Pub Date : 2024-01-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.3
Wan Mohd Nor Sofiya, Wan Mohd Nor Murni
International educational exchange programmes promote a person’s intellectual development and cultural understanding, which could also foster mutual cooperation and stronger diplomatic ties between countries. Through these programmes, students can socially interact and learn about others from diverse backgrounds. However, the rise of Islamophobia after the September 11 attacks has inculcated the fear of “the Other” and limited the number of Muslim students allowed to study in America, as Muslim culture and religious values are popularly perceived as incompatible with American values and thus viewed as a threat. This study contributes to the literature of diplomacy by highlighting the experiences of sixteen Malaysian scholars sponsored by the Malaysian government and the challenges they experienced during their educational exchange in America. The aim of this qualitative study is to understand the experiences of Malaysian student scholars by identifying: (1) how they initially perceived America; (2) their motivations for wanting to study in America; (3) the challenges they faced; and (4) how their experiences transformed them. The study found that many students faced initial struggles with racism, cultural challenges, and difficulty in achieving cultural assimilation. However, they were able to overcome misperceptions and negative stereotypes. The findings highlight the positive impact of their academic and cultural exchange, its success in reducing divisiveness, and the influence of soft power in strengthening relations between America and Malaysia.
{"title":"UNOFFICIAL CULTURAL AMBASSADORS: EXPLORING THE EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF MALAYSIAN STUDENT SCHOLARS IN AMERICA","authors":"Wan Mohd Nor Sofiya, Wan Mohd Nor Murni","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"International educational exchange programmes promote a person’s intellectual development and cultural understanding, which could also foster mutual cooperation and stronger diplomatic ties between countries. Through these programmes, students can socially interact and learn about others from diverse backgrounds. However, the rise of Islamophobia after the September 11 attacks has inculcated the fear of “the Other” and limited the number of Muslim students allowed to study in America, as Muslim culture and religious values are popularly perceived as incompatible with American values and thus viewed as a threat. This study contributes to the literature of diplomacy by highlighting the experiences of sixteen Malaysian scholars sponsored by the Malaysian government and the challenges they experienced during their educational exchange in America. The aim of this qualitative study is to understand the experiences of Malaysian student scholars by identifying: (1) how they initially perceived America; (2) their motivations for wanting to study in America; (3) the challenges they faced; and (4) how their experiences transformed them. The study found that many students faced initial struggles with racism, cultural challenges, and difficulty in achieving cultural assimilation. However, they were able to overcome misperceptions and negative stereotypes. The findings highlight the positive impact of their academic and cultural exchange, its success in reducing divisiveness, and the influence of soft power in strengthening relations between America and Malaysia.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140476233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.1
Seyed Abdolamir Nabavi
The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic provided the grounds for extremist groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to call the COVID-19 a soldier of God. The present study aims to examine how the Middle Eastern radical Islamists in general, and ISIS in particular, interpret and deal with the pandemic by relying on their own peculiar references to Islamic sources. While previous studies have addressed how ISIS has managed COVID-19 in detail, the association between ISIS’ conceptual basis and their disease management has not been explored yet. Findings revealed that the pandemic has been interpreted in different ways by ISIS. In the beginning, ISIS welcomed the pandemic and interpreted COVID-19 as the divine wrath for humiliating and punishing the unbelievers. Emphasising this interpretation, ISIS tried to cover up its continuous failure to control the pandemic while claiming that God protected the community.
