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Wage Theft and Work Safety: Immigrant Day Labor Jobs and the Potential for Worker Rights Training at Worker Centers 工资盗窃和工作安全:移民日工工作和工人中心工人权利培训的潜力
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-12-15 DOI: 10.21203/rs.3.rs-1173751/v1
Kara Takasaki, M. Kammer-Kerwick, Mayra Yundt-Pacheco, Melissa I. M. Torres
Immigrant day laborers routinely experience exploitative behaviors as part of their employment. These experiences are understood in the context of their immigration histories and in the context of their long-term goals for less precarious labor and living situations. Using mixed methods, over three data collection periods in 2016, 2019, and 2020, we analyze the work experiences of immigrant day labors in Houston and Austin, Texas. We report how workers judge precarious jobs and respond to labor exploitation in an informal labor market. We also discuss data pertaining to a worker rights training intervention conducted through a city-sponsored worker center. We discuss the potential for worker centers to be a convening and remediation space for workers and employers. Worker centers where immigrant day labors meet employers offer the potential for informal intervention into wage theft and work safety violations, by formalizing the context where laborers are hired.
移民临时工在工作中经常遭受剥削行为。这些经历是在他们的移民历史和他们的长期目标的背景下理解的,因为他们的劳动和生活环境不那么危险。采用混合方法,在2016年、2019年和2020年的三个数据收集期内,我们分析了德克萨斯州休斯顿和奥斯汀的移民临时工的工作经历。我们报告工人如何判断不稳定的工作和应对劳动剥削在一个非正式的劳动力市场。我们还讨论了与通过城市赞助的工人中心进行的工人权利培训干预有关的数据。我们讨论了工人中心成为工人和雇主召集和补救空间的潜力。移民临时工与雇主见面的工人中心,通过使劳动者被雇用的环境正规化,提供了对工资盗窃和违反工作安全行为进行非正式干预的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
“We Can’t Just Wrap Ourselves in the Flag:” Labour Nationalism, Global Solidarity, and the 2016 Fight to Save gm Oshawa “我们不能只是把自己包裹在国旗里:”劳工民族主义,全球团结,以及2016年拯救通用汽车奥沙瓦的斗争
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10040
Chris Fairweather
AbstractGlobal labour studies scholarship has increasingly recognized the importance of building global solidarity of workers and their unions in response to globalization. Despite this, the labour movement’s embrace of global solidarity as a response to globalization has been incomplete, and at times contradictory. The more common response to globalization has been labour nationalism, which has commanded far less attention in the literature. This paper considers labour nationalism from the perspective of emerging theories of global solidarity, offering a 2016 rank-and-file-driven campaign to save a General Motors plant in Ontario as a case study in labour nationalism. Although nationalism continues to be a relatively effective mobilizing device, Unifor Local 222 has had very little success ‘keeping good jobs in Canada.’ Instead, the union has entrenched a collective action frame that makes space for more xenophobic and racist expressions of nationalism and undermines the prospects of building solidarity abroad and, paradoxically, at home.
摘要全球劳工研究学者日益认识到建立工人及其工会的全球团结以应对全球化的重要性。尽管如此,工人运动对全球团结的拥抱作为对全球化的回应是不完整的,有时是矛盾的。对全球化更普遍的反应是劳工民族主义,这在文献中得到的关注要少得多。本文从新兴的全球团结理论的角度来考虑劳工民族主义,并提供了2016年拯救安大略省通用汽车工厂的基层运动作为劳工民族主义的案例研究。虽然民族主义仍然是一种相对有效的动员手段,但222地方部队在保持加拿大的好工作方面收效甚微。相反,欧盟已经确立了一个集体行动框架,为更多仇外和种族主义的民族主义表达提供了空间,破坏了在国外建立团结的前景,而矛盾的是,在国内也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
Todd A. DeMitchell, Teachers and their Unions: Labor Relations in Uncertain Times 托德·a·德米切尔:《教师与工会:不确定时期的劳资关系》
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10052
Jesus Jaime-Diaz, Karina Isabelle Elias
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引用次数: 1
Toward Theoretical Liberation: Challenging the Intellectual Imperialism of the Western Race Paradigm 走向理论解放:挑战西方种族范式的知识帝国主义
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10042
D. A. Clelland, W. Dunaway
We hope to encourage the development of decentered, decolonized, ground-breaking theory about ethnic and racial exploitation in the 21st century world-system. To accomplish that, we contend that academics and activists need to liberate themselves from the historical and ideological confines of the western race paradigm. Consequently, we have shaped this essay around that goal. In Section 2, we explore the dangers of universalizing the western race paradigm to the entire world. Section 3 investigates 21st century trends that challenge the western race paradigm, with particular focus on the significance of semiperipheries, transnational capitalist classes and nonwestern states. In Section 4, we argue that western race theory dominates scholarship globally through strategies of intellectual imperialism that need to be acknowledged, dismantled and overcome. In the Conclusion, we offer strategies for decentering and decolonizing knowledge production.
