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Unions Renewed: Building Power in an Age of Finance, written by Martin, Alice and Annie Quick 《工会复兴:金融时代的力量建设》,作者:马丁、爱丽丝和安妮·奎克
Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10124
Brandon Hunter-Pazzara
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引用次数: 0
Aijaz Ahmad and the Actuality of the National 艾贾兹·艾哈迈德与国家现状
Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10125
Ayyaz Mallick
Abstract This is a short reflection essay on the work of the acclaimed Marxist critic Aijaz Ahmad, who passed away in March 2022. The essay focusses on the form and method of Ahmad's writing, while also considering his seminal interventions on nationalism, imperialism, and literary criticism.
这是一篇简短的反思文章,是对著名的马克思主义评论家艾贾兹·艾哈迈德的作品的反思。艾哈迈德于2022年3月去世。本文主要关注艾哈迈德的写作形式和方法,同时也考虑到他对民族主义、帝国主义和文学批评的开创性干预。
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引用次数: 0
Work Work Work: Labor, Alienation, and Class Struggle, written by Yates, Michael D. 《工作、工作、工作:劳动、异化与阶级斗争》,作者:迈克尔·D·耶茨
Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10127
Winona G.W. Wood
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引用次数: 0
Workers and Change in China: Resistance, Repression, Responsiveness, written by Elfstrom, Manfred 《中国工人与变革:抵抗、压抑、回应》,作者:Elfstrom, Manfred
Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10130
Jenny Chan
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引用次数: 0
Bilateral Labor Agreement with Gendered and Unfree Labor: Vietnamese Women Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia 与性别和非自由劳工的双边劳工协议:在沙特阿拉伯的越南家政女工
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10123
A. Trần
Using a systemic and institutional analysis of transnational dynamics in the recruiting, hiring and placement of Vietnamese female migrants in domestic work in Saudi Arabia, this article showcases the experiences of Vietnamese female domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and contributes to the social protection and migrant domestic worker literatures. It contributes a critical analysis on whether bilateral labor agreements can be mechanisms for social protection of migrants. Focusing on the case of Vietnam, I argue that the bilateral labor agreement (bla) signed between Vietnam and Saudi Arabia, enacted by the Vietnamese labor brokerage state and the Saudi Kafala systems, is a form structural violence because it fails to provide social welfare and protection for Vietnamese women domestic workers. In this systemic/structural violence, intersectionality shows that not all female workers suffer the same since ethnic minority workers most often suffer more than the majority (Kinh) female workers. Moreover, inside the Kafeel (the employer/sponsor) homes of this system, most of these female workers suffer, as unfree labor, from being transferred from one house to another, resulting in precarity, cycle of debt and dispossession of their rights.
本文通过对越南女性移民在沙特阿拉伯从事家政工作的跨国动态进行系统和制度分析,展示了越南女性家政工人在沙特阿拉伯的经验,并为社会保护和移民家政工人文献做出贡献。它对双边劳动协议能否成为移民社会保护机制作出了批判性分析。以越南为例,我认为越南与沙特阿拉伯签署的双边劳工协议(bla)是一种结构性暴力,因为它没有为越南女性家政工人提供社会福利和保护。该协议由越南劳动中介国家和沙特卡法拉制度制定。在这种系统性/结构性暴力中,交叉性表明并非所有女工都遭受同样的痛苦,因为少数民族工人通常比大多数(京族)女工遭受更多的痛苦。此外,在这一制度的Kafeel(雇主/担保人)家庭中,这些女工中的大多数作为不自由的劳动力,从一个家庭转移到另一个家庭,导致不稳定、债务循环和剥夺其权利。
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引用次数: 0
Union Strategies for the Representation of Platform Delivery Workers in Spain 西班牙平台送货工人代表的工会策略
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10122
Juan Arasanz Díaz, Pablo Sanz de Miguel
Food-delivery digital labour platforms started to operate in Spain in 2016. As in other national contexts, these platforms have misclassified workers as independent contractors rather than employees, shifting responsibilities and risks onto workers who have been forced to operate under marketized relationships lacking protection. This paper analyses trade unions practices and strategies targeted towards food-delivery platform workers (riders) in Spain. The findings are based on desk research and fieldwork consisting of semi-structured interviews with representatives from different trade unions and self-organized workers’ associations. The article shows how trade unions’ strategies resting on litigation and social dialogue ended up with the first legislation in Europe which introduced a rebuttable presumption of employment in the field of delivery platforms. At the same time, it shows the limitation of those strategies resting on institutional power resources due to the fragmentation of workers’ interests and the newly platforms’ strategies to circumvent labour law.
