The works of Polanyi and Gramsci, taken together, help us to disentangle the multiple understands of and politics around social protection. Despite Gramsci’s convincing analysis of hegemony as the organization of class struggle within limits of capitalism, he does not have a theory of counterhegemony. Polanyi, meanwhile, does not focus attention on the power of capitalist hegemony, yet his displacement of experience from production to exchange creates the grounds for a potential counterhegemony. The article analyzes how, despite apparent efforts to de-commodify labor and social protections, precarity has become more deeply engrained among the laboring poor. While precarity is not necessarily new to populations across the South, the way in which commodification has become hegemonic is, and the objective of the article is to better understand the role of social protection in shaping workers’ experiences, and consider potential strategic directions to advance universal social protection.
Collective bargaining agreements are the internationally recognised tool used to create a peaceful platform for employers and employees to come to the negotiation table and address their concerns peacefully. However, the Ghanaian labour setting is charaterised by constant agitations between employers and their employees, hence the concern of the study. The research methodology used in this article is qualitative, using specific research tools such as the descriptive method, dialectical materialism, analytical, and synthesis method. The findings of the article reveal that the Ghanaian labour laws contained in the Labour Act 2003 (Act 651) on collective bargaining agreements are defective mostly in its formulation, execution, and application. Among other defects, the Labour Act 2003 is too vague with no clear timelines. In this regard, the study recommends effective solutions on how to deal with these defective laws so as to ensure a cordial relationship between these two labour parties in Ghana.
The popular and scholarly imagination considers Americans—especially those from the US South—to be averse to working-class politics. The South, in particular, is regarded as having especially low levels of class consciousness, hopelessly mired in racist or racialized ideologies which effectively eliminate the possibility of working-class solidarity. This article problematizes these conclusions by presenting the results of a series of studies conducted in New Orleans, Louisiana. Interviews with activists and community leaders, as well as two representative surveys of the city find that New Orleanians are remarkably class conscious, and almost universally regard the workplace as the central social system for determining their overall well-being. These findings are contextualized in Louisiana’s oft-ignored labor history, and contrasted with the currently en vogue “white working class” literature.
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