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SUICIDALITY: COLLEGE STUDENTS’ ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOURS IN MALAYSIA 自杀:马来西亚大学生的态度和行为
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.7
Meg Milligan, H. See, Hall P. Beck, Sherrionda H. Crawford, Kanessa Miller Doss
The World Health Organization (WHO) identifies suicidality, the experience of suicidal thoughts or behaviour including attempts, as an ongoing global public health concern. The WHO estimated that more than 79% of suicides in 2016 occurred in low to middle income nations, with 60% of these occurring in Asia. Suicides are often underreported and misclassified as death by other causes. As a result, obtaining accurate information is difficult. This problem is exacerbated in developing countries facing limited budgets, legislative barriers, and social stigma. These realities place greater responsibility on researchers to collect and interpret data. This study addressed this issue in a sample of 176 college students in Malaysia. The Suicide Behaviours Questionnaire-Revised (SBQ-R), which examines individual attitudes and behaviour concerning suicide, was administered and demographic information was collected on gender, age, ethnicity, and religion. Data were analysed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS, version 25). Results showed no significant gender effects, but there were significant differences across religions. This is discussed in terms of buffering effects and minority-majority status. This study increases knowledge about suicidality among college students in Malaysia, a high-risk group. Recommendations for prevention and intervention and future research are included.
世界卫生组织(世卫组织)确定自杀,即有自杀念头或行为的经历,包括企图自杀,是一个持续存在的全球公共卫生问题。世卫组织估计,2016年超过79%的自杀事件发生在中低收入国家,其中60%发生在亚洲。自杀往往被少报,并被错误地归类为其他原因导致的死亡。因此,很难获得准确的信息。在预算有限、立法障碍和社会污名化的发展中国家,这一问题更加严重。这些现实要求研究人员承担更大的责任来收集和解释数据。本研究在马来西亚的176名大学生样本中解决了这个问题。自杀行为问卷修订版(SBQ-R)检查了个人对自杀的态度和行为,并收集了性别、年龄、种族和宗教等人口统计信息。数据分析使用社会科学统计软件包(SPSS,版本25)。结果显示没有显著的性别影响,但宗教之间存在显著差异。这是根据缓冲效果和少数多数地位来讨论的。本研究增加了马来西亚大学生这一高危群体对自杀的认识。建议预防和干预和未来的研究。
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引用次数: 0
THE LIMITS OF A LABEL: FRAMING EASTERN ASIA’S TERRITORIAL CONFLICTS FOR A U.S.-AMERICAN AUDIENCE 标签的局限:为美国观众构建东亚领土冲突
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.1
Ethan Yorgason
This article explores limits to the framing power of several important short terms and phrases typically used within eastern Asia’s international politics. It conceptualises these labels as terminological frames. As frames, these terms/phrases help to set agendas, categorise, emphasise certain perspectives while excluding others from view, and ultimately shape opinions about controversial issues within international politics. Yet, I argue, the limits of frames have been insufficiently explored, especially as frames are taken to new audiences whose understanding of the broader discourses associated with the issues are weaker than that of the original audience. Do these terms still produce framing effects outside of eastern Asia? The study relied on a short survey of 800 U.S.-Americans. Respondents answered differing versions of questions relating to eastern Asian maritime politics in order to ascertain whether the wording and labels used affect evaluation of political issues. Specifically, the survey sought to determine whether use of East Sea vs. Sea of Japan, Northern Territories vs. Southern Kurils, and South China Sea vs. East Sea affected views of maritime disputes and issues relating to Korea, Japan, Russia, China/Taiwan, and Vietnam. It also explored whether an increasingly central phrase in eastern Asia’s maritime territorial disputes—“inherent territory”—presented a stronger claim than other possible phrases claiming territory. Survey results showed no statistical difference through use of one term or label over another. Thus, a certain type of limit to the power of these terminological frames was found. Nevertheless, the survey additionally demonstrated that producing framing effects required only a slight addition to the terminology, confirming the ease of framing international political issues to partisan effect.
