After Indonesia’s authoritarianism collapsed in 1998, the fight for independence in West Papua became diversified, focused on physical resistance and strategic international diplomatic steps. The National Committee for West Papua (Komite Nasional Papua Barat or KNPB) is an organisation that tends to use a non-physical and non-violence approach. The approach garners support from the international community as they fight for the right of self-determination for the people of West Papua. KNPB’s international diplomacy has become a sort of strategic shift in the struggle of the West Papuan people, which initially tended to be instrumental, but eventually became wider by adopting a transnational advocacy network. This study uses the theoretical framework of non-violent resistance from Gene Sharp in explaining KNPB’s movement and the transnational advocacy network from Keck and Sikkink to explain KNPB’s international political relations. This research relies on documentation studies and interviews with key figures in the struggle for Referendum and Papuan independence. KNPB has consistently linked its local actions with independence movements and the global struggle for human rights. KNPB often frames its efforts as a part of their struggle to reject violence against the people of West Papua. The non-violent resistance movements and actions carried out by KNPB are indeed directed to gain public attention, especially from the international public. Their approach aims to show the Referendum’s importance and create an international agenda related to Indonesia’s actions in West Papua.
1998年印尼威权主义垮台后，西巴布亚争取独立的斗争变得多样化，主要集中在物理抵抗和战略性国际外交步骤上。西巴布亚全国委员会(Komite Nasional Papua Barat或KNPB)是一个倾向于使用非暴力和非暴力方法的组织。在国际社会为西巴布亚人民争取自决权利的过程中，这种做法得到了国际社会的支持。KNPB的国际外交已经成为西巴布亚人民斗争的一种战略转变，最初倾向于工具性，但最终通过采用跨国倡导网络而变得更广泛。本研究使用Gene Sharp的非暴力抵抗理论框架来解释KNPB的运动，使用Keck和Sikkink的跨国倡导网络来解释KNPB的国际政治关系。这项研究依靠文献研究和对争取全民公决和巴布亚独立斗争中的关键人物的采访。KNPB一贯将其地方行动与独立运动和全球争取人权的斗争联系起来。KNPB经常将其努力描述为他们反对对西巴布亚人民使用暴力的斗争的一部分。KNPB进行的非暴力抵抗运动和行动确实是为了引起公众的注意，特别是引起国际公众的注意。他们的做法旨在表明全民公决的重要性，并制定一个与印度尼西亚在西巴布亚的行动有关的国际议程。
{"title":"Resisting Without Violence: KNPB and Transnational Advocacy Network Towards West Papua Referendum","authors":"Riedno Graal Taliawo, Valina Singka Subekti, Julian aldrian Pasha","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"After Indonesia’s authoritarianism collapsed in 1998, the fight for independence in West Papua became diversified, focused on physical resistance and strategic international diplomatic steps. The National Committee for West Papua (Komite Nasional Papua Barat or KNPB) is an organisation that tends to use a non-physical and non-violence approach. The approach garners support from the international community as they fight for the right of self-determination for the people of West Papua. KNPB’s international diplomacy has become a sort of strategic shift in the struggle of the West Papuan people, which initially tended to be instrumental, but eventually became wider by adopting a transnational advocacy network. This study uses the theoretical framework of non-violent resistance from Gene Sharp in explaining KNPB’s movement and the transnational advocacy network from Keck and Sikkink to explain KNPB’s international political relations. This research relies on documentation studies and interviews with key figures in the struggle for Referendum and Papuan independence. KNPB has consistently linked its local actions with independence movements and the global struggle for human rights. KNPB often frames its efforts as a part of their struggle to reject violence against the people of West Papua. The non-violent resistance movements and actions carried out by KNPB are indeed directed to gain public attention, especially from the international public. Their approach aims to show the Referendum’s importance and create an international agenda related to Indonesia’s actions in West Papua.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80351945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.8
Hee-Soo Lee, B. Howe
Securing higher education rights for refugees is critical not only for refugees’ selfempowerment but also for the peaceful development of communities. Qualifications recognition is a major barrier when refugees attempt to apply for work or higher education, due to missing documents or unavailability of issuing institutions in their home countries. This issue led to the 2019 Global Convention as the first global treaty on higher education. However, South Korea, a rising power with a normative policy focus, has little addressed qualifications recognition for refugees. Therefore, this research examines the extent to which South Korea, has internalised international norms regarding the provision of education for non-North Korean refugees. Then, by benchmarking the policies of Western normative middle powers, Canada, Norway, and Australia, the research analyses the strengths and limitations of existing qualifications recognition policies for refugees. The paper also refers to the existing policy for access to higher education for North Korean refugees in South Korea. It argues that South Korea should not only welcome more refugees but also develop an effective measure for the recognition of qualifications for refugees to integrate them as productive members of the society in fulfilment of its international humanitarian obligations, but also in accordance with its national interest. Lastly, this research concludes with policy recommendations for establishing a fair and effective recognition system for qualifications of refugees in South Korea, modelled on existing policies for North Korean refugees.
