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Cross-Movement Strike Actions: Works Council and Communist Groups at the Bremer Vulkan Shipyard in the 1970s 跨运动罢工行动:20世纪70年代布雷默·沃尔坎造船厂的工人委员会和共产主义团体
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10116
J. Wolf
Beginning in the early 1970s, various communist groups decided to become active at the Bremer Vulkan shipyard. The article shows that they did not immediately go for confrontation to older trade union structures but were willing to change the movement from within. With the support of a wildcat strike at the shipyard in 1973, the New Left raised the question of alternatives. As a result, the Social Democratic works council chairman resigned because of a lack of support from his colleagues, and in 1974 some communists were elected to the works council. I argue that there was no division into old and new but rather a diverse field of actors: a disparate group of workers with different occupational status, and political approaches; works councils and shop stewards with close ties to Bremen’s Social Democracy; and various communist groups that pursued very different policies and goals, sometimes joined forces, but basically fought each other—especially in conflicts—rather than taking joint action.
从20世纪70年代早期开始,各种共产主义团体决定在布雷默武尔坎造船厂活跃起来。这篇文章表明,他们并没有立即与旧的工会结构对抗,而是愿意从内部改变运动。在1973年造船厂自发罢工的支持下,新左派提出了替代方案的问题。结果,社民党劳动委员会主席因缺乏同事的支持而辞职。1974年,一些共产党人当选为劳动委员会成员。我认为没有新老之分,而是一个不同领域的行动者:一群有着不同职业地位和政治方法的不同工人;与不来梅社会民主党关系密切的工人委员会和工厂管理人员;不同的共产主义团体奉行截然不同的政策和目标,有时会联合起来,但基本上是相互争斗——尤其是在冲突中——而不是采取联合行动。
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引用次数: 0
Comparing the Two “Cold Wars” Through Gramsci, Althusser and Mao 从葛兰西、阿尔都塞和毛看两次“冷战”
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10115
Jude Kadri
There are three overlapping objectives in the article. The first objective is to present three different Marxist perspectives, while focusing on the interpretation of the base/superstructure dialectic which is the key to the understanding of Marxian political economy. The second objective is to make sense of the first and second “Cold Wars” based on the different interpretations of the base/superstructure dialectic. The last objective is to reassert the materialist essence of the base/superstructure dialectic by evoking Marx and his concepts of “Labor” and “Capital”. The three different perspectives are analyzed based on this reassertion. Through these three objectives, two deductions were made: the first deduction is that scientific Marxism requires the acknowledgement of the overdetermination of the economic base (its dominance in the last instance) in the analysis of abstractions, empirical and historical data. The “totality of the relations of production” within the economic base appears abstract in nature, but it represents the ontological category of “Labor” that defines human history since its beginning. It has a transhistorical essence. Human beings work together to produce their basic needs, according to historically specific (abstract) relations of production. The superstructure determines the specificity of the relations of production; it defines the “historical” side of the relations of production in the economic base. In the era of capitalism, “Capital” (the private appropriation of social wealth) is the dominant relation that comes to dictate the “totality of the relations of the production” within the economic base, through the superstructure. Total capital is then the real “subject” of history, and all abstractions gain purpose and practicality based on the class struggle between Labor and Capital. The second deduction relates to real history explained on the basis of the first deduction. Looking at the historical development of the class struggle against monopoly-finance capital (the centralized and concentrated capital) in the 20th century, the First Cold War never truly ended even though the global socialist ideology became weak and the ideological struggle against the imperialist superstructure watered down.
