Pub Date : 2023-01-03DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10096
Gerard Di Trolio
{"title":"Joe Burns, 2022. Class Struggle Unionism","authors":"Gerard Di Trolio","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10096","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42635807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-03DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10098
Nate Holdren
{"title":"Levenson, Zachary. Delivery as Dispossession: Land Occupation and Eviction in the Postapartheid City","authors":"Nate Holdren","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10098","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47798877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10094
John P. Tuman, Hafthor Erlingsson
Due to its size and importance, the Mexican automobile industry was an important topic in negotiations for the usmca agreement. A particularly contentious issue was the allegation that foreign direct investment (fdi) in Mexican parts plants has been facilitated by autocratic unions affiliated with the Confederation of Mexican Workers (ctm). Although this issue has been widely noted, there has been little systematic research on the topic. In this paper, we seek to fill this gap in the literature. Using panel data, we examine the determinants of fdi in the automotive parts sector in Mexico’s 31 states and Mexico City (formerly df) from 2004 to 2018. The study makes four contributions to the literature. First, we demonstrate empirically that fdi in the sector concentrated in Mexican states with a higher lagged unionization rate. Second, controlling for the type of union organization, the study shows that fdi was positively associated with states where the ctm was already well-established in the automobile industry. Alternatively, fdi was negatively associated with states where independent and democratic unions had previously organized. Third, we clarify the conditions under which firms prefer pre-emptive unionization with the ctm to the alternative of union avoidance. Finally, the study points to the importance of education and transportation infrastructure in fdi decisions.
{"title":"Autocratic Union Organization and Foreign Direct Investment in the Mexican Automotive Parts Sector, 2004–2018","authors":"John P. Tuman, Hafthor Erlingsson","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10094","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Due to its size and importance, the Mexican automobile industry was an important topic in negotiations for the usmca agreement. A particularly contentious issue was the allegation that foreign direct investment (fdi) in Mexican parts plants has been facilitated by autocratic unions affiliated with the Confederation of Mexican Workers (ctm). Although this issue has been widely noted, there has been little systematic research on the topic. In this paper, we seek to fill this gap in the literature. Using panel data, we examine the determinants of fdi in the automotive parts sector in Mexico’s 31 states and Mexico City (formerly df) from 2004 to 2018. The study makes four contributions to the literature. First, we demonstrate empirically that fdi in the sector concentrated in Mexican states with a higher lagged unionization rate. Second, controlling for the type of union organization, the study shows that fdi was positively associated with states where the ctm was already well-established in the automobile industry. Alternatively, fdi was negatively associated with states where independent and democratic unions had previously organized. Third, we clarify the conditions under which firms prefer pre-emptive unionization with the ctm to the alternative of union avoidance. Finally, the study points to the importance of education and transportation infrastructure in fdi decisions.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46703195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10089
Charlotte Fechter
This paper is concerned with the question, how individuals behave during periods of institutional re-designs in welfare states. To understand behaviour after an institutional path modification, this article collects evidence on employment characteristics after the German reunification. East German women show to experience care activities for the first time later compared to West German women. Younger cohorts stay in care activities for a shorter period of time. Developments imply, that preferences have changed for women from both regions, proposing new forms of female employment standardisation in today’s Germany. At the same time, divergences from male employment characteristics are evident, implying rising gender inequality. Individual behaviour seems to be adaptive to new social processes proposed by institutions despite of former cultural beliefs.
{"title":"Path Modification and Adjustments in Individual Behaviour? Evidence from Female Employment after the German Reunification","authors":"Charlotte Fechter","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10089","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper is concerned with the question, how individuals behave during periods of institutional re-designs in welfare states. To understand behaviour after an institutional path modification, this article collects evidence on employment characteristics after the German reunification. East German women show to experience care activities for the first time later compared to West German women. Younger cohorts stay in care activities for a shorter period of time. Developments imply, that preferences have changed for women from both regions, proposing new forms of female employment standardisation in today’s Germany. At the same time, divergences from male employment characteristics are evident, implying rising gender inequality. Individual behaviour seems to be adaptive to new social processes proposed by institutions despite of former cultural beliefs.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47168841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-23DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10028
P. Rouxel
Since the beginning of the 2000s, a significant literature has developed around the study of the “revitalisation” of trade unionism. These contributions often take up typologies that oppose the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ and thus tend to harden the contours of what would constitute a ‘trade union renewal’. From this perspective, this article re-examines the nature and limits of this process, in the light of the Argentine case. It is based on a field survey of two comisiones internas that are emblematic of the ‘bottom-up revitalisation’ of Argentinean trade unionism since the 2000s. The localized and in-depth study of these two collectives makes it possible to document the concrete conditions of trade union work, by relating them to the socialization trajectories of the delegates and the social contexts in which they evolve. In this way, the article shows the constraints that lead delegates to internalise a ‘sense of limits’ in their work of politicising trade union action, thus highlighting the articulations between militant practices and service practices that characterise their modes of action.