{"title":"Providing Access to Higher Education for Refugees: Comparative Analysis and Policy Recommendations for South Korea","authors":"Hee-Soo Lee, B. Howe","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.8","url":null,"abstract":"Securing higher education rights for refugees is critical not only for refugees’ selfempowerment but also for the peaceful development of communities. Qualifications recognition is a major barrier when refugees attempt to apply for work or higher education, due to missing documents or unavailability of issuing institutions in their home countries. This issue led to the 2019 Global Convention as the first global treaty on higher education. However, South Korea, a rising power with a normative policy focus, has little addressed qualifications recognition for refugees. Therefore, this research examines the extent to which South Korea, has internalised international norms regarding the provision of education for non-North Korean refugees. Then, by benchmarking the policies of Western normative middle powers, Canada, Norway, and Australia, the research analyses the strengths and limitations of existing qualifications recognition policies for refugees. The paper also refers to the existing policy for access to higher education for North Korean refugees in South Korea. It argues that South Korea should not only welcome more refugees but also develop an effective measure for the recognition of qualifications for refugees to integrate them as productive members of the society in fulfilment of its international humanitarian obligations, but also in accordance with its national interest. Lastly, this research concludes with policy recommendations for establishing a fair and effective recognition system for qualifications of refugees in South Korea, modelled on existing policies for North Korean refugees.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86373940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.6
Wawan Sobari
Previous studies on Javanese voters in Indonesia emphasised sociological factors, mainly religious and ethnic, in the shaping of voting decisions. Religious positions and socio-religious orientation encourage partisan politics of the voters in elections. In the democratic era, the behaviour of Javanese voters outside the area of the Javanese ethnic bases in Central Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java resulted in the same explanation. This article however argues that Javanese ethnic identity is not the foundation for decisions when selecting candidates for regional heads; instead, this foundation is based on religious similarity. This qualitative observational study examines the logic of vote shifting from the incumbent candidate to the challenger in the 2020 pilkada (elections for regional leader) of Blitar Regency, Indonesia. It reveals that emotional closeness between voters and the challenger encourages electoral shift. The closeness is built upon two aspects: voters’ involvement in tarekat (Sufi order) activities and networks that attach to both the regent and vice vice-regent candidates as well as the murid (pupil) relationship with the vice-regent candidate. Another aspect is the similarities between voters and Muslim massbased organisations (MBOs) that support the challenger. Moreover, the emotional closeness between the incumbent and their constituents explains voters’ decision to keep voting for him. Based on the fieldwork findings, emotional closeness can be interpreted as a form of attachment or loyalty that affects voters’ perceptions of candidates. Therefore, consideration of the emotional bond between voters and candidate extends the logic of Javanese voting behaviour, as previously highlighted in the explanation of religious and cultural factors.