这篇文章有三个重叠的目标。第一个目标是提出三种不同的马克思主义观点,同时重点解释基础/上层建筑辩证法,这是理解马克思政治经济学的关键。第二个目标是基于对基础/上层建筑辩证法的不同解释来理解第一次和第二次“冷战”。最后一个目标是通过唤起马克思及其“劳动”和“资本”的概念来重申基础/上层建筑辩证法的唯物主义本质。在此重申的基础上分析了这三种不同的观点。通过这三个目标,我们得出了两个推论:第一个推论是,科学的马克思主义需要承认在分析抽象、经验和历史数据时对经济基础的过度确定(在最后一种情况下是其主导地位)。经济基础内的“生产关系的整体性”在本质上是抽象的,但它代表了“劳动”的本体论范畴,从一开始就定义了人类历史。它具有跨历史的本质。根据历史上特定的(抽象的)生产关系,人类共同努力生产他们的基本需求。上层建筑决定了生产关系的特殊性;它定义了经济基础中生产关系的“历史”方面。在资本主义时代,“资本”(社会财富的私人占有)是通过上层建筑在经济基础内支配“生产关系的整体”的主导关系。总资本是历史的真正“主体”,所有抽象概念都是基于劳动和资本之间的阶级斗争而获得的目的性和实用性。第二个推论涉及在第一个推论的基础上解释的真实历史。纵观20世纪反对垄断金融资本(集中和集中的资本)的阶级斗争的历史发展,即使全球社会主义意识形态变得软弱,反对帝国主义上层建筑的意识形态斗争淡化,第一次冷战也从未真正结束。
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引用次数: 0
From Union Networks to Lula Livre: an Analysis of US – Brazil Trade Union Solidarity Movements in the 21st Century 从工会网络到卢拉·利夫雷:21世纪美巴工会团结运动分析
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10112
J. Silverman, Stanley Gacek
The Brazilian and US labor movements are currently confronting common challenges related to changes in the overall structure and profile of the working class, the elimination of traditional sources of financing, and the weakening of allied political forces in the electoral arena. Considering these joint trajectories, the authors will examine recent efforts by US-based and Brazilian labor movement actors to create spaces for strategic collaborations, two-way learning, and mutual solidarity, to support common political goals and efforts towards union renovation. The article analyzes three contemporary cases of US-Brazil union solidarity networks, in order to better understand how transnational union activism influences national-level outcomes. The authors posit that the success of these forms of activism is dependent on objective limits created by external economic and political conditions, yet in some circumstances non-transactional solidarity is capable of producing unexpected positive outcomes for workers and their union organizations.
巴西和美国的劳工运动目前正面临着共同的挑战,这些挑战涉及到工人阶级的整体结构和形象的变化,传统资金来源的消除,以及选举舞台上联合政治力量的削弱。考虑到这些共同的轨迹,作者将研究美国和巴西劳工运动参与者最近为战略合作、双向学习和相互团结创造空间的努力,以支持共同的政治目标和工会革新的努力。本文分析了当代美国-巴西工会团结网络的三个案例,以便更好地理解跨国工会行动主义如何影响国家层面的结果。作者认为,这些形式的行动主义的成功取决于外部经济和政治条件所造成的客观限制,然而在某些情况下,非交易性团结能够为工人及其工会组织产生意想不到的积极结果。
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引用次数: 0
The Principal Contradictions in the History of Capitalism 资本主义历史上的主要矛盾
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10108
Torkil Lauesen
This article aims to analyze the development of capitalism over a period of 500 years by the use of Mao’s concept: “The principal contradiction.” It is not an article about philosophy; the principal contradiction is presented as a working tool for analyzing and development of strategy. The article distills history into epochs characterized by changing principal contradictions. The correct identification of the principal contradiction and its interaction with secondary contradictions is the starting point of the development of a strategy, which can influence the aspect of the contradiction, in the desired direction. Finally is the relation between the contradiction in the capitalist mode of production and its expression in the changing principal contradictions discussed.
本文旨在运用毛的“主要矛盾”这一概念来分析500年来资本主义的发展。这不是一篇关于哲学的文章;主要矛盾是作为分析和制定战略的工作工具提出的。这篇文章把历史提炼成以主要矛盾的变化为特征的时代。正确认识主要矛盾及其与次要矛盾的相互作用,是制定战略的出发点,它可以影响矛盾的方面,使之朝着预期的方向发展。最后,论述了资本主义生产方式的矛盾和它在变化的主要矛盾中的表现之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
it Freelancers as Knowledge Workers: Shifts in Working Conditions and Work Autonomy in Crowd Work 自由职业者作为知识工作者:工作条件的变化和群体工作中的工作自主权
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10113
L. Nierling, Bettina-Johanna Krings, Leon Küstermann
New forms of work via online platforms—here referred to as crowd work—have caused big shifts in the organization of work. This article addresses the question as to how the institutional and organizational conditions in crowd work have had an impact on it freelancers working at a platform in Germany. The article starts with a literature review on the settings of it freelancers in the 1990s—forming a spirit of optimism towards the it sector—which is followed by a review of current developments in crowd work with regard to worker’s autonomy and organizational control. We complement these findings with a qualitative interview case study from the year 2020 about the platform Upwork. Our aim is to analyze how previous expectations from the 1990s are related to societal and organizational processes of today. Based on our results we argue that for it freelancers closing processes, both on societal and organizational levels, prevail in the context of crowd work.