{"title":"Mobilising, Politicising and Serving: The Ambivalence of the ‘Revitalisation’ of Argentine Trade Unionism","authors":"P. Rouxel","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10028","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Since the beginning of the 2000s, a significant literature has developed around the study of the “revitalisation” of trade unionism. These contributions often take up typologies that oppose the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ and thus tend to harden the contours of what would constitute a ‘trade union renewal’. From this perspective, this article re-examines the nature and limits of this process, in the light of the Argentine case. It is based on a field survey of two comisiones internas that are emblematic of the ‘bottom-up revitalisation’ of Argentinean trade unionism since the 2000s. The localized and in-depth study of these two collectives makes it possible to document the concrete conditions of trade union work, by relating them to the socialization trajectories of the delegates and the social contexts in which they evolve. In this way, the article shows the constraints that lead delegates to internalise a ‘sense of limits’ in their work of politicising trade union action, thus highlighting the articulations between militant practices and service practices that characterise their modes of action.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41631686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10087
Larry W. Isaac, Jonathan S. Coley, H. Ingersoll
During the labor movement’s formative years, Upton Sinclair was among the most vehement critics of the press for, as he claimed, a wide variety of “capitalist corruptions.” The authors examine one of Sinclair’s central charges in his The Brass Check, the first major book-length criticism of the U.S. corporate press: When strikers are violent, they get reported on the wire services; when they are not violent, they are ignored by the wires and thus the papers. This press selection process serves to create in public consciousness a strong association between strikes and violence. Focusing on coverage by the New York Sun and New York Times for fourteen major strikes spanning the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, evidence suggests that Sinclair’s claim was, with some qualification, generally correct. The authors discuss implications of negative press as “soft repression” during the formative years of the labor movement and prior to journalism’s major moves at professionalization.
{"title":"Early Labor Movement Strike Violence, the Press, and the Upton Sinclair Hypothesis","authors":"Larry W. Isaac, Jonathan S. Coley, H. Ingersoll","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10087","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 During the labor movement’s formative years, Upton Sinclair was among the most vehement critics of the press for, as he claimed, a wide variety of “capitalist corruptions.” The authors examine one of Sinclair’s central charges in his The Brass Check, the first major book-length criticism of the U.S. corporate press: When strikers are violent, they get reported on the wire services; when they are not violent, they are ignored by the wires and thus the papers. This press selection process serves to create in public consciousness a strong association between strikes and violence. Focusing on coverage by the New York Sun and New York Times for fourteen major strikes spanning the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, evidence suggests that Sinclair’s claim was, with some qualification, generally correct. The authors discuss implications of negative press as “soft repression” during the formative years of the labor movement and prior to journalism’s major moves at professionalization.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48609569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10083
Ana Cárdenas Tomažič
Since the 1970s, labor markets have been neoliberalized worldwide. In this context, labor market intermediation has been increasingly privatized and the temporary staffing industry (tsi) has undertaken a process of internationalization and diversification. This article seeks to discuss how and to what extent leading staffing firms have become powerful global labor market actors while diversifying their staffing services internationally. Building on the literature on the internationalization/globalization of the tsi in the 2000s, the article outlines a theoretical perspective for understanding current leading staffing firms as global labor market intermediaries (glmi) and discusses the key empirical results of two case studies conducted during 2020 on the international diversification of the two main glmi s: Randstad and the Adecco Group. The article suggests that glmi s have developed this strategy to expand and, consequently, secure their “classification power” in order to increase labor market flexibilization and the consequent informalization and precarization of work.