本文探讨了东亚国际政治中通常使用的几个重要的短期术语和短语的框架能力的限制。它将这些标签概念化为术语框架。作为框架,这些术语/短语有助于设定议程,分类,强调某些观点,同时排除其他观点,并最终形成对国际政治中有争议问题的看法。然而,我认为,框架的局限性尚未得到充分的探索,特别是当框架被带到新的受众时,这些受众对与问题相关的更广泛话语的理解比原始受众弱。这些术语在东亚以外还会产生框架效应吗?这项研究基于对800名美国人的简短调查。受访者回答了与东亚海洋政治有关的不同版本的问题,以确定所使用的措辞和标签是否影响对政治问题的评估。具体而言,该调查旨在确定东海与日本海、北方领土与南千岛群岛、南中国海与东海的使用是否影响了对海洋争端和与韩国、日本、俄罗斯、中国/台湾、越南有关的问题的看法。报告还探讨了在东亚海洋领土争端中日益重要的一个短语——“固有领土”——是否比其他可能的领土主张短语更有说服力。调查结果显示,通过使用一个术语或标签对另一个术语或标签没有统计差异。因此,发现了这些术语框架的力量的某种类型的限制。然而,调查还表明,产生框架效应只需要稍微增加术语,这证实了将国际政治问题框定为党派效应的容易程度。
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引用次数: 0
“THE MARGINAL ENEMY”: THE IMAGE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF MALAYA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE THAI STATE, 1948–1989 “边缘敌人”:1948-1989年泰国政府视角下的马来亚共产党形象
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.9
Thippaporn Inkum, Hui Ling Ho
The Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), also known colloquially among Thais as “the Chinese Communists” or “the Chinese Communist of Malaya,” was an anti-government paramilitary group that was active during the Cold War. In the context of the Cold War, successive Thai governments saw the CPM as an opposition group, but lesser in importance than the other threats it faced, such as the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) and the separatist movements operating in the same area of operation as the CPM. At the same time, the CPM was the last communist group to disband (around 1989), despite the Thai government’s policy of amnesty, which began in 1981 under Order 66/23. This article argues that the Thai authorities viewed the CPM as a “marginal enemy” in terms of its geographical remoteness on the Thai-Malaysian border and security priority. As a result of this lower security priority, the Thai government approached the CPM as a threat that could be dealt with through negotiations and political means rather than military suppression. It was arguably this different perspective that led to the divergent strategies between the central governments of Thailand and Malaysia vis-à vis the CPM threat.
马来亚共产党(CPM),也被泰国人口头称为“中国共产党”或“马来亚中国共产党”,是一个活跃于冷战时期的反政府准军事组织。在冷战的背景下,历届泰国政府都将CPM视为一个反对派组织,但其重要性低于它所面临的其他威胁,如泰国共产党(CPT)和与CPM在同一地区活动的分离主义运动。与此同时,CPM是最后一个解散的共产主义组织(1989年左右),尽管泰国政府在1981年根据66/23号命令开始实行大赦政策。本文认为,泰国当局视缅共为“边缘敌人”,因为其地理位置偏远,位于泰马边境,且安全优先。由于安全优先级较低,泰国政府将CPM视为威胁,可以通过谈判和政治手段而不是军事镇压来解决。可以说,正是这种不同的观点导致了泰国和马来西亚中央政府对马共威胁的不同策略。
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引用次数: 0
FROM A WILLING GOOD COP TO A RELUCTANT BAD COP: THE (D)EVOLUTION OF UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS ON NORTH KOREA 从心甘情愿的好警察到不情愿的坏警察:联合国对朝鲜制裁的演变
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.3
Heesu Lee, Sunil Kim
This study posits that the ineffective and futile efforts of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to contain North Korean nuclear ambition are a result of the United States (U.S.) consistently and strategically developing its sanctions regimes, rather than the limited implementation of the UNSC’s measures or by the non-compliance of China and Russia, the two North Korean-leaning permanent UNSC members. The U.S/ has endeavoured to maximise its strategic leverage against North Korea by consolidating bilateral channels to increase its foreign policy capacity and flexibility, instead of reinforcing multilateral pressures through the UNSC. Although both the U.S. and the UNSC share the goal of nuclear non-proliferation in Northeast Asia, the former deliberately exploited the deficient decision making process of the latter to maximise its foreign policy flexibility. Consequently, the U.S. has flexibly pursued both engagement and containment of North Korea while maintaining its hard-line stance against it at the UNSC, whereas the UNSC’s sanctions on North Korea have gradually become rigid and inflexible, without achieving tangible outcomes. We argue that the U.S.’s unilateral use of sanctions against North Korea is building on its instrumental use of the UNSC’s multilateral framework, which has significantly lost its legitimacy and effectiveness amid the looming U.S.-China rivalry over hegemony in Asia.