通过网络平台的新工作形式——这里被称为众工——已经导致了工作组织的巨大变化。这篇文章探讨了群体工作中的制度和组织条件如何影响在德国一个平台上工作的it自由职业者。文章首先回顾了20世纪90年代it自由职业者的环境,形成了对it行业的乐观精神,然后回顾了当前在员工自治和组织控制方面的群体工作的发展。我们通过对2020年Upwork平台的定性访谈案例研究来补充这些发现。我们的目的是分析20世纪90年代以前的期望如何与今天的社会和组织过程相关。根据我们的研究结果,我们认为自由职业者在社会和组织层面上的封闭过程在群体工作的背景下普遍存在。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-03-07 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-26010000
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引用次数: 0
Imperialism and Resistance in the Middle East: A Theoretical Catharsis in the Making? 帝国主义与中东抵抗:正在形成的一个理论预言?
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10111
Nima Nakhaei
In One Hundred Years of Solitude, Gabriel Garcia Marquez writes, “the world was so recent that many things lacked names, and in order to indicate them it was necessary to point” (Garcia Marquez, 2014: p. 1). From the perspective of the Middle East, we are precisely at such conjuncture, ‘when the world is so recent.’ That is the least because we witness a unique articulation of three structural crises. First, the structural crisis of neoliberal imperialism has crystallized in a ‘world disorder’ characterized by financial and economic crises (Duménil and Lévy, 2013), intensification of intra-imperialist rivalries and the rise of new global powers, revolutionary openings and counter-revolutionary setbacks (Alnasseri, 2009). Second, the post-Cold War order in the Middle East, characterized by the unparalleled deepening of the United States’ strategic depth in the region, is in disarray. As Jacob Mundy puts it in his contribution to this issue, “the North Atlantic’s intellectual classes now appear to have reached a near-universal consensus that the United States’ preeminent global position is coming to an end. There is equally as much conviction among both supporters of American hegemony and its critics that US policies towards the Middle East since 2001 have played an important role in laying the groundwork for this profound shift in geopolitics” (Mundy, 2023). This is in part reflected in the unsettled nature of the Arab revolutions and counter-revolutions, the relative weakening of the United States’ geo-strategic depth in the Middle East and the increasing influence of new global and regional powers. Last but not the least, ‘domestic’ crises of hegemony have unfolded in various social formations in the Middle East. The ongoing national uprising in Iran since September 2022, the crisis of the ‘occupation regime’ in Iraq since Journal of Labor and Society 26 (2023) 1–13
加布里埃尔·加西亚·马尔克斯(Gabriel Garcia Marquez)在《百年孤独》(One Years of Solitude)一书中写道,“这个世界太近了,很多东西都没有名字,为了表明它们,有必要指出”(Garcia Marque z,2014:第1页)。从中东的角度来看,我们正处于这样一个时刻,“当世界如此之近。”这至少是因为我们目睹了三种结构性危机的独特表述。首先,新自由主义帝国主义的结构性危机表现为“世界混乱”,其特征是金融和经济危机(Duménil和Lévy,2013)、帝国主义内部竞争加剧和新的全球大国崛起、革命开放和反革命挫折(Alnasseri,2009)。第二,冷战后的中东秩序正处于混乱之中,其特点是美国在该地区的战略深度空前加深。正如Jacob Mundy在他对这个问题的贡献中所说,“北大西洋的知识分子阶层现在似乎已经达成了一个几乎普遍的共识,即美国卓越的全球地位即将结束。美国霸权的支持者和批评者同样坚信,自2001年以来,美国对中东的政策在为这场深刻的战争奠定基础方面发挥了重要作用《地缘政治学》(Mundy,2023)。这在一定程度上反映在阿拉伯革命和反革命的不稳定性质、美国在中东的地缘战略深度相对削弱以及新的全球和地区大国的影响力不断增加。最后但并非最不重要的是,“国内”霸权危机已经在中东的各种社会形态中展开。自2022年9月以来伊朗持续的民族起义,自《劳工与社会杂志》26(2023)1–13以来伊拉克“占领政权”的危机
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引用次数: 0
“The Sun is Shining in Salameh”: An American Communist Observes the Nakba 《萨拉梅的阳光灿烂》:一位美国共产主义者观察灾难日
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10110
