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Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-07 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-26010000
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引用次数: 0
Imperialism and Resistance in the Middle East: A Theoretical Catharsis in the Making? 帝国主义与中东抵抗:正在形成的一个理论预言?
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10111
Nima Nakhaei
In One Hundred Years of Solitude, Gabriel Garcia Marquez writes, “the world was so recent that many things lacked names, and in order to indicate them it was necessary to point” (Garcia Marquez, 2014: p. 1). From the perspective of the Middle East, we are precisely at such conjuncture, ‘when the world is so recent.’ That is the least because we witness a unique articulation of three structural crises. First, the structural crisis of neoliberal imperialism has crystallized in a ‘world disorder’ characterized by financial and economic crises (Duménil and Lévy, 2013), intensification of intra-imperialist rivalries and the rise of new global powers, revolutionary openings and counter-revolutionary setbacks (Alnasseri, 2009). Second, the post-Cold War order in the Middle East, characterized by the unparalleled deepening of the United States’ strategic depth in the region, is in disarray. As Jacob Mundy puts it in his contribution to this issue, “the North Atlantic’s intellectual classes now appear to have reached a near-universal consensus that the United States’ preeminent global position is coming to an end. There is equally as much conviction among both supporters of American hegemony and its critics that US policies towards the Middle East since 2001 have played an important role in laying the groundwork for this profound shift in geopolitics” (Mundy, 2023). This is in part reflected in the unsettled nature of the Arab revolutions and counter-revolutions, the relative weakening of the United States’ geo-strategic depth in the Middle East and the increasing influence of new global and regional powers. Last but not the least, ‘domestic’ crises of hegemony have unfolded in various social formations in the Middle East. The ongoing national uprising in Iran since September 2022, the crisis of the ‘occupation regime’ in Iraq since Journal of Labor and Society 26 (2023) 1–13
加布里埃尔·加西亚·马尔克斯(Gabriel Garcia Marquez)在《百年孤独》(One Years of Solitude)一书中写道,“这个世界太近了,很多东西都没有名字,为了表明它们,有必要指出”(Garcia Marque z,2014:第1页)。从中东的角度来看,我们正处于这样一个时刻,“当世界如此之近。”这至少是因为我们目睹了三种结构性危机的独特表述。首先,新自由主义帝国主义的结构性危机表现为“世界混乱”,其特征是金融和经济危机(Duménil和Lévy,2013)、帝国主义内部竞争加剧和新的全球大国崛起、革命开放和反革命挫折(Alnasseri,2009)。第二,冷战后的中东秩序正处于混乱之中,其特点是美国在该地区的战略深度空前加深。正如Jacob Mundy在他对这个问题的贡献中所说,“北大西洋的知识分子阶层现在似乎已经达成了一个几乎普遍的共识,即美国卓越的全球地位即将结束。美国霸权的支持者和批评者同样坚信,自2001年以来,美国对中东的政策在为这场深刻的战争奠定基础方面发挥了重要作用《地缘政治学》(Mundy,2023)。这在一定程度上反映在阿拉伯革命和反革命的不稳定性质、美国在中东的地缘战略深度相对削弱以及新的全球和地区大国的影响力不断增加。最后但并非最不重要的是,“国内”霸权危机已经在中东的各种社会形态中展开。自2022年9月以来伊朗持续的民族起义,自《劳工与社会杂志》26(2023)1–13以来伊拉克“占领政权”的危机
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引用次数: 0
“The Sun is Shining in Salameh”: An American Communist Observes the Nakba 《萨拉梅的阳光灿烂》:一位美国共产主义者观察灾难日
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10110
Gabriel Polley
This paper investigates the writing of A.B. Magil, a journalist for the Communist Party of the USA. In Palestine in 1948, he witnessed the birth of the State of Israel and, correspondingly, the creation of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Magil had unfettered access to Jewish military commanders who later joined Israel’s political elite, but also to Palestinian prisoners of war and Communist politicians. He reported from recently ethnically cleansed towns and villages without seeming to recognise the enormity of what had taken place. A close study of Magil’s coverage throw into relief subsequent shifts in the Western left’s understandings of imperialism, (settler-)colonialism and resistance. After returning to the US, he continued his commentary on the Middle East, his later writings revealing how leftist sympathies for Israel were tested throughout the 1950s, including by the Suez Crisis, though without a re-evaluation of the circumstances of Israel’s creation.
本文调查了美国共产党记者A.B.马吉尔的写作。1948年,他在巴勒斯坦见证了以色列国的诞生,也见证了巴勒斯坦难民危机的产生。马吉尔可以自由接触后来加入以色列政治精英的犹太军事指挥官,也可以接触巴勒斯坦战俘和共产主义政客。他报道了最近种族清洗的城镇和村庄,似乎没有意识到所发生的事情的严重性。对马吉尔报道的仔细研究使西方左派对帝国主义、(定居者)殖民主义和抵抗的理解发生了随后的转变。回到美国后,他继续对中东进行评论,他后来的著作揭示了左派对以色列的同情在整个20世纪50年代是如何受到考验的,包括苏伊士危机,尽管没有重新评估以色列建国的情况。
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引用次数: 1
A Theoretical War: Accounting for American Imperialism in the Middle East 一场理论战争:美国在中东的帝国主义
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10106
Jacob Mundy
This review surveys two decades of academic research on the question of contemporary imperialism and holds it up against the historical record of America’s increasingly violent entanglements in the Middle East over the course of the previous half century, though particularly since 2001. While early contributions to this literature emerged from a different context than the one they often sought or were expected to explain, others attributed a simplistic and problematic understanding of the relationship between US foreign policy and the political-economy of petroleum. Later contributions then eschewed a close analysis of imperialism in the Middle East in favor of a broader accounting of the dynamics of global capitalism. This review ultimately critiques the widespread assumption that the vitality of hegemony and capital must be assessed in relation to their ability to secure control and homogenous conditions of reproduction. A more robust understanding must be based in an approach that views the economic and the political not as fundamental units of analysis but as sites of struggle in the historical and contemporary constitution of imperialism.