{"title":"ISIS AND THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: CONTINUATION OF THE PERENNIAL BATTLE BETWEEN GOOD AND EVIL","authors":"Seyed Abdolamir Nabavi","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic provided the grounds for extremist groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to call the COVID-19 a soldier of God. The present study aims to examine how the Middle Eastern radical Islamists in general, and ISIS in particular, interpret and deal with the pandemic by relying on their own peculiar references to Islamic sources. While previous studies have addressed how ISIS has managed COVID-19 in detail, the association between ISIS’ conceptual basis and their disease management has not been explored yet. Findings revealed that the pandemic has been interpreted in different ways by ISIS. In the beginning, ISIS welcomed the pandemic and interpreted COVID-19 as the divine wrath for humiliating and punishing the unbelievers. Emphasising this interpretation, ISIS tried to cover up its continuous failure to control the pandemic while claiming that God protected the community.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140475513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.2
Ya-Liang Chang
Naga, the guardian of Triratna, dominates the waters and is an important cultural image of Thailand, as well as an auspicious symbol of ordinary life. There is a large and subtle naga cultural heritage that includes folk literature and festivals in Thailand. Whether old traditions or new cultural creations, cultural heritage using the naga theme is often combined with visual art and the images and beliefs of naga are spread through the Internet via works including sculptures, murals, emoticons, animations, festivals, amulets, fabrics, and exhibition artworks. This study aims to analyse the iconography of naga images in visual art in Thailand and explore the changes that naga worship has undergone on the Internet. We found two important changes: (1) Naga images are diverse and have become part of the cultural industry; and (2) naga worship is expressed through naga images and has taken on multiple meanings different from previous religious connotations. The Internet has led to changes in the way the Buddhist doctrine is propagated, including different interpretations of naga images, through the challenges of virtual worlds.
{"title":"NAGA IMAGERY AND THE IMPACT OF THE INTERNET ON NAGA WORSHIP IN THAILAND","authors":"Ya-Liang Chang","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"Naga, the guardian of Triratna, dominates the waters and is an important cultural image of Thailand, as well as an auspicious symbol of ordinary life. There is a large and subtle naga cultural heritage that includes folk literature and festivals in Thailand. Whether old traditions or new cultural creations, cultural heritage using the naga theme is often combined with visual art and the images and beliefs of naga are spread through the Internet via works including sculptures, murals, emoticons, animations, festivals, amulets, fabrics, and exhibition artworks. This study aims to analyse the iconography of naga images in visual art in Thailand and explore the changes that naga worship has undergone on the Internet. We found two important changes: (1) Naga images are diverse and have become part of the cultural industry; and (2) naga worship is expressed through naga images and has taken on multiple meanings different from previous religious connotations. The Internet has led to changes in the way the Buddhist doctrine is propagated, including different interpretations of naga images, through the challenges of virtual worlds.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140471372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.4
A. C. Traspe
Pag-ipat (ritual against disease) is a traditional healing ritual of the Maguindanaon people in the southern Philippines. Devoid of Islamic components, it is based on numerous ideas such as possession, invisible spirits, mythological history, and the offering of sacrifice. This study explores the signs and symbols incorporated in pagipat. Through a multimodal semiotic analysis, specifically ethnographic observation, this research determines the meanings conveyed by the semiotic resources used, expounds on how semiotic resources are orchestrated to communicate meaning, and rationalises the ideology expressed in the ritual performance. Findings reveal that the resources utilised in the performance of pag-ipat communicate gratitude and love, recognition, honour, appreciation, journey, generosity, kindness, recognition of their ancestor, invitation to the neighbours and the community, healing, enlightenment, freedom from darkness, identity marker, greediness, and life. Through the manner of installing the pandala (flags), the presence of the sambulayang (set of flags), the quantity of food, the quality of the cloth, the number of days spent in the ritual, the design of the food and clothing material, the dance movement of the medium, and the kulintang music produced by the performers, the healing rite manifests social standing and artistic skill of the performers. The practise of pag-ipat tells us that regardless of Maguindanaon’s observance of Islam as official religion, some believe in the existence of ancestral spirits, mythological entities, and spirit animals which has a significant impact on their beliefs and behaviour. Thus, ritual elements increase signification and meaning-making potentials in the discourse environment because of their iconicity, indexicality, and meaning-making potentiality.