Gabriel Polley
This paper investigates the writing of A.B. Magil, a journalist for the Communist Party of the USA. In Palestine in 1948, he witnessed the birth of the State of Israel and, correspondingly, the creation of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Magil had unfettered access to Jewish military commanders who later joined Israel’s political elite, but also to Palestinian prisoners of war and Communist politicians. He reported from recently ethnically cleansed towns and villages without seeming to recognise the enormity of what had taken place. A close study of Magil’s coverage throw into relief subsequent shifts in the Western left’s understandings of imperialism, (settler-)colonialism and resistance. After returning to the US, he continued his commentary on the Middle East, his later writings revealing how leftist sympathies for Israel were tested throughout the 1950s, including by the Suez Crisis, though without a re-evaluation of the circumstances of Israel’s creation.
本文调查了美国共产党记者A.B.马吉尔的写作。1948年,他在巴勒斯坦见证了以色列国的诞生,也见证了巴勒斯坦难民危机的产生。马吉尔可以自由接触后来加入以色列政治精英的犹太军事指挥官,也可以接触巴勒斯坦战俘和共产主义政客。他报道了最近种族清洗的城镇和村庄,似乎没有意识到所发生的事情的严重性。对马吉尔报道的仔细研究使西方左派对帝国主义、(定居者)殖民主义和抵抗的理解发生了随后的转变。回到美国后,他继续对中东进行评论,他后来的著作揭示了左派对以色列的同情在整个20世纪50年代是如何受到考验的,包括苏伊士危机,尽管没有重新评估以色列建国的情况。
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引用次数: 1
A Theoretical War: Accounting for American Imperialism in the Middle East 一场理论战争:美国在中东的帝国主义
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10106
Jacob Mundy
This review surveys two decades of academic research on the question of contemporary imperialism and holds it up against the historical record of America’s increasingly violent entanglements in the Middle East over the course of the previous half century, though particularly since 2001. While early contributions to this literature emerged from a different context than the one they often sought or were expected to explain, others attributed a simplistic and problematic understanding of the relationship between US foreign policy and the political-economy of petroleum. Later contributions then eschewed a close analysis of imperialism in the Middle East in favor of a broader accounting of the dynamics of global capitalism. This review ultimately critiques the widespread assumption that the vitality of hegemony and capital must be assessed in relation to their ability to secure control and homogenous conditions of reproduction. A more robust understanding must be based in an approach that views the economic and the political not as fundamental units of analysis but as sites of struggle in the historical and contemporary constitution of imperialism.
这篇综述调查了20年来关于当代帝国主义问题的学术研究,并将其与美国在过去半个世纪(尤其是2001年以来)在中东日益暴力纠缠的历史记录相对照。虽然对这篇文献的早期贡献与他们经常寻求或期望解释的背景不同,但其他人则认为对美国外交政策与石油政治经济之间关系的理解过于简单和有问题。后来的贡献避开了对中东帝国主义的仔细分析,而倾向于对全球资本主义的动态进行更广泛的解释。这篇综述最终批评了一种普遍的假设,即霸权和资本的活力必须根据其确保控制和同质再生产条件的能力来评估。更有力的理解必须建立在一种方法的基础上,这种方法将经济和政治视为帝国主义历史和当代宪法中的斗争场所,而不是分析的基本单位。
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引用次数: 1
Berry, Joe and Helena Worthen. Power Despite Precarity: Strategies for the Contingent Faculty Movement in Higher Education 贝瑞,乔和海伦娜·沃森。不稳定的权力:高等教育中偶然性教师运动的策略
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10077
Robert Ovetz
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Labor and Society
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