本研究认为,联合国安理会(UNSC)遏制朝鲜核野心的无效和徒劳的努力是美国一贯和战略性地发展其制裁制度的结果,而不是联合国安理会措施的有限执行或中国和俄罗斯这两个倾向于朝鲜的安理会常任理事国的不遵守。美国一直在努力通过巩固双边渠道来提高其外交政策的能力和灵活性,而不是通过联合国安理会加强多边压力,从而最大限度地发挥其对朝鲜的战略影响力。虽然美国和联合国安理会都有东北亚核不扩散的共同目标,但美国故意利用后者决策过程的缺陷,使其外交政策的灵活性最大化。因此,美国在安理会维持强硬立场的同时,灵活地对北韩进行接触和遏制,而联合国安理会对北韩的制裁却逐渐变得僵硬和僵化,没有取得切实的成果。我们认为,美国单方面对北韩实施制裁,是建立在工具性地利用联合国安理会多边框架的基础上的。在美中亚洲霸权竞争日益加剧的情况下,联合国安理会多边框架已明显失去了合法性和有效性。
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引用次数: 0
DWI ARDHANARISWARI SUNDRIJO. REGIONALIZING GLOBAL HUMAN RIGHTS NORMS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. SWITZERLAND: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2021. Dwi ardhanariswari sundrijo。将东南亚的全球人权规范区域化。瑞士:palgrave macmillan, 2021。
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.10
Benjamin Baguio Mangila
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引用次数: 0
JOHN C. WAKEFIELD (ED.). CANTONESE AS A SECOND LANGUAGE: ISSUES, EXPERIENCES AND SUGGESTIONS FOR TEACHING AND LEARNING. ABINGDON, OXON: ROUTLEDGE, 2019. 约翰c韦克菲尔德(编)。广东话作为第二语言:教学的问题、经验和建议。阿宾顿,牛津:劳特利奇出版社,2019。
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-01-25 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.11
Jyh Wee Sew
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引用次数: 0
A retrospective on the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage 回顾亚太地区水下文化遗产会议
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2021.17.2.7
Michelle M. Damian
November 8th to 12th, 2011, marked the first targeted gathering of people involved in researching, managing, and developing underwater cultural heritage (UCH) in the Asia-Pacific region. Since then, the Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage (APCONF) has been convened every three years, providing a unique opportunity to bring together members of government agencies, universities, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), intergovernmental organisations (IGOs), museums, the private sector, and the wider community. Participants from over 35 countries have attended the conference, making it a truly international endeavour. The APCONF was created in part to promote awareness of UCH on a wider scale. As such, one of the primary directives of the inaugural conference was to ensure that all papers presented would be recorded in full in the official conference proceedings, so as to establish an ongoing archive of the critical work being done in this region. This article will examine the wider benefits of creating this regional network through the APCONF, arguing that it provides an important venue for face-to-face networking that can lead to additional collaborations, and contributes to the understanding of how the conference may evolve in the future. The fact that the APCONF is not tied to a specific membership base provides not only unusual flexibility but also financial and infrastructural unsurety. The conference is organised by a group of dedicated volunteers and funded almost entirely by donations. As we stop to consider the first decade of the APCONF’s achievements, we also need to determine the best ways to ensure its sustainable future success.