{"title":"DEFINING PAG-IPAT: A MULTIMODAL SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF MAGUINDANAON’S HEALING RITUAL","authors":"A. C. Traspe","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2024.20.1.4","url":null,"abstract":"Pag-ipat (ritual against disease) is a traditional healing ritual of the Maguindanaon people in the southern Philippines. Devoid of Islamic components, it is based on numerous ideas such as possession, invisible spirits, mythological history, and the offering of sacrifice. This study explores the signs and symbols incorporated in pagipat. Through a multimodal semiotic analysis, specifically ethnographic observation, this research determines the meanings conveyed by the semiotic resources used, expounds on how semiotic resources are orchestrated to communicate meaning, and rationalises the ideology expressed in the ritual performance. Findings reveal that the resources utilised in the performance of pag-ipat communicate gratitude and love, recognition, honour, appreciation, journey, generosity, kindness, recognition of their ancestor, invitation to the neighbours and the community, healing, enlightenment, freedom from darkness, identity marker, greediness, and life. Through the manner of installing the pandala (flags), the presence of the sambulayang (set of flags), the quantity of food, the quality of the cloth, the number of days spent in the ritual, the design of the food and clothing material, the dance movement of the medium, and the kulintang music produced by the performers, the healing rite manifests social standing and artistic skill of the performers. The practise of pag-ipat tells us that regardless of Maguindanaon’s observance of Islam as official religion, some believe in the existence of ancestral spirits, mythological entities, and spirit animals which has a significant impact on their beliefs and behaviour. Thus, ritual elements increase signification and meaning-making potentials in the discourse environment because of their iconicity, indexicality, and meaning-making potentiality.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140479175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After Indonesia’s authoritarianism collapsed in 1998, the fight for independence in West Papua became diversified, focused on physical resistance and strategic international diplomatic steps. The National Committee for West Papua (Komite Nasional Papua Barat or KNPB) is an organisation that tends to use a non-physical and non-violence approach. The approach garners support from the international community as they fight for the right of self-determination for the people of West Papua. KNPB’s international diplomacy has become a sort of strategic shift in the struggle of the West Papuan people, which initially tended to be instrumental, but eventually became wider by adopting a transnational advocacy network. This study uses the theoretical framework of non-violent resistance from Gene Sharp in explaining KNPB’s movement and the transnational advocacy network from Keck and Sikkink to explain KNPB’s international political relations. This research relies on documentation studies and interviews with key figures in the struggle for Referendum and Papuan independence. KNPB has consistently linked its local actions with independence movements and the global struggle for human rights. KNPB often frames its efforts as a part of their struggle to reject violence against the people of West Papua. The non-violent resistance movements and actions carried out by KNPB are indeed directed to gain public attention, especially from the international public. Their approach aims to show the Referendum’s importance and create an international agenda related to Indonesia’s actions in West Papua.
1998年印尼威权主义垮台后，西巴布亚争取独立的斗争变得多样化，主要集中在物理抵抗和战略性国际外交步骤上。西巴布亚全国委员会(Komite Nasional Papua Barat或KNPB)是一个倾向于使用非暴力和非暴力方法的组织。在国际社会为西巴布亚人民争取自决权利的过程中，这种做法得到了国际社会的支持。KNPB的国际外交已经成为西巴布亚人民斗争的一种战略转变，最初倾向于工具性，但最终通过采用跨国倡导网络而变得更广泛。本研究使用Gene Sharp的非暴力抵抗理论框架来解释KNPB的运动，使用Keck和Sikkink的跨国倡导网络来解释KNPB的国际政治关系。这项研究依靠文献研究和对争取全民公决和巴布亚独立斗争中的关键人物的采访。KNPB一贯将其地方行动与独立运动和全球争取人权的斗争联系起来。KNPB经常将其努力描述为他们反对对西巴布亚人民使用暴力的斗争的一部分。KNPB进行的非暴力抵抗运动和行动确实是为了引起公众的注意，特别是引起国际公众的注意。他们的做法旨在表明全民公决的重要性，并制定一个与印度尼西亚在西巴布亚的行动有关的国际议程。
{"title":"Resisting Without Violence: KNPB and Transnational Advocacy Network Towards West Papua Referendum","authors":"Riedno Graal Taliawo, Valina Singka Subekti, Julian aldrian Pasha","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"After Indonesia’s authoritarianism collapsed in 1998, the fight for independence in West Papua became diversified, focused on physical resistance and strategic international diplomatic steps. The National Committee for West Papua (Komite Nasional Papua Barat or KNPB) is an organisation that tends to use a non-physical and non-violence approach. The approach garners support from the international community as they fight for the right of self-determination for the people of West Papua. KNPB’s international diplomacy has become a sort of strategic shift in the struggle of the West Papuan people, which initially tended to be instrumental, but eventually became wider by adopting a transnational advocacy network. This study uses the theoretical framework of non-violent resistance from Gene Sharp in explaining KNPB’s movement and the transnational advocacy network from Keck and Sikkink to explain KNPB’s international political relations. This research relies on documentation studies and interviews with key figures in the struggle for Referendum and Papuan independence. KNPB has consistently linked its local actions with independence movements and the global struggle for human rights. KNPB often frames its efforts as a part of their struggle to reject violence against the people of West Papua. The non-violent resistance movements and actions carried out by KNPB are indeed directed to gain public attention, especially from the international public. Their approach aims to show the Referendum’s importance and create an international agenda related to Indonesia’s actions in West Papua.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80351945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.8