{"title":"Non-Religious and Ethnic Orientations in the Voting Process: A Recent Study of Javanese Voters","authors":"Wawan Sobari","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.6","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies on Javanese voters in Indonesia emphasised sociological factors, mainly religious and ethnic, in the shaping of voting decisions. Religious positions and socio-religious orientation encourage partisan politics of the voters in elections. In the democratic era, the behaviour of Javanese voters outside the area of the Javanese ethnic bases in Central Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java resulted in the same explanation. This article however argues that Javanese ethnic identity is not the foundation for decisions when selecting candidates for regional heads; instead, this foundation is based on religious similarity. This qualitative observational study examines the logic of vote shifting from the incumbent candidate to the challenger in the 2020 pilkada (elections for regional leader) of Blitar Regency, Indonesia. It reveals that emotional closeness between voters and the challenger encourages electoral shift. The closeness is built upon two aspects: voters’ involvement in tarekat (Sufi order) activities and networks that attach to both the regent and vice vice-regent candidates as well as the murid (pupil) relationship with the vice-regent candidate. Another aspect is the similarities between voters and Muslim massbased organisations (MBOs) that support the challenger. Moreover, the emotional closeness between the incumbent and their constituents explains voters’ decision to keep voting for him. Based on the fieldwork findings, emotional closeness can be interpreted as a form of attachment or loyalty that affects voters’ perceptions of candidates. Therefore, consideration of the emotional bond between voters and candidate extends the logic of Javanese voting behaviour, as previously highlighted in the explanation of religious and cultural factors.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74370606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3
Elgin Glenn R. Salomon
After President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on 21 September 1972, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim secessionist rebel group based in the Mindanao and Sulu archipelago waged war against the Manila-based government leading to armed clashes with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). One of their most violent battles happened on 7 February 1974, after rebels invaded the town of Jolo, the provincial capital of Sulu in the southern Philippines. With the help of state-controlled media like Bulletin Today, this battle became an avenue for the Marcos dictatorship to legitimise its authoritarian rule. Analysing frames of the Bulletin Today newspaper on the 1974 Battle of Jolo, this study argues that in an authoritarian regime where the government controlled the flow of information, media framing played a crucial role in suppressing the rebellion which aimed to generate support from the public. Through a close reading of Bulletin Today newspaper issues from February to April 1974, this study unpacks how the Marcos-controlled media filtered, fabricated, and censored news and editorial articles to frame the 1974 Battle of Jolo to strengthen the dictator Marcos’ authoritarian legitimacy and image-making project. This study suggests that the Marcos government discredited the MNLF by labelling them as Maoist Muslims. Attaching such connotations to the secessionist group, the regime framed the group as bearers of harmful behaviour and a threat to the goals and values that Filipino society upholds. The Bulletin Today also underlined the competence of the Philippine military and the constabulary in dealing with the crisis. However, the regime also censored pertinent information about the battle, including their role in the bombing and burning of Jolo.