2011年11月8日至12日,亚太地区水下文化遗产(UCH)的研究、管理和开发人员首次有针对性地聚集在一起。从那时起,亚太地区水下文化遗产会议(APCONF)每三年召开一次,为政府机构、大学、非政府组织(ngo)、政府间组织(igo)、博物馆、私营部门和更广泛的社区成员提供了一个独特的机会。来自35个国家的代表出席了会议,使其成为一项真正的国际努力。APCONF的成立部分是为了在更大范围内促进对联合教育的认识。因此,首次会议的主要指示之一是确保将提交的所有文件全部记录在正式的会议记录中,以便建立一个关于本区域正在进行的重要工作的持续档案。本文将探讨通过APCONF创建该区域网络的更广泛的好处,认为它为面对面的网络提供了一个重要的场所,可以带来更多的合作,并有助于了解会议未来的发展方向。事实上,APCONF并不局限于特定的成员基础,这不仅提供了不同寻常的灵活性,也带来了财务和基础设施方面的不确定性。会议由一群热心的志愿者组织,资金几乎全部来自捐赠。在回顾亚太经合组织会议第一个十年的成就时,我们还需要确定确保其未来可持续成功的最佳途径。
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引用次数: 0
Continuity and Transformation of Rural Communal Temples in Vietnam: A Case Study of Tân Chánh Village, Long An Province 越南农村公共寺庙的延续与转型——以龙安省t<s:1> n Chánh村为例
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2021.17.2.10
Thi Phuong Ngo, Ngoc Tho Nguyen
Vietnamese communal temples (đình làng) were primarily established with two functions: (1) as a state-patronised institution to organise and control the village politically and culturally and (2) as a place of worship of village deities and meritorious predecessors. Both functions interact and complement each other – in many cases, the second serves as both a “means” and “technique” to deploy the first. However, nowadays the administrative role is no longer available; instead, the spiritual aspects are on the rise as a response to the increasing interaction of Buddhism, Caodaism, and folk beliefs as well as the impact of economic development and urban migration. Village elders learn to organise the temple into a communal socio-cultural institution, whereby cross-village temples have formed a cultural nexus of “power”. This study finds that while several transformed into the form of “temple of heroes”, Tân Chánh temple has been mobilised and transformed into a civic “religious and socio-cultural centre” at the grassroots level. The socio-economic background of the area has caused such transformation. While the practical demand for communication and emotional exchanges among village members vividly ensures the continuity of the temple’s tradition, the loss of direct state control paves the way for its transformation. Both continuity and transformation govern the current religious activities of Tân Chánh temple but there is always a challenge to compromise and integrate these two directions. However, the remaining function of god worship by which rituals are performed as “cultural agents” still binds the villagers together and gives them access to crossing boundaries.
越南的公共寺庙(đình làng)主要有两个功能:(1)作为国家资助的机构,在政治和文化上组织和控制村庄;(2)作为崇拜村庄神灵和功勋前辈的地方。这两个功能相互作用并相互补充——在许多情况下,第二个功能既是部署第一个功能的“手段”又是“技术”。然而,如今行政角色不再可用;相反,由于佛教、佛教和民间信仰之间的互动日益频繁,以及经济发展和城市移民的影响,精神方面的影响正在上升。村里的长老学会将寺庙组织成一个公共的社会文化机构,由此跨村的寺庙形成了一种“权力”的文化联系。本研究发现,虽然有几座寺庙转型为“英雄庙”的形式,但仍有一座庙在基层动员起来,转型为公民的“宗教和社会文化中心”。该地区的社会经济背景造成了这种转变。村民之间沟通和情感交流的实际需求生动地保证了寺庙传统的延续,而国家直接控制的丧失为其转型铺平了道路。传承与变革是 n Chánh寺当前宗教活动的主攻方向,但如何将这两个方向折衷、融合始终是一个挑战。然而,作为“文化媒介”进行仪式的神崇拜的剩余功能仍然将村民联系在一起,并使他们能够跨越边界。
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引用次数: 1
People and the Sea: A Values Perspective in the Conservation Management of Maritime Heritage in the Philippines 人与海:菲律宾海洋遗产保护管理的价值视角
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2021.17.2.3
K. Lim, B. C. Orillaneda, C. King
As demonstrated in archaeology, underwater cultural heritage (UCH) has provided significant contributions towards the understanding of heritage connections across the globe. However, the development of the discipline in the Philippines has also been hampered by confusing legalities, treasure hunting activities, and financial constraints that diminish the influence of its impact and potential reach. More so, the effects of natural hazards, climate change, and other human activities on UCH have not yet been fully documented, making it more susceptible to potential threats and destruction. The COVID-19 pandemic makes archaeological campaigns and monitoring even more difficult. These considerations make Philippine UCH vulnerable and raise questions whether its contribution will still be relevant for the present and future generations. This article provides a status update of underwater archaeological activities and synthesises the challenges of managing UCH in the Philippines in the past 40 years. It outlines the practices, partnerships, and transitions made by various stakeholders in response to the growing discipline and community interest. This article problematises the value ascription of these stakeholders to UCH as seen in conventional arrangements, development of policies, and bureaucratic set-ups. The applicability of the values-led theory and the people-centred management model is examined given the traditional valuing of UCH that is material or fabric-based. The gaps pointed here are opportunities to build a shared stewardship view that connects UCH in the entirety of people and the sea wellbeing.