Hee-Soo Lee, B. Howe
Securing higher education rights for refugees is critical not only for refugees’ selfempowerment but also for the peaceful development of communities. Qualifications recognition is a major barrier when refugees attempt to apply for work or higher education, due to missing documents or unavailability of issuing institutions in their home countries. This issue led to the 2019 Global Convention as the first global treaty on higher education. However, South Korea, a rising power with a normative policy focus, has little addressed qualifications recognition for refugees. Therefore, this research examines the extent to which South Korea, has internalised international norms regarding the provision of education for non-North Korean refugees. Then, by benchmarking the policies of Western normative middle powers, Canada, Norway, and Australia, the research analyses the strengths and limitations of existing qualifications recognition policies for refugees. The paper also refers to the existing policy for access to higher education for North Korean refugees in South Korea. It argues that South Korea should not only welcome more refugees but also develop an effective measure for the recognition of qualifications for refugees to integrate them as productive members of the society in fulfilment of its international humanitarian obligations, but also in accordance with its national interest. Lastly, this research concludes with policy recommendations for establishing a fair and effective recognition system for qualifications of refugees in South Korea, modelled on existing policies for North Korean refugees.
{"title":"Providing Access to Higher Education for Refugees: Comparative Analysis and Policy Recommendations for South Korea","authors":"Hee-Soo Lee, B. Howe","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.8","url":null,"abstract":"Securing higher education rights for refugees is critical not only for refugees’ selfempowerment but also for the peaceful development of communities. Qualifications recognition is a major barrier when refugees attempt to apply for work or higher education, due to missing documents or unavailability of issuing institutions in their home countries. This issue led to the 2019 Global Convention as the first global treaty on higher education. However, South Korea, a rising power with a normative policy focus, has little addressed qualifications recognition for refugees. Therefore, this research examines the extent to which South Korea, has internalised international norms regarding the provision of education for non-North Korean refugees. Then, by benchmarking the policies of Western normative middle powers, Canada, Norway, and Australia, the research analyses the strengths and limitations of existing qualifications recognition policies for refugees. The paper also refers to the existing policy for access to higher education for North Korean refugees in South Korea. It argues that South Korea should not only welcome more refugees but also develop an effective measure for the recognition of qualifications for refugees to integrate them as productive members of the society in fulfilment of its international humanitarian obligations, but also in accordance with its national interest. Lastly, this research concludes with policy recommendations for establishing a fair and effective recognition system for qualifications of refugees in South Korea, modelled on existing policies for North Korean refugees.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86373940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.6
Wawan Sobari
Previous studies on Javanese voters in Indonesia emphasised sociological factors, mainly religious and ethnic, in the shaping of voting decisions. Religious positions and socio-religious orientation encourage partisan politics of the voters in elections. In the democratic era, the behaviour of Javanese voters outside the area of the Javanese ethnic bases in Central Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java resulted in the same explanation. This article however argues that Javanese ethnic identity is not the foundation for decisions when selecting candidates for regional heads; instead, this foundation is based on religious similarity. This qualitative observational study examines the logic of vote shifting from the incumbent candidate to the challenger in the 2020 pilkada (elections for regional leader) of Blitar Regency, Indonesia. It reveals that emotional closeness between voters and the challenger encourages electoral shift. The closeness is built upon two aspects: voters’ involvement in tarekat (Sufi order) activities and networks that attach to both the regent and vice vice-regent candidates as well as the murid (pupil) relationship with the vice-regent candidate. Another aspect is the similarities between voters and Muslim massbased organisations (MBOs) that support the challenger. Moreover, the emotional closeness between the incumbent and their constituents explains voters’ decision to keep voting for him. Based on the fieldwork findings, emotional closeness can be interpreted as a form of attachment or loyalty that affects voters’ perceptions of candidates. Therefore, consideration of the emotional bond between voters and candidate extends the logic of Javanese voting behaviour, as previously highlighted in the explanation of religious and cultural factors.