{"title":"Legitimising Martial Law: Framing The 1974 Battle of Jolo (Sulu, Philippines) in the Bulletin Today Newspaper","authors":"Elgin Glenn R. Salomon","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"After President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on 21 September 1972, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim secessionist rebel group based in the Mindanao and Sulu archipelago waged war against the Manila-based government leading to armed clashes with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). One of their most violent battles happened on 7 February 1974, after rebels invaded the town of Jolo, the provincial capital of Sulu in the southern Philippines. With the help of state-controlled media like Bulletin Today, this battle became an avenue for the Marcos dictatorship to legitimise its authoritarian rule. Analysing frames of the Bulletin Today newspaper on the 1974 Battle of Jolo, this study argues that in an authoritarian regime where the government controlled the flow of information, media framing played a crucial role in suppressing the rebellion which aimed to generate support from the public. Through a close reading of Bulletin Today newspaper issues from February to April 1974, this study unpacks how the Marcos-controlled media filtered, fabricated, and censored news and editorial articles to frame the 1974 Battle of Jolo to strengthen the dictator Marcos’ authoritarian legitimacy and image-making project. This study suggests that the Marcos government discredited the MNLF by labelling them as Maoist Muslims. Attaching such connotations to the secessionist group, the regime framed the group as bearers of harmful behaviour and a threat to the goals and values that Filipino society upholds. The Bulletin Today also underlined the competence of the Philippine military and the constabulary in dealing with the crisis. However, the regime also censored pertinent information about the battle, including their role in the bombing and burning of Jolo.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75657087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.10
A. Embong
{"title":"Book review: Victor T. King and Stephen C. Druce (Eds.). Origins, History and Social Structure in Brunei Darussalam. London: Routledge, 2021 and Continuity and Change in Brunei Darussalam. London: Routledge, 2021.","authors":"A. Embong","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.10","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76165357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.7
Nitcha Petchpul, Douglas Rhein
Previous studies on the general public’s perception of self-harm have focused on “nonsuicidal self-injury” (NSSI). Research on “deliberate self-harm” (DSH) as a form of impulsive non-lethal suicide has rarely been examined. To address the paucity of literature available within the Asian context, the present study examined the Thai general public’s perception toward acts of DSH in the context of failed suicide attempts. The central question of this study is “how do members of the Thai general public perceive impulsive acts of DSH with suicidal intent?” One hundred twenty-six Thais completed the attribution model of public discrimination questionnaire as adopted from a study by Corrigan et al. (2003). The present study employed two vignettes and compared male and female responses to acts of DSH. Assessments were made in regards to the attribution of: 1) personal responsibility beliefs (PRB); 2) affective responses (e.g., pity, anger, and fear); and 3) coercionsegregation responses toward persons who committed acts of DSH. Independent sample t-test showed a significant difference in Thai men and women’s attribution of helping responses.
以往关于公众自我伤害认知的研究主要集中在“非自杀性自我伤害”(non - suicide self injury，简称NSSI)上。关于“故意自残”(DSH)作为一种冲动性非致命性自杀形式的研究很少被研究。为了解决亚洲背景下文献的缺乏，本研究调查了泰国公众对自杀未遂背景下DSH行为的看法。本研究的核心问题是“泰国公众如何看待有自杀意图的DSH冲动行为?”126名泰国人完成了Corrigan et al.(2003)采用的公众歧视问卷归因模型。本研究采用了两个小片段，比较了男性和女性对DSH行为的反应。在以下方面进行了评估:1)个人责任信念(PRB);2)情感反应(如怜悯、愤怒和恐惧);3)对实施自杀行为的人的强制隔离反应。独立样本t检验显示泰国男性和女性对帮助反应的归因有显著差异。
{"title":"Perceptions of Deliberate Self-Harm in Thailand: The Role of Gender and Public Stigmas","authors":"Nitcha Petchpul, Douglas Rhein","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.7","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies on the general public’s perception of self-harm have focused on “nonsuicidal self-injury” (NSSI). Research on “deliberate self-harm” (DSH) as a form of impulsive non-lethal suicide has rarely been examined. To address the paucity of literature available within the Asian context, the present study examined the Thai general public’s perception toward acts of DSH in the context of failed suicide attempts. The central question of this study is “how do members of the Thai general public perceive impulsive acts of DSH with suicidal intent?” One hundred twenty-six Thais completed the attribution model of public discrimination questionnaire as adopted from a study by Corrigan et al. (2003). The present study employed two vignettes and compared male and female responses to acts of DSH. Assessments were made in regards to the attribution of: 1) personal responsibility beliefs (PRB); 2) affective responses (e.g., pity, anger, and fear); and 3) coercionsegregation responses toward persons who committed acts of DSH. Independent sample t-test showed a significant difference in Thai men and women’s attribution of helping responses.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83251056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.4
Charity Lee
The tendency to frame refugees as problems and threats has often fuelled negative attitudes among residents of the host countries towards refugees. This can contribute to overall hostile dominant discourses surrounding asylum seekers and refugees. Guided by narrative analysis, this article examines how refugees living in Malaysia cope with stigma through their personal narratives of the refugee experience. The topic is particularly relevant in the Malaysian context due to an increase in recent years in the visibility and the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia, of whom about 182,780 are registered but have no legal status, leading to barriers to protection rights and assistance during their displacement. The narratives presented here provide some description of how refugees in Malaysia experience stigma and the ways in which they have navigated hostile situations. More importantly, the narratives display awareness of the stigmatised identities imposed on refugees and illustrate the range of narrative strategies available to refugees to resist and offer alternative ways of being. These strategies include blaming or rejecting the discrimination, appropriating the Malaysian identity, assuming the good citizen identity, and passing for another person.
