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Chad E.Pearson, 2022. Capital’s Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century 查德·皮尔森,2022。首都的恐怖分子:漫长的19世纪的三k党、执法者和雇主
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10097
Joel Wendland-Liu
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引用次数: 0
Mike Konczal, Freedom from the Market: America’s Fight to Liberate Itself from the Invisible Hand of the Market Mike Konczal,《从市场中解放出来:美国从市场的无形之手中解放出来的斗争》
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10102
Stacy W. Maddern
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引用次数: 0
Contradictions on the Thresholds of a Changing World 世界变化门槛上的矛盾
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10105
Nima Nakhaei
This contribution is a transcript of a conversation that the author held with Sabah Alnasseri, Associate Professor of Political Science at York University in Toronto, in December 2022.
这篇文章是作者2022年12月与多伦多约克大学政治学副教授Sabah Alnasseri的对话记录。
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引用次数: 1
Matthew E. Stanley. Grand Army of Labor: Workers, Veterans, and the Meaning of the Civil War 马修·e·斯坦利。《劳动大军:工人、退伍军人和内战的意义》
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10104
C. Pearson
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引用次数: 0
Macao’s Split Labour Market 澳门分裂的劳动力市场
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-12 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10100
Timothy Kerswell, Leong Sin Hang, W. Chan
Edna Bonacich’s split labour market states that socio-political factors generate differential outcomes for workers in a region, generally as the result of ethnic antagonism. This ethnic antagonism, Bonacich argues, does not require open violence or even verbal confrontation but can operate through exclusion movements and “caste” systems. In this paper, we use Bonacich’s framework to analyse the production of a split labour market in the Macao, Special Administrative Region of China. Macao depends on an abundant supply of low-skilled migrant workers to remunerate the workforce. While many migrant workers are foreigners, most are ‘internal’ migrants from Mainland China, meaning that a conventional explanation of ethnic differences is insufficient. Bonacich had observed that “exclusion attempts and caste-like arrangements are found among national groupings within a racial category” giving the example of ‘whites’ in the United States excluding other ‘whites’ from different parts of Europe. However, Macao as a part of China constitutes a unique example in that an exclusion attempt and caste-like arrangement is to be found within the same national grouping of the same racial category in the same country. As this research considers how ethnic and quasi-ethnic differences are produced and sustained in Macao through government policy; social attitudes and the social practices of workers and businesses, we find that permanent Macao id card holders, which gives out numerous benefits and rights, is as a form of exclusion movement. Moreover, local workers act as a labour aristocracy: they extract concessions from businesses and suppress migrant workers economically, politically and socially. Edna Bonacich’s split labour market helps explain how a labour aristocracy is maintained subtly at the interest of local workers through concessions from the businesses.
Edna Bonacich的劳动力市场分裂理论指出,社会政治因素会给一个地区的工人带来不同的结果,这通常是种族对立的结果。Bonacich认为,这种种族对抗不需要公开的暴力,甚至不需要口头对抗,而是可以通过排斥运动和“种姓”制度来运作。本文运用Bonacich的框架分析了中国澳门特别行政区劳动力市场分化的产生。澳门依靠大量低技能的外来务工人员为劳动力提供报酬。虽然许多农民工是外国人,但大多数是来自中国大陆的“内部”移民,这意味着传统的种族差异解释是不够的。Bonacich观察到,“在一个种族类别内的民族群体中发现了排斥企图和类似种姓的安排”,并给出了美国的“白人”排斥来自欧洲不同地区的其他“白人”的例子。但是,澳门作为中国的一部分,是一个独特的例子,在同一个国家的同一种族的同一民族群体中,存在着排斥的企图和类似种姓的安排。本研究考虑澳门的族群及准族群差异是如何透过政府政策而产生及维持;社会态度和社会实践的工人和企业,我们发现澳门永久居民身份证持有人,这给了无数的利益和权利,是作为一种形式的排斥运动。此外,当地工人扮演着劳工贵族的角色:他们从企业那里榨取让步,并在经济、政治和社会上压制农民工。埃德娜·博纳奇(Edna Bonacich)分裂的劳动力市场有助于解释,工人贵族如何通过企业的让步,巧妙地维护当地工人的利益。
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引用次数: 0
Joe Burns, 2022. Class Struggle Unionism 乔·伯恩斯,2022年。阶级斗争工会主义
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-03 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10096
Gerard Di Trolio
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引用次数: 0
Levenson, Zachary. Delivery as Dispossession: Land Occupation and Eviction in the Postapartheid City 莱文森,扎卡里。交付即处置:后种族隔离城市的土地占领和驱逐
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-01-03 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10098
Nate Holdren
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引用次数: 2
Autocratic Union Organization and Foreign Direct Investment in the Mexican Automotive Parts Sector, 2004–2018 专制联盟组织与墨西哥汽车零部件行业外商直接投资,2004-2018
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10094
John P. Tuman, Hafthor Erlingsson
Due to its size and importance, the Mexican automobile industry was an important topic in negotiations for the usmca agreement. A particularly contentious issue was the allegation that foreign direct investment (fdi) in Mexican parts plants has been facilitated by autocratic unions affiliated with the Confederation of Mexican Workers (ctm). Although this issue has been widely noted, there has been little systematic research on the topic. In this paper, we seek to fill this gap in the literature. Using panel data, we examine the determinants of fdi in the automotive parts sector in Mexico’s 31 states and Mexico City (formerly df) from 2004 to 2018. The study makes four contributions to the literature. First, we demonstrate empirically that fdi in the sector concentrated in Mexican states with a higher lagged unionization rate. Second, controlling for the type of union organization, the study shows that fdi was positively associated with states where the ctm was already well-established in the automobile industry. Alternatively, fdi was negatively associated with states where independent and democratic unions had previously organized. Third, we clarify the conditions under which firms prefer pre-emptive unionization with the ctm to the alternative of union avoidance. Finally, the study points to the importance of education and transportation infrastructure in fdi decisions.