{"title":"Global Labor Market Intermediaries: The Power of Leading Staffing Firms","authors":"Ana Cárdenas Tomažič","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10083","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Since the 1970s, labor markets have been neoliberalized worldwide. In this context, labor market intermediation has been increasingly privatized and the temporary staffing industry (tsi) has undertaken a process of internationalization and diversification. This article seeks to discuss how and to what extent leading staffing firms have become powerful global labor market actors while diversifying their staffing services internationally. Building on the literature on the internationalization/globalization of the tsi in the 2000s, the article outlines a theoretical perspective for understanding current leading staffing firms as global labor market intermediaries (glmi) and discusses the key empirical results of two case studies conducted during 2020 on the international diversification of the two main glmi s: Randstad and the Adecco Group. The article suggests that glmi s have developed this strategy to expand and, consequently, secure their “classification power” in order to increase labor market flexibilization and the consequent informalization and precarization of work.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42117446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10091
Danish Khan
The role of the internal political economic factors of the peripheral countries tends to remain largely muted in the analysis of imperialism. To redress this the paper put forwards an articulated conceptualization of imperialism in the context of the postcolonial state of Pakistan by underscoring the significance of domestic political economic factors in mediating and regulating an imperialist political settlement. Imperialist political settlement is mediated by a combination of two interrelated processes—strategic fix and dependency fix. ‘Strategic fix’ is about addressing actual or perceived political, economic and militaristic challenges --- encapsulating both territorial and capitalist logics of power --- to core countries of the capitalist world system. Whereas, the ‘dependency fix’ is about preventing a radical progressive restructuring in dominated countries (e.g., Pakistan) to ensure a favorable socio-economic order for the domestic elites. One of the key implications of envisioning imperialist domination as a dialectic of strategic and dependency fixes is that it makes visible the shared interests of Pakistani ruling elites and the imperialist forces of blocking progressive and emancipatory political and socio-economic transformation in Pakistan. Therefore, the paper argues that an effective counter-hegemonic project against imperialism needs to incorporate strategies of progressive radical transformation of a dominated country.
{"title":"Articulated Imperialism in Pakistan: a Dialectic of ‘Strategic’ and ‘Dependency’ Fixes","authors":"Danish Khan","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10091","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The role of the internal political economic factors of the peripheral countries tends to remain largely muted in the analysis of imperialism. To redress this the paper put forwards an articulated conceptualization of imperialism in the context of the postcolonial state of Pakistan by underscoring the significance of domestic political economic factors in mediating and regulating an imperialist political settlement. Imperialist political settlement is mediated by a combination of two interrelated processes—strategic fix and dependency fix. ‘Strategic fix’ is about addressing actual or perceived political, economic and militaristic challenges --- encapsulating both territorial and capitalist logics of power --- to core countries of the capitalist world system. Whereas, the ‘dependency fix’ is about preventing a radical progressive restructuring in dominated countries (e.g., Pakistan) to ensure a favorable socio-economic order for the domestic elites. One of the key implications of envisioning imperialist domination as a dialectic of strategic and dependency fixes is that it makes visible the shared interests of Pakistani ruling elites and the imperialist forces of blocking progressive and emancipatory political and socio-economic transformation in Pakistan. Therefore, the paper argues that an effective counter-hegemonic project against imperialism needs to incorporate strategies of progressive radical transformation of a dominated country.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47227221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-26DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10090
Isabel Roque
{"title":"Altenried, Moritz. The Digital Factory: The Human Labor of Automation","authors":"Isabel Roque","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10090","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47342071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-26DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10081
Jonah Butovsky, L. Savage
Given the documented advantages of unionization, why don’t more workers support, let alone join, unions? This article presents findings from the Poverty and Employment Precarity in Niagara (PEPiN) study as they relate to precarious work and the union advantage. While precariously-employed workers in Canada’s Niagara Region enjoyed a demonstrable union advantage and were much more likely than other categories of workers to indicate support for unionization, a clear majority of precarious workers still expressed opposition to unionization. The article considers some of possible reasons for these seemingly paradoxical findings through a case study of recent workplace struggles in Niagara.
{"title":"Precarious Work and the Union Advantage: Paradoxical Findings from Niagara","authors":"Jonah Butovsky, L. Savage","doi":"10.1163/24714607-bja10081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10081","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Given the documented advantages of unionization, why don’t more workers support, let alone join, unions? This article presents findings from the Poverty and Employment Precarity in Niagara (PEPiN) study as they relate to precarious work and the union advantage. While precariously-employed workers in Canada’s Niagara Region enjoyed a demonstrable union advantage and were much more likely than other categories of workers to indicate support for unionization, a clear majority of precarious workers still expressed opposition to unionization. The article considers some of possible reasons for these seemingly paradoxical findings through a case study of recent workplace struggles in Niagara.","PeriodicalId":42634,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Labor and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42631718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：