{"title":"Narratives of Resistance Towards Stigmatised Refugee Identities in Malaysia","authors":"Charity Lee","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.4","url":null,"abstract":"The tendency to frame refugees as problems and threats has often fuelled negative attitudes among residents of the host countries towards refugees. This can contribute to overall hostile dominant discourses surrounding asylum seekers and refugees. Guided by narrative analysis, this article examines how refugees living in Malaysia cope with stigma through their personal narratives of the refugee experience. The topic is particularly relevant in the Malaysian context due to an increase in recent years in the visibility and the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia, of whom about 182,780 are registered but have no legal status, leading to barriers to protection rights and assistance during their displacement. The narratives presented here provide some description of how refugees in Malaysia experience stigma and the ways in which they have navigated hostile situations. More importantly, the narratives display awareness of the stigmatised identities imposed on refugees and illustrate the range of narrative strategies available to refugees to resist and offer alternative ways of being. These strategies include blaming or rejecting the discrimination, appropriating the Malaysian identity, assuming the good citizen identity, and passing for another person.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"140 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84049772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.9
B. Iqbal
{"title":"Book review: Arturo Oropeza García and Evi Fitriani [Coordinators]. The Role of The Southeast Asian Nations and the New Global Order. Mexico: Institute for Legal Research, National Autonomous University of Mexico, 2022","authors":"B. Iqbal","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"71 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85138780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.1
Ti-han Chang
Between 2010 to 2020, the global media generally had a very positive view of the voluntary migration schemes or humanitarian refugee visas promised by their Pacific allies (e.g., Australia and New Zealand). However, the actual implementation of climate migrants’ relocation tells a different story, particularly in the case of I-Kiribati people. This paper examines Australian and New Zealand’s governmental policies of immigration for the Pacific islanders over the last two decades. Drawing on a decolonial theoretical approach inspired by Jonathan Pugh, David Chandler and Elizabeth DeLoughrey, in conjunction with Prem Kumar Rajaram’s post-Marxist migrant economy theory, this paper argues that the Australian and New Zealand governments ultimately only paid lip service to humanitarian aid for climate displaced people. In fact, the proposed schemes for I-Kiribati people or other Pacific climate migrants ultimately serve to convert the migrant populations into the host country’s labour force, of use for its neoliberal economy. The second half of the paper turns to an analysis of an award-winning climate documentary produced by a Canadian film maker, Matthieu Rytz. Rytz’s Anote’s Ark (2018) aligns with the “migrating with dignity” policy proposed by the former I-Kiribati president, Anote Tong. Bringing in Malcom Ferdinand’s decolonial analysis of the figure of Noah’s ark in the climate discourse, the paper problematises the general political consensus advanced by this particular type of contemporary climate documentary and challenges the feasibility of the “migrating with dignity” approach. Most importantly, it questions whether climate migrants can truly build a future with dignity in their host country if they are conditioned to supply the migrant labour market.
