cooperation 金砖国家合作的区域层面
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-1-66-82
M. Lagutina
Since the beginning, BRICS has been viewed as an element of global governance system. Recently, however, it became necessary to adapt the BRICS format to the new challenges of the world system, not only at the global, but also at the regional levels, as a result of which not only global cooperation mechanisms, but also regional ones, were involved in the activities of the BRICS. BRICS-initiated regional outreach practices and “BRICS+” format are aimed at expanding partnerships, the socalled “circle of friends” of the BRICS, both within the BRICS subregions and beyond. These partners include as national states, as regional organizations. Both formats are focused on reforming the global fi nancial and economic system and the formation of a polycentric world order based on the principles of pluralism and diversity, involving not only developed but also developing countries of the “Global South” in the global governance system. The purpose of this article is to consider various approaches to the study of the BRICS from the standpoint of the theories of “new” and “comparative” regionalism and to assess the prospects for regional interaction of the BRICS countries at the level of subregional, interregional and transregional ties.
金砖国家从一开始就被视为全球治理体系的一个组成部分。然而,最近,有必要调整金砖国家的形式,以适应世界体系的新挑战,不仅在全球层面,而且在地区层面,因此,不仅全球合作机制,而且地区合作机制都参与了金砖国家的活动。金砖国家倡议的区域外联实践和“金砖+”模式旨在扩大金砖国家在次区域和域外的伙伴关系,即金砖国家的“朋友圈”。这些伙伴包括民族国家和区域组织。这两种模式都着眼于改革全球金融和经济体系,建立基于多元化和多样性原则的多中心世界秩序,不仅包括发达国家,也包括“全球南方”的发展中国家参与全球治理体系。本文的目的是从“新”和“比较”区域主义理论的角度考虑研究金砖国家的各种方法,并在次区域、区域间和跨区域关系的层面上评估金砖国家区域互动的前景。
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引用次数: 2
The United Nations 30 Years After the Cold War: a Theoretical Analysis of Changes in the International Organization 冷战后的联合国:国际组织变革的理论分析
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-1-24-47
A. Kuteynikov
This paper outlines the contours of a conceptual examination of the trends of UN change that have emerged in the post-bipolar era. The author seeks to understand what the results of the changes are and how they manifest themselves. Due to the complexity of the object under study, the duration of the analyzed period and its eventfulness, the paper takes into account only some typical fragments of the general picture, and some judgments and conclusions are expressed in a discussion manner. I analyze the following patterns of change have characterized the main UN bodies: new goals and activities of the bodies themselves and the organization as a whole, more topics under discussion, greater organizational autonomy, higher costs, greater involvement of civil society organizations and experts in agenda setting and various activities, structural reforms, summitization of the General Assembly and Security Council, the creation of high-level segments of ECOSOC, and strengthening of the coordinating role of the Committee of Senior Management. In methodological terms, the article is based on a multilevel model of an international organization developed in the framework of the sociological approach.
本文概述了对后两极时代出现的联合国变革趋势进行概念性审查的轮廓。作者试图了解这些变化的结果是什么以及它们是如何表现出来的。由于研究对象的复杂性、分析时间的长短及其多事性,本文只考虑了一些典型的片段,并以讨论的方式表达了一些判断和结论。我分析了下列联合国主要机构的变化模式:机构本身和整个组织的新目标和活动,更多的议题正在讨论,更大的组织自主权,更高的成本,民间社会组织和专家更多地参与议程制定和各种活动,结构改革,大会和安全理事会首脑会议,创建经社理事会高级别部门,加强高级管理委员会的协调作用。在方法论方面,本文基于在社会学方法框架内发展起来的一个国际组织的多层次模型。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of NGOs in International Relations and Public Diplomacy 非政府组织在国际关系和公共外交中的作用
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-1-110-123
N. V. Burlinova
The paper examines Russia’s and the EU’s approaches to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as instruments of public diplomacy (PD). As the EU and Russia increasingly instrumentalize NGOs in their foreign policy, which seems to erode trust in their already burdened relations, the topic presents an opportunity to compare the mechanisms of government–NGO interaction in Russia and EU. The specifi c forms, roots, and aims of this phenomenon have often been overlooked in academic research. To these ends, the author looks into diff erent views and practices of Brussels and Moscow in terms of supporting and fi nancing NGOs in the sphere of public diplomacy. The study demonstrates that the EU’s approach is characterized by signifi cant funding of NGOs abroad as part of governmental public diplomacy eff orts. On the other hand, the Russian approach is mostly characterized by funding of national NGOs, which then implement public diplomacy projects aligned with government policies abroad.