我们希望鼓励关于21世纪世界体系中民族和种族剥削的非中心化、非殖民化、突破性理论的发展。要做到这一点,我们认为学者和活动家需要从西方种族范式的历史和意识形态限制中解放出来。因此,我们围绕这个目标来撰写这篇文章。在第二节中,我们探讨了将西方种族范式普遍化到整个世界的危险。第三部分探讨了挑战西方种族范式的21世纪趋势,特别关注半边缘地区、跨国资本主义阶级和非西方国家的重要性。在第4节中,我们认为西方种族理论通过知识帝国主义的战略在全球范围内主导着学术界,这些战略需要得到承认、拆除和克服。在结束语中,我们提出了知识生产去中心化和去殖民化的策略。
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引用次数: 0
Contents 内容
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-22 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-24020001
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引用次数: 0
Social Reproduction at Work, Social Reproduction as Work: A Feminist Political Economy Perspective 工作中的社会再生产,工作中的社交再生产:女性主义政治经济学视角
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10049
Susan Braedley, Meg Luxton
Social reproduction has received considerable recent attention from academics and activists aiming to stimulate and advance transformative political change. Yet, an understanding of social reproduction as “work” has sometimes slipped away, leaving behind important anti-racist feminist insights. Engaging with recent contributions from scholars in the U.S., U.K., and Canada, we argue that social reproduction is most useful as a concept, not as a theory, and is best understood as “work”. We point out quandaries and ambiguities that have produced conceptual confusion in scholarship on social reproduction and argue for a conceptualization offered by feminist political economy. We conclude that social reproduction, when understood as work, can support efforts to build the mass movements and solidarity necessary for effective anti-capitalist politics if its relationship to, and contradictions with, the processes of dispossession and capital accumulation are taken into account.
社会再生产最近受到了旨在刺激和推动变革性政治变革的学者和活动家的极大关注。然而,对社会再生产作为“工作”的理解有时会消失,留下重要的反种族主义女权主义见解。结合美国、英国和加拿大学者最近的贡献,我们认为社会再生产作为一个概念而不是一个理论最有用,最好理解为“工作”。我们指出了在社会再生产学术中产生概念混乱的困惑和歧义,并主张女权主义政治经济学提供的概念化。我们得出的结论是,如果考虑到社会再生产与剥夺和资本积累过程的关系和矛盾,社会再生产在被理解为工作时,可以支持建立有效的反资本主义政治所需的群众运动和团结。
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引用次数: 4
Between Political and Economic Imperialism: Russia’s Shifting Global Strategy 在政治与经济帝国主义之间:俄罗斯全球战略的转变
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10043
I. Matveev
Russia experienced both economic and geopolitical expansion in the 2000s. During this time, the Kremlin and big business worked in tandem to assert Russian influence in post-Soviet space. However, the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s involvement in the war in Eastern Ukraine in 2014 marked a new period that severed the state’s geopolitical strategy and the interests of big capital. While the state continues to engage in open and covert military action, the activity of Russian business abroad has sharply diminished. Relying on David Harvey’s concepts of territorial and capitalist logics of power, the article explores the interplay between political and economic imperialism during Putin’s 20 years in power and situates Russia within today’s global imperialist landscape. I find that the Kremlin’s geopolitical and geoeconomic shift in 2014 can ultimately be explained by the strategic orientation of the country’s leadership, in particular, the deeply ingrained emphasis on security and ‘hard power’. However, the turn away from economic imperialism was also structurally determined by the exhaustion of the country’s economic engine that no longer generates surplus capital in need of a ‘spatial fix’.
俄罗斯在2000年代经历了经济和地缘政治的扩张。在此期间,克里姆林宫和大企业携手合作,在苏联解体后的地区确立了俄罗斯的影响力。然而,2014年吞并克里米亚和俄罗斯介入乌克兰东部战争标志着一个新的时期,切断了国家的地缘政治战略和大资本的利益。虽然俄罗斯继续进行公开和秘密的军事行动,但俄罗斯在海外的商业活动却急剧减少。本文以David Harvey的领土和资本主义权力逻辑概念为基础,探讨了普京执政20年间政治和经济帝国主义之间的相互作用,并将俄罗斯置于当今全球帝国主义格局中。我发现,克里姆林宫在2014年的地缘政治和地缘经济转变,最终可以用该国领导层的战略取向来解释,尤其是对安全和“硬实力”的根深蒂固的强调。然而,摆脱经济帝国主义的转向,在结构上也是由国家经济引擎的枯竭所决定的,它不再产生需要“空间修复”的剩余资本。
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引用次数: 6
Elizabeth E. Sine. Rebel Imaginaries: Labor, Culture, and Politics in Depression-Era California Elizabeth E.Sine。反叛想象:大萧条时期的加州劳工、文化和政治
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-24 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10033
L. Shoup
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引用次数: 1
Brinton, M., For Workers’ Power: The Selected Writings of Maurice Brinton 为工人的权力:莫里斯·布林顿选集
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-24 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10032
Matt Myers
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引用次数: 0
J.C. York. Silicon Values: The Future of Free Speech under Surveillance Capitalism J.C.约克。硅谷价值观:监视资本主义下言论自由的未来
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-24 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10030
Shirin Haghgou
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Labor and Society
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