{"title":"Climate Refugees or Future Migrant Labour Force: A Decolonial Critique of Matthieu Rytz’s Anote’s Ark (2018) and Climate Displacement Discourse in the Pacific","authors":"Ti-han Chang","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"Between 2010 to 2020, the global media generally had a very positive view of the voluntary migration schemes or humanitarian refugee visas promised by their Pacific allies (e.g., Australia and New Zealand). However, the actual implementation of climate migrants’ relocation tells a different story, particularly in the case of I-Kiribati people. This paper examines Australian and New Zealand’s governmental policies of immigration for the Pacific islanders over the last two decades. Drawing on a decolonial theoretical approach inspired by Jonathan Pugh, David Chandler and Elizabeth DeLoughrey, in conjunction with Prem Kumar Rajaram’s post-Marxist migrant economy theory, this paper argues that the Australian and New Zealand governments ultimately only paid lip service to humanitarian aid for climate displaced people. In fact, the proposed schemes for I-Kiribati people or other Pacific climate migrants ultimately serve to convert the migrant populations into the host country’s labour force, of use for its neoliberal economy. The second half of the paper turns to an analysis of an award-winning climate documentary produced by a Canadian film maker, Matthieu Rytz. Rytz’s Anote’s Ark (2018) aligns with the “migrating with dignity” policy proposed by the former I-Kiribati president, Anote Tong. Bringing in Malcom Ferdinand’s decolonial analysis of the figure of Noah’s ark in the climate discourse, the paper problematises the general political consensus advanced by this particular type of contemporary climate documentary and challenges the feasibility of the “migrating with dignity” approach. Most importantly, it questions whether climate migrants can truly build a future with dignity in their host country if they are conditioned to supply the migrant labour market.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73005497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.2
Le Thi Bich Diep, Nguyễn Ngọc Đan Thanh
After decades of market-based economic reforms, communal festivals in rural Vietnam have undergone profound changes, reflecting the vitality of the local community. The communal festival held in Tầm Vu (Long An, Vietnam) is such a case. This festival is celebrated to commemorate the local heroes and educate youth about the local traditions; to be able to represent a local region, this festival has gradually added more values through the organisation of ceremonies to pray for the wandering deceased without relatives, purification ceremonies or exorcism. After it was “transformed”, the festival, called “the Vegetarian Festival”, incorporated elements of Confucianism, Buddhism, Caodaism, hero worship and folk beliefs, and indeed became a significant event. In addition, under the thoughtful organisation of the temple executive board, the local people have been participating in an important “dialogue forum” in which individuals, religious groups, the entire community and local authorities are designated as dialogue partners. The local people, through the Vegetarian Festival, strive to re-establish and develop a local cultural identity, which directly contributes to strengthening their common voice in the dialogic forum. By inheriting the theoretical and practical results of past research, this study further investigates case studies and confirms that, once the common voice of the community is respected, the local people become proactive and responsible for maintaining and modifying the “tradition”.
{"title":"Dialogue Performance and Re-Establishment of “Tradition” in the Tầm Vu Vegetarian Festival in Long An, Vietnam Contributors:","authors":"Le Thi Bich Diep, Nguyễn Ngọc Đan Thanh","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.2","url":null,"abstract":"After decades of market-based economic reforms, communal festivals in rural Vietnam have undergone profound changes, reflecting the vitality of the local community. The communal festival held in Tầm Vu (Long An, Vietnam) is such a case. This festival is celebrated to commemorate the local heroes and educate youth about the local traditions; to be able to represent a local region, this festival has gradually added more values through the organisation of ceremonies to pray for the wandering deceased without relatives, purification ceremonies or exorcism. After it was “transformed”, the festival, called “the Vegetarian Festival”, incorporated elements of Confucianism, Buddhism, Caodaism, hero worship and folk beliefs, and indeed became a significant event. In addition, under the thoughtful organisation of the temple executive board, the local people have been participating in an important “dialogue forum” in which individuals, religious groups, the entire community and local authorities are designated as dialogue partners. The local people, through the Vegetarian Festival, strive to re-establish and develop a local cultural identity, which directly contributes to strengthening their common voice in the dialogic forum. By inheriting the theoretical and practical results of past research, this study further investigates case studies and confirms that, once the common voice of the community is respected, the local people become proactive and responsible for maintaining and modifying the “tradition”.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85638917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：