外卖数字劳动力平台于2016年开始在西班牙运营。与其他国家的情况一样,这些平台错误地将工人归类为独立承包商而不是雇员,将责任和风险转移到被迫在缺乏保护的市场化关系下运作的工人身上。本文分析了针对西班牙外卖平台工人(骑手)的工会实践和策略。调查结果基于案头研究和实地调查,包括与不同工会和自组织工人协会代表的半结构化访谈。本文展示了工会基于诉讼和社会对话的策略如何以欧洲第一个立法而告终,该立法在交付平台领域引入了可反驳的就业推定。同时,由于工人利益的碎片化和新平台规避劳动法的策略,这些基于制度权力资源的策略存在局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Collective Voice and Organizing in Digital Labour Platforms in Portugal 葡萄牙数字劳工平台中的集体声音和组织
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10119
N. Boavida, Isabel Roque, A. Moniz
The use of digital platforms for managing work grew considerably in Portugal, especially in the aftermath of the Great Recession. This new form of digital and platform work intensified the use of an on-demand workforce, not involved in the bargaining process, subject to indecent working conditions, social control and surveillance and the possibility of accessing social benefits, creating new obstacles for organising. Between 2019 and 2021, semi-structured interviews with workers, activists involved in associations and social movements, trade unionists and key informers were conducted. Also desk research involved five case-studies in Portugal, as part of a European research project. Results allowed to establish a typification of digital platform workers and to analyse collective action and voice in the country.
葡萄牙使用数字平台管理工作的情况大幅增长,尤其是在大衰退之后。这种新形式的数字和平台工作加强了对按需劳动力的使用,他们不参与谈判过程,受到不雅的工作条件、社会控制和监督,以及获得社会福利的可能性的影响,为组织创造了新的障碍。2019年至2021年间,对工人、参与协会和社会运动的活动家、工会成员和关键告密者进行了半结构化采访。此外,作为欧洲研究项目的一部分,案头研究涉及葡萄牙的五个案例研究。结果允许建立数字平台工作者的典型化,并分析该国的集体行动和声音。
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引用次数: 0
Capitalising Precarity: Wellbeing of Migrants in Russia 资本主义的不稳定:俄罗斯移民的福祉
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10120
R. Turaeva
This paper aims to introduce the concept of capitalising precarity to analyse the situation of precarious migration in migrant unfriendly contexts such as Russia. The material analysed in this paper concerns welfare and health inequalities in Russia. Welfare of labour migrants in Russia (both for internal Russian migrants and for foreign migrants) is de facto non-existent and largely self-organised by migrants themselves. State migration policies of Russia as well as welfare policies in the destination countries (Central Asia) are formulated in papers but in practice do not function to ensure some kind of wellbeing and social protection. Working conditions both at home (in Central Asia) and in destination countries (Russia and Kazakhstan) do not comply with average requirements of wellbeing of workers. I was shocked but not surprised to see Central Asian migrant workers in winter cleaning the roofs of Russian houses without any protection. The paper analyses the situation of intermixing of legal and informal practices which have a direct implication for wellbeing of migrants in Russia. The working conditions in Russia for both migrant and non-migrant labour violate basic principles of human rights. The paper also shows that even citizenship does not automatically provide direct access to social welfare where the latter is bound to the permanent registration (propiska). Continuous precarity is capital for other actors such as those who can profit from it such as police officers or other migrants themselves. The findings of this research contribute to the broader literature of labour and welfare in terms challenging the boundaries between citizenship and mobility.