{"title":"Non-Religious and Ethnic Orientations in the Voting Process: A Recent Study of Javanese Voters","authors":"Wawan Sobari","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.6","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies on Javanese voters in Indonesia emphasised sociological factors, mainly religious and ethnic, in the shaping of voting decisions. Religious positions and socio-religious orientation encourage partisan politics of the voters in elections. In the democratic era, the behaviour of Javanese voters outside the area of the Javanese ethnic bases in Central Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java resulted in the same explanation. This article however argues that Javanese ethnic identity is not the foundation for decisions when selecting candidates for regional heads; instead, this foundation is based on religious similarity. This qualitative observational study examines the logic of vote shifting from the incumbent candidate to the challenger in the 2020 pilkada (elections for regional leader) of Blitar Regency, Indonesia. It reveals that emotional closeness between voters and the challenger encourages electoral shift. The closeness is built upon two aspects: voters’ involvement in tarekat (Sufi order) activities and networks that attach to both the regent and vice vice-regent candidates as well as the murid (pupil) relationship with the vice-regent candidate. Another aspect is the similarities between voters and Muslim massbased organisations (MBOs) that support the challenger. Moreover, the emotional closeness between the incumbent and their constituents explains voters’ decision to keep voting for him. Based on the fieldwork findings, emotional closeness can be interpreted as a form of attachment or loyalty that affects voters’ perceptions of candidates. Therefore, consideration of the emotional bond between voters and candidate extends the logic of Javanese voting behaviour, as previously highlighted in the explanation of religious and cultural factors.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74370606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3
Elgin Glenn R. Salomon
After President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on 21 September 1972, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim secessionist rebel group based in the Mindanao and Sulu archipelago waged war against the Manila-based government leading to armed clashes with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). One of their most violent battles happened on 7 February 1974, after rebels invaded the town of Jolo, the provincial capital of Sulu in the southern Philippines. With the help of state-controlled media like Bulletin Today, this battle became an avenue for the Marcos dictatorship to legitimise its authoritarian rule. Analysing frames of the Bulletin Today newspaper on the 1974 Battle of Jolo, this study argues that in an authoritarian regime where the government controlled the flow of information, media framing played a crucial role in suppressing the rebellion which aimed to generate support from the public. Through a close reading of Bulletin Today newspaper issues from February to April 1974, this study unpacks how the Marcos-controlled media filtered, fabricated, and censored news and editorial articles to frame the 1974 Battle of Jolo to strengthen the dictator Marcos’ authoritarian legitimacy and image-making project. This study suggests that the Marcos government discredited the MNLF by labelling them as Maoist Muslims. Attaching such connotations to the secessionist group, the regime framed the group as bearers of harmful behaviour and a threat to the goals and values that Filipino society upholds. The Bulletin Today also underlined the competence of the Philippine military and the constabulary in dealing with the crisis. However, the regime also censored pertinent information about the battle, including their role in the bombing and burning of Jolo.