正如考古学所证明的那样,水下文化遗产(UCH)为理解全球遗产之间的联系做出了重大贡献。然而,该学科在菲律宾的发展也受到法律混乱、寻宝活动和财政限制的阻碍,这些限制削弱了其影响和潜在范围的影响。更重要的是,自然灾害、气候变化和其他人类活动对UCH的影响尚未得到充分的记录,使其更容易受到潜在的威胁和破坏。COVID-19大流行使考古活动和监测变得更加困难。这些考虑使菲律宾联合利华易受伤害,并提出疑问,它的贡献是否仍然与今世后代有关。本文提供了水下考古活动的现状更新,并综合了过去40年来菲律宾管理水下考古的挑战。它概述了各种利益相关者为响应不断增长的纪律和社区利益而做出的实践、伙伴关系和转变。本文提出了这些利益相关者在传统安排、政策制定和官僚机构设置中对UCH的价值归属问题。考虑到以材料或织物为基础的传统价值,审查了价值主导理论和以人为中心的管理模式的适用性。这里指出的差距是建立一个共同的管理观点的机会,将人类和海洋的整体健康联系起来。
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引用次数: 1
Unruly Puppets: Producing the Urban Poor in a Bangladeshi Television Idol Competition 不守规矩的木偶:在孟加拉国电视偶像比赛中制作城市贫民
IF 0.3 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-07-30 DOI: 10.21315/ijaps2021.17.2.8
Din M. Sumon Rahman
Magic Tin Chakar Taroka (Magic Three-Wheeler Star) or Tin Chaka (Three- Wheeler) is a reality competition to find music talent exclusively from the urban poor of Dhaka city. This programme was shown on Bangladeshi satellite television in 2008. The present article is an ethnographic exploration of the Tin Chaka event which demonstrates how the cultural identity of the urban poor in Dhaka has been performed by the production of ordinary celebrities in the visual media. In doing so, a combination of on-screen and off-screen observations were undertaken for a period of six months which was complemented by semiological interpretation of adverts, jingles and other visual materials. In this article, I argue that, despite its admirable inclusivity and thereby remarkably instant acceptance by the audience, the reason behind the discontinuation of Tin Chaka in following years lies in the inscriptions of the show as a charitable undertaking, an act which has often been performed in the reality television programmes in the name of “democratisation”.
Magic Tin Chakar Taroka (Magic Three-Wheeler Star)或Tin Chaka (Three- Wheeler)是一个现实竞争,专门从达卡市的城市穷人中寻找音乐人才。该节目于2008年在孟加拉国卫星电视台播出。本文是对Tin Chaka事件的民族志探索,它展示了达卡城市贫民的文化认同是如何通过视觉媒体中普通名人的制作来表现的。在此过程中,在为期六个月的时间里,对屏幕上和屏幕外的观察进行了结合,并辅以对广告、广告歌和其他视觉材料的符号学解释。在这篇文章中,我认为,尽管它令人钦佩的包容性,并因此得到了观众的迅速接受,但在接下来的几年里,《天查卡》停播的原因在于,该节目被列为慈善事业,这是一种经常在真人秀节目中以“民主化”的名义进行的行为。
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引用次数: 0
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International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies
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