本文旨在引入资本化不稳定的概念,分析俄罗斯等对移民不友好的背景下不稳定移民的状况。本文分析的材料涉及俄罗斯的福利和健康不平等问题。俄罗斯劳工移民的福利(包括俄罗斯国内移民和外国移民)实际上是不存在的,而且主要是移民自己组织的。俄罗斯的国家移民政策以及目的地国(中亚)的福利政策都是在文件中制定的,但在实践中并不能确保某种福利和社会保护。国内(中亚)和目的地国家(俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦)的工作条件都不符合工人福利的平均要求。看到中亚移民工人在没有任何保护的情况下在冬天打扫俄罗斯房屋的屋顶,我感到震惊,但并不惊讶。本文分析了对俄罗斯移民福祉有直接影响的法律和非正式做法的混合情况。俄罗斯移民和非移民劳工的工作条件违反了人权的基本原则。该文件还表明,即使是公民身份也不会自动提供直接获得社会福利的机会,后者必须进行永久登记(propiska)。持续的不稳定是其他行为者的资本,比如那些可以从中获利的人,比如警察或其他移民自己。这项研究的发现有助于更广泛的劳工和福利文献,挑战公民身份和流动性之间的界限。
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引用次数: 0
Social Protection as Technocratic Fix?: Labour Precarity and Crises of Capitalism after Bangladesh’s Rana Plaza Collapse 社会保障是技术官僚的解决方案?孟加拉拉纳广场倒塌后的劳动不稳定性和资本主义危机
Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10121
Rebecca Prentice, Mahmudul H. Sumon
Abstract After the 2013 collapse of Bangladesh’s Rana Plaza garment manufacturing building, the Rana Plaza Arrangement ( rpa ) provided work-injury compensation benefits to injured survivors and the families of those killed, funded by global apparel brands. This article draws upon qualitative interviews with international stakeholders—including global brands, activists, and the International Labour Organization ( ilo )—who developed and implemented the rpa , and survivors who claimed compensation payments. We analyse the rpa as an experiment in transnational social protection, which attempted to recentre labour rights and state responsibility after three decades of neoliberal labour governance. Arguing that social protection can be a technocratic “fix” to restore and make tolerable an injurious economic system, we demonstrate the inherent paradox of attempting to integrate precarious labour into decent and dignified social protection. The rpa ’s many failures suggest that state commitment to regulation and organized labour power are necessary ingredients for successful transnational social protection.
2013年孟加拉国拉纳广场(Rana Plaza)制衣大楼倒塌后,由全球服装品牌资助的《拉纳广场安排》(rpa)为受伤幸存者和遇难者家属提供工伤赔偿。本文采用对国际利益相关者的定性访谈,包括制定和实施rpa的全球品牌、活动家和国际劳工组织(ilo),以及要求赔偿的幸存者。我们分析rpa作为跨国社会保护的实验,它试图在三十年的新自由主义劳工治理之后重新集中劳工权利和国家责任。我们认为,社会保护可以是一种技术官僚的“修复”,以恢复并容忍有害的经济体系,我们展示了试图将不稳定劳动纳入体面和有尊严的社会保护的内在悖论。rpa的许多失败表明,国家对监管的承诺和有组织的劳动力是成功的跨国社会保护的必要因素。
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引用次数: 0
Doubt, Despair and the Conditions of Left Hegelian Critical Theory 怀疑、绝望与左黑格尔批判理论的条件
IF 1.3 Q2 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI: 10.1163/24714607-bja10117
V. Murthy
This essay examines two readings of Hegel, namely Robyn Marasco’s The Highway of Despair: Critical Theory After Hegel and Stephen Houlgate’s Hegel On Being to construct a Hegelian political theory. From radically different perspectives, both books ask what it means to be “critical.” Some interpret being critical as implying avoiding ontological claims. Against this, I argue that Marxists should guard against reducing philosophy to history because this blinds us to the ontological conditions of historical narratives. Drawing on Houlgate’s book, the essay argues that by investigating general ontological conditions, one could construct a new critical theory of forms of consciousness. For example, through reading Hegel’s Logic and Phenomenology the essay suggests that recent experiences of despair might be connected to what Hegel calls the “unhappy consciousness,” which stems from both misunderstanding ontology and specific historical conditions. Radical political theories can mobilize despair when they understand its ontological and social conditions.
本文考察了马拉斯科的《绝望之路:黑格尔之后的批判理论》和霍尔盖特的《黑格尔论存在》这两种对黑格尔的解读,以构建黑格尔式的政治理论。两本书都从完全不同的角度提出了“批判”的含义。有些人认为批判意味着回避本体论的主张。与此相反,我认为马克思主义者应该防止将哲学简化为历史,因为这使我们看不到历史叙事的本体论条件。根据霍尔盖特的书,这篇文章认为,通过研究一般的本体论条件,人们可以构建一种新的意识形式批判理论。例如,通过阅读黑格尔的《逻辑学与现象学》,这篇文章表明,最近的绝望经历可能与黑格尔所说的“不幸意识”有关,这种意识源于对本体论和特定历史条件的误解。当激进的政治理论理解了绝望的本体论和社会条件时,就能激起绝望。
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Journal of Labor and Society
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