{"title":"Legitimising Martial Law: Framing The 1974 Battle of Jolo (Sulu, Philippines) in the Bulletin Today Newspaper","authors":"Elgin Glenn R. Salomon","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"After President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on 21 September 1972, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim secessionist rebel group based in the Mindanao and Sulu archipelago waged war against the Manila-based government leading to armed clashes with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). One of their most violent battles happened on 7 February 1974, after rebels invaded the town of Jolo, the provincial capital of Sulu in the southern Philippines. With the help of state-controlled media like Bulletin Today, this battle became an avenue for the Marcos dictatorship to legitimise its authoritarian rule. Analysing frames of the Bulletin Today newspaper on the 1974 Battle of Jolo, this study argues that in an authoritarian regime where the government controlled the flow of information, media framing played a crucial role in suppressing the rebellion which aimed to generate support from the public. Through a close reading of Bulletin Today newspaper issues from February to April 1974, this study unpacks how the Marcos-controlled media filtered, fabricated, and censored news and editorial articles to frame the 1974 Battle of Jolo to strengthen the dictator Marcos’ authoritarian legitimacy and image-making project. This study suggests that the Marcos government discredited the MNLF by labelling them as Maoist Muslims. Attaching such connotations to the secessionist group, the regime framed the group as bearers of harmful behaviour and a threat to the goals and values that Filipino society upholds. The Bulletin Today also underlined the competence of the Philippine military and the constabulary in dealing with the crisis. However, the regime also censored pertinent information about the battle, including their role in the bombing and burning of Jolo.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75657087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.7
Nitcha Petchpul, Douglas Rhein
Previous studies on the general public’s perception of self-harm have focused on “nonsuicidal self-injury” (NSSI). Research on “deliberate self-harm” (DSH) as a form of impulsive non-lethal suicide has rarely been examined. To address the paucity of literature available within the Asian context, the present study examined the Thai general public’s perception toward acts of DSH in the context of failed suicide attempts. The central question of this study is “how do members of the Thai general public perceive impulsive acts of DSH with suicidal intent?” One hundred twenty-six Thais completed the attribution model of public discrimination questionnaire as adopted from a study by Corrigan et al. (2003). The present study employed two vignettes and compared male and female responses to acts of DSH. Assessments were made in regards to the attribution of: 1) personal responsibility beliefs (PRB); 2) affective responses (e.g., pity, anger, and fear); and 3) coercionsegregation responses toward persons who committed acts of DSH. Independent sample t-test showed a significant difference in Thai men and women’s attribution of helping responses.
以往关于公众自我伤害认知的研究主要集中在“非自杀性自我伤害”(non - suicide self injury，简称NSSI)上。关于“故意自残”(DSH)作为一种冲动性非致命性自杀形式的研究很少被研究。为了解决亚洲背景下文献的缺乏，本研究调查了泰国公众对自杀未遂背景下DSH行为的看法。本研究的核心问题是“泰国公众如何看待有自杀意图的DSH冲动行为?”126名泰国人完成了Corrigan et al.(2003)采用的公众歧视问卷归因模型。本研究采用了两个小片段，比较了男性和女性对DSH行为的反应。在以下方面进行了评估:1)个人责任信念(PRB);2)情感反应(如怜悯、愤怒和恐惧);3)对实施自杀行为的人的强制隔离反应。独立样本t检验显示泰国男性和女性对帮助反应的归因有显著差异。
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Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.4
Charity Lee
The tendency to frame refugees as problems and threats has often fuelled negative attitudes among residents of the host countries towards refugees. This can contribute to overall hostile dominant discourses surrounding asylum seekers and refugees. Guided by narrative analysis, this article examines how refugees living in Malaysia cope with stigma through their personal narratives of the refugee experience. The topic is particularly relevant in the Malaysian context due to an increase in recent years in the visibility and the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia, of whom about 182,780 are registered but have no legal status, leading to barriers to protection rights and assistance during their displacement. The narratives presented here provide some description of how refugees in Malaysia experience stigma and the ways in which they have navigated hostile situations. More importantly, the narratives display awareness of the stigmatised identities imposed on refugees and illustrate the range of narrative strategies available to refugees to resist and offer alternative ways of being. These strategies include blaming or rejecting the discrimination, appropriating the Malaysian identity, assuming the good citizen identity, and passing for another person.
{"title":"Narratives of Resistance Towards Stigmatised Refugee Identities in Malaysia","authors":"Charity Lee","doi":"10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2023.19.2.4","url":null,"abstract":"The tendency to frame refugees as problems and threats has often fuelled negative attitudes among residents of the host countries towards refugees. This can contribute to overall hostile dominant discourses surrounding asylum seekers and refugees. Guided by narrative analysis, this article examines how refugees living in Malaysia cope with stigma through their personal narratives of the refugee experience. The topic is particularly relevant in the Malaysian context due to an increase in recent years in the visibility and the numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia, of whom about 182,780 are registered but have no legal status, leading to barriers to protection rights and assistance during their displacement. The narratives presented here provide some description of how refugees in Malaysia experience stigma and the ways in which they have navigated hostile situations. More importantly, the narratives display awareness of the stigmatised identities imposed on refugees and illustrate the range of narrative strategies available to refugees to resist and offer alternative ways of being. These strategies include blaming or rejecting the discrimination, appropriating the Malaysian identity, assuming the good citizen identity, and passing for another person.","PeriodicalId":42665,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84049772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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