这篇综述调查了20年来关于当代帝国主义问题的学术研究,并将其与美国在过去半个世纪(尤其是2001年以来)在中东日益暴力纠缠的历史记录相对照。虽然对这篇文献的早期贡献与他们经常寻求或期望解释的背景不同,但其他人则认为对美国外交政策与石油政治经济之间关系的理解过于简单和有问题。后来的贡献避开了对中东帝国主义的仔细分析,而倾向于对全球资本主义的动态进行更广泛的解释。这篇综述最终批评了一种普遍的假设,即霸权和资本的活力必须根据其确保控制和同质再生产条件的能力来评估。更有力的理解必须建立在一种方法的基础上,这种方法将经济和政治视为帝国主义历史和当代宪法中的斗争场所,而不是分析的基本单位。
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引用次数: 1
Berry, Joe and Helena Worthen. Power Despite Precarity: Strategies for the Contingent Faculty Movement in Higher Education 贝瑞,乔和海伦娜·沃森。不稳定的权力:高等教育中偶然性教师运动的策略
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10077
Robert Ovetz
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引用次数: 0
Chad E.Pearson, 2022. Capital’s Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century 查德·皮尔森,2022。首都的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法者和雇主
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10097
Joel Wendland-Liu
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引用次数: 0
Mike Konczal, Freedom from the Market: America’s Fight to Liberate Itself from the Invisible Hand of the Market Mike Konczal,《从市场中解放出来:美国从市场的无形之手中解放出来的斗争》
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10102
Stacy W. Maddern
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引用次数: 0
Contradictions on the Thresholds of a Changing World 世界变化门槛上的矛盾
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10105
Nima Nakhaei
This contribution is a transcript of a conversation that the author held with Sabah Alnasseri, Associate Professor of Political Science at York University in Toronto, in December 2022.
这篇文章是作者2022年12月与多伦多约克大学政治学副教授Sabah Alnasseri的对话记录。
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引用次数: 1
Matthew E. Stanley. Grand Army of Labor: Workers, Veterans, and the Meaning of the Civil War 马修·e·斯坦利。《劳动大军:工人、退伍军人和内战的意义》
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10104
C. Pearson
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引用次数: 0
Macao’s Split Labour Market 澳门分裂的劳动力市场
IF 1.3 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-12 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10100
Timothy Kerswell, Leong Sin Hang, W. Chan
Edna Bonacich’s split labour market states that socio-political factors generate differential outcomes for workers in a region, generally as the result of ethnic antagonism. This ethnic antagonism, Bonacich argues, does not require open violence or even verbal confrontation but can operate through exclusion movements and “caste” systems. In this paper, we use Bonacich’s framework to analyse the production of a split labour market in the Macao, Special Administrative Region of China. Macao depends on an abundant supply of low-skilled migrant workers to remunerate the workforce. While many migrant workers are foreigners, most are ‘internal’ migrants from Mainland China, meaning that a conventional explanation of ethnic differences is insufficient. Bonacich had observed that “exclusion attempts and caste-like arrangements are found among national groupings within a racial category” giving the example of ‘whites’ in the United States excluding other ‘whites’ from different parts of Europe. However, Macao as a part of China constitutes a unique example in that an exclusion attempt and caste-like arrangement is to be found within the same national grouping of the same racial category in the same country. As this research considers how ethnic and quasi-ethnic differences are produced and sustained in Macao through government policy; social attitudes and the social practices of workers and businesses, we find that permanent Macao id card holders, which gives out numerous benefits and rights, is as a form of exclusion movement. Moreover, local workers act as a labour aristocracy: they extract concessions from businesses and suppress migrant workers economically, politically and socially. Edna Bonacich’s split labour market helps explain how a labour aristocracy is maintained subtly at the interest of local workers through concessions from the businesses.
Edna Bonacich的劳动力市场分裂理论指出,社会政治因素会给一个地区的工人带来不同的结果,这通常是种族对立的结果。Bonacich认为,这种种族对抗不需要公开的暴力,甚至不需要口头对抗,而是可以通过排斥运动和“种姓”制度来运作。本文运用Bonacich的框架分析了中国澳门特别行政区劳动力市场分化的产生。澳门依靠大量低技能的外来务工人员为劳动力提供报酬。虽然许多农民工是外国人,但大多数是来自中国大陆的“内部”移民,这意味着传统的种族差异解释是不够的。Bonacich观察到,“在一个种族类别内的民族群体中发现了排斥企图和类似种姓的安排”,并给出了美国的“白人”排斥来自欧洲不同地区的其他“白人”的例子。但是,澳门作为中国的一部分,是一个独特的例子,在同一个国家的同一种族的同一民族群体中,存在着排斥的企图和类似种姓的安排。本研究考虑澳门的族群及准族群差异是如何透过政府政策而产生及维持;社会态度和社会实践的工人和企业,我们发现澳门永久居民身份证持有人,这给了无数的利益和权利,是作为一种形式的排斥运动。此外,当地工人扮演着劳工贵族的角色:他们从企业那里榨取让步,并在经济、政治和社会上压制农民工。埃德娜·博纳奇(Edna Bonacich)分裂的劳动力市场有助于解释,工人贵族如何通过企业的让步,巧妙地维护当地工人的利益。
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Journal of Labor and Society
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