本文考察了俄罗斯和欧盟将非政府组织(ngo)作为公共外交工具的做法。随着欧盟和俄罗斯在外交政策中越来越多地将非政府组织作为工具,这似乎削弱了他们对本已负担沉重的关系的信任,本主题提供了一个比较俄罗斯和欧盟政府-非政府组织互动机制的机会。这一现象的具体形式、根源和目的在学术研究中往往被忽视。为此,作者分析了布鲁塞尔和莫斯科在公共外交领域支持和资助非政府组织方面的不同观点和做法。研究表明,欧盟的做法的特点是大量资助境外非政府组织,作为政府公共外交努力的一部分。另一方面,俄罗斯的做法主要是通过资助本国的非政府组织,然后由它们执行与政府海外政策一致的公共外交项目。
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引用次数: 0
Conference of the States Parties to the United Nations Convention against Corruption: Opportunities for International Cooperation and Results of Activities 《联合国反腐败公约》缔约国会议:国际合作的机会和活动的结果
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-1-83-93
E. Kovtun
The format of international cooperation of the Conference of the Countries Participating in the UN Convention against Corruption, on the one hand, continues the traditions of international intergovernmental organizations, and on the other hand, represents a new format of interaction between states in the fi eld of anti-corruption activities, which has distinctive features. The Conference has a pivotal role in international cooperation on the prevention and combating of corruption due to the wide area of activities and the number of participants. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the features of the functioning of the Conference of the Countries Participating in the UN Convention against Corruption and the results of its activities since 2006. Using the analysis of documents and scientifi c publications, the author concludes that despite the importance of the Conference as a platform for multilateral dialogue, the countries participating in the United Nations Convention against Corruption failed to achieve signifi cant progress in the declared areas of activity. The author highlights the main diffi culties faced by states in implementing anti-corruption measures based on the norms of international law.
《联合国反腐败公约》缔约国会议这一国际合作形式,一方面延续了政府间国际组织的传统,另一方面代表了各国在反腐败领域开展互动的新形式,具有鲜明的特色。会议在预防和打击腐败的国际合作方面发挥着关键作用,因为活动范围广泛,与会者众多。本文的目的是分析2006年以来《联合国反腐败公约》参加国会议的运作特点及其活动成果。通过对文件和科学出版物的分析,作者得出结论,尽管会议作为多边对话的平台具有重要意义,但参加《联合国反腐败公约》的国家未能在宣布的活动领域取得重大进展。作者强调了各国在实施基于国际法准则的反腐败措施时面临的主要困难。
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引用次数: 0
International Organizations are Here to Stay 国际组织将继续存在
IF 1.1 Q4 BUSINESS Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-1-12-23
J. Klabbers
Jan Klabbers is a Dutch Professor at the University of Helsinki. He is a Member of the Finnish Academy of Sciences and Letters, a member of the editorial board of the European Journal of International Law. Klabbers is the author of The Concept of Treaty in International Law (1996), An Introduction to International Institutional Law (2002, 3rd edition 2015), co-editor of Towards Responsible Global Governance (2018). Professor Klabbers has also published around 200 book chapters and articles (in the European Journal of International Law, International Organizations Law Review etc.) He is famous for delivering lectures during visiting positions at NYU Law School (2009-10), the Graduate Institute for International and Development Studies (2008, 2013, 2015), and the University of Paris-II and Paris-I (2011, 2017).
Jan Klabbers是赫尔辛基大学的荷兰教授。他是芬兰科学与文学院的成员,也是《欧洲国际法杂志》的编委会成员。克拉伯斯著有《国际法中的条约概念》(1996年)、《国际机构法概论》(2002年,2015年第3版)、《走向负责任的全球治理》(2018年)等著作。他在纽约大学法学院(2009-10年)、国际与发展研究所(2008年、2013年、2015年)、巴黎第二大学和巴黎第一大学(2011年、2017年)担任访问学者期间发表了约200篇书籍章节和文章。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
International Journal of Business Analytics
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