由于其规模和重要性,墨西哥汽车工业是usmca协议谈判中的一个重要议题。一个特别有争议的问题是,有指控称,隶属于墨西哥工人联合会(ctm)的专制工会为墨西哥零部件厂的外国直接投资(fdi)提供了便利。尽管这一问题已被广泛关注,但对这一主题的系统研究却很少。在本文中,我们试图填补文献中的这一空白。利用面板数据,我们研究了2004年至2018年墨西哥31个州和墨西哥城(前身为df)汽车零部件行业外商直接投资的决定因素。这项研究对文学有四个贡献。首先,我们实证证明,该行业的外国直接投资集中在工会化滞后率较高的墨西哥州。其次,在控制工会组织类型方面,研究表明,fdi与汽车行业中已经建立ctm的州呈正相关。或者,外国直接投资与以前组织过独立和民主工会的州呈负相关。第三,我们澄清了企业倾向于与ctm先发制人地加入工会而不是回避工会的条件。最后,研究指出了教育和交通基础设施在外商直接投资决策中的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Path Modification and Adjustments in Individual Behaviour? Evidence from Female Employment after the German Reunification 个体行为的路径修正和调整?德国统一后女性就业的证据
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10089
Charlotte Fechter
This paper is concerned with the question, how individuals behave during periods of institutional re-designs in welfare states. To understand behaviour after an institutional path modification, this article collects evidence on employment characteristics after the German reunification. East German women show to experience care activities for the first time later compared to West German women. Younger cohorts stay in care activities for a shorter period of time. Developments imply, that preferences have changed for women from both regions, proposing new forms of female employment standardisation in today’s Germany. At the same time, divergences from male employment characteristics are evident, implying rising gender inequality. Individual behaviour seems to be adaptive to new social processes proposed by institutions despite of former cultural beliefs.
本文关注的问题是,在福利国家的制度重新设计时期,个人如何表现。为了理解制度路径调整后的行为,本文收集了德国统一后就业特征的证据。与西德女性相比,东德女性首次体验到护理活动。年轻人在护理活动中停留的时间较短。事态发展意味着,这两个地区对女性的偏好都发生了变化,为当今德国的女性就业标准化提出了新的形式。与此同时,与男性就业特征的差异也很明显,这意味着性别不平等加剧。个人行为似乎适应了机构提出的新的社会过程,尽管以前有文化信仰。
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引用次数: 0
Mobilising, Politicising and Serving: The Ambivalence of the ‘Revitalisation’ of Argentine Trade Unionism 动员、政治和服务:阿根廷工会主义“振兴”的矛盾
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10028
P. Rouxel
Since the beginning of the 2000s, a significant literature has developed around the study of the “revitalisation” of trade unionism. These contributions often take up typologies that oppose the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ and thus tend to harden the contours of what would constitute a ‘trade union renewal’. From this perspective, this article re-examines the nature and limits of this process, in the light of the Argentine case. It is based on a field survey of two comisiones internas that are emblematic of the ‘bottom-up revitalisation’ of Argentinean trade unionism since the 2000s. The localized and in-depth study of these two collectives makes it possible to document the concrete conditions of trade union work, by relating them to the socialization trajectories of the delegates and the social contexts in which they evolve. In this way, the article shows the constraints that lead delegates to internalise a ‘sense of limits’ in their work of politicising trade union action, thus highlighting the articulations between militant practices and service practices that characterise their modes of action.
自21世纪初以来,围绕工会主义的“复兴”研究,出现了大量文献。这些贡献通常采用反对“旧”和“新”的类型学,从而倾向于强化构成“工会复兴”的轮廓。从这个角度出发,本文结合阿根廷的情况,重新审视这一进程的性质和局限性。它是基于对两个委员会内部人员的实地调查,这是自2000年代以来阿根廷工会主义“自下而上的复兴”的象征。对这两个集体进行本地化和深入的研究,可以通过将它们与代表的社会化轨迹及其发展的社会背景联系起来,记录工会工作的具体情况。通过这种方式,文章显示了导致代表们在将工会行动政治化的工作中内化“限制感”的制约因素,从而突出了军事实践和服务实践之间的联系,这是他们行动模式的特征。